NOTES

Introduction 1 . Here, and everywhere thereafter, the page citations refer to the Italian copy of the Decameron edited by Vittore Branca for Einaudi in 1980. Translations into English are always my own. 2 . Realtà e stile nel Decameron. 3 . Vita di forme e forme di vita nel Decameron . 4 . Many important articles by Branca are collected in Boccaccio medievale (first edition 1956, revised edition 1970). See also Giovanni Boccaccio , and the critical apparatus for the edited volume of the Decameron edited by Einaudi (1980). 5 . See for example his “Funzioni, opposizioni e simmetrie nella giornata VII del Decameron .” 6 . Il privilegio di Dioneo . L’eccezione e la regola nel sistema Decameron . 7 . Among structuralist analyses of the Decameron, one would be remiss in forgetting the contributions of the Russian Viktor Shklovsky and the Bulgarian, naturalized French, critic Tzvetan Todorov. 8 . I hereby adopt the term and rationale used by Dino Cervigni in discuss- ing the elements of the narration that surround and are indispensable to make sense of the Decameron as a whole. Rather than talking of “frame story,” Cervigni suggests that the Proem, the Introduction, the descrip- tion of the Plague, the events that take place between the storytellers, and the ballads between narrative days, constitute an overarching tale without which the Decameron would be unintelligible (“The Decameron ’s All-Encompassing Discourse” 23). 9 . Articles and books by Joan Ferrante (“Narrative Patterns,” 1978), Millicent Marcus ( An Allegory of Form , 1979), Joy Hambuechen Potter (1982), Giuseppe Mazzotta (World at Play, 1986), Janet Smarr ( Boccaccio and Fiammetta , 1986), Teodolinda Barolini (“Le parole son femmine,” 1993), and Victoria Kirkham ( The Sign of Reason , 1993), up to the more recent analyses by Marilyn Migiel ( A Rhetoric of the Decameron, 2003) and Michael Sherberg ( The Governance of Friendship , 2011) attest to this renewed critical attention dedicated to the author and his masterpiece. 10 . This difficulty seems confirmed by the number of multiauthored, edited volumes that in the past 20 years have supplemented monographic studies 198 NOTES

on the Decameron both in Italy and in Anglo-American circles. Aside from the recently published volume by Cervigni (2013) cited earlier in the Introduction, one can refer to the edited volumes by Barberi Squarotti (Prospettive sul Decameron); Bragantini and Forni; Ciabattoni and Forni; Cottino-Jones and Tuttle; Picone ( Autori e lettori del Boccaccio ); Picone and Mesirca; Psaki and Stillinger; and Weaver. 11 . The first to notice a break between the two halves of the Decameron was Ferdinando Neri in the 1930s. For him, the first half of the book is thematically centered on the whimsical nature of chance, while the sec- ond, as I too suggest, revolves around the clever use of one’s words and mind to solve difficult situations (79). Among others who discuss this structural break, see Badini Confalonieri; Cuomo; Fido, “Archittettura”; Freedman; Mazzotta (“The Decameron ”); Papio; Picone (Boccaccio e la codi- ficazione della novella 22–25); Stewart (“La novella di madonna Oretta”); and Van der Voort. 12 . I am fully cognizant that translating the Italian onesto diletto as “hon- est enjoyment” is a misnomer, guilty of that most banal of translation errors, false friendship. Onesto , especially in its medieval connotations, is a complex term that subsumes the public concept of (male) honor and honorable deeds and, as it pertains to women, the related idea of public propriety and virtue, especially as it relates to sexual chastity. As such, the adjective onesto/a , and the related noun onestà , might be better translated as “honorable/virtuous” and “honor/virtue/chastity” respectively (and their opposite disonesto/disonest à as “shameful/shame”). I have chosen, however, to maintain from time to time the false equivalency in the text (where I sometimes replace the noun onest à with “virtuous honesty”) because, for one, it serves as a reminder of the terms as they appear in the Italian original; for two, it subsumes the multifarious valences tied to the Latin honestum and the Italian onest à under an easily recognizable umbrella concept (I elaborate further on these concepts in chapter 3). 13 . The concept of equality among the members of the brigata has been the object of studies by Michael Sherberg (The Governance of Friendship ) and Pier Massimo Forni (“Retorica del reale”). While in general it is true that each queen or king of the brigata shares equal responsibilities, it is also true that Dioneo often undermines the other rulers’ authority.

1 Galeotto: A Prologue by Way of the Proem 1 . Citations are from the Einaudi edition of the Decameron curated by Vittore Branca (1980). I have provided the original Italian of passages where words and meanings that are central to my argumentation appear. Conversely, I have translated all other texts in Italian or languages other than English. 2 . For the Decameron ’s numerology as it pertains to Dante and medieval thought, see Cardini 78–79. NOTES 199

3 . For Dante’ presence in the Decameron see Bettinzoli; Hollander, Boccaccio’s Dante and the Shaping Force of Satire ; and Padoan, “Il Boccaccio fedele.” With regard to Dantean influences in the Proem and Introduction, see Franco Fido’s “Dante, personaggio mancato del Decameron ”; as well as Hollander, Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 103–106; and Kirkham, The Sign of Reason 7–10. 4 . Of this opinion were, in the 1970s, two of Boccaccio’s most distinguished scholars, Giuseppe Mazzotta (“The Decameron ” 68–69) and, following his lead, Robert Hollander, whose argument ends with the admonish- ment: “Reader, beware, here is a book that has the power to move you to lust” ( Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 106). 5 . Battaglia Ricci takes Millard Meiss’ opinion (in Painting in Florence ) that the fresco dates to the post-1348, Black Death period as her point of departure (though Meiss later revised his dating of the fresco in “Notable Disturbances”). Citing the evidence adduced by art critics Joseph Polzer, Luciano Bellosi, and Antonino Caleca, she shows that the fresco was completed between 1335 and 1342, thus prior to the composition of the Decameron (Battaglia Ricci 12–13). 6 . The Dominican friar Jacopo Passavanti was director of construction for the church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence in 1340–1341, before becoming its prior around 1350. The spirited homilies he delivered dur- ing Lent of 1354 preach penance and sacrifice for one’s salvation and are collected in the only book attributed to him, Lo specchio di vera penitenza . 7 . I have used the translation of the Esposizioni by Michael Papio. I have added, after the canto and paragraph number, a reference to the page in Papio’s translation where the passage occurs. 8 . The da Polenta hosted Dante in 1318, after the Inferno was published (first documented existence in 1317). Thus, his representation of Paolo and Francesca was not revocable, even if the da Polenta had corrected him about the accuracy of the historical facts. While Boccaccio’s version of the events could be closer to the historical truth, I argue here for his undermining of Dante’s auctoritas . Given Dante’s fame when Boccaccio delivers the Esposizioni to the Florentine public, and the widespread belief among some of his (Boccaccio’s) contemporaries that Dante’s book was divinely inspired, by arguing for an error in Dante’s story, Boccaccio’s reading is clearly subversive. 9 . For similar positive assessments of the Arthurian tradition, see Barbiellini Amidei’s recent contribution (“Echi arturiani nel Boccaccio”), as well as Luciano Rossi’s “Paratesto” 37. 10 . Marco Veglia shares, at least partially, this reading of Battaglia Ricci’s analysis. For him, however, “the unspoken assumption of the scholar lies in the belief that, in Dante, responsibility for the error lies in the book as Galeotto not in Paolo and Francesca. Boccaccio was therefore trying to rescue the world of the courts signaling in the title his parodic, nay polemic, intentions toward Dante” (102, emphasis in original). I examine 200 NOTES

Veglia’s analysis later in the chapter, for it provides a middle ground between Boccaccio’s and Dante’s worldviews. 11 . For an overall view of the influence of Ovid on Boccaccio’s Proem, see also Hollander, Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 112–116; Rossi, “Paratesto”; and Smarr, “Ovid and Boccaccio.” 12 . These are the exact dynamics, as we shall see in chapter 7, that Boccaccio attributes to the beginnings of the love between Florio and Biancifiore in his earlier work the Filocolo , providing evidence that the author under- stood the dangers that books about love, read without well-developed intellectual and spiritual education, could cause for their readers. 13 . For an alternative reading, see Millicent Marcus’ view that the Decameron ’s mention of galeotto functions as a warning to protect “his public from the consequences of guilty knowledge,” and is therefore the “anti-Galeotto, filled with harmless delights for that public which limits its responses to the confines of the written page” (“Seduction by Silence” 13). 14 . On the tradition of go-betweens in medieval literature, see Gretchen Mieszkowski’s Medieval Go-Betweens and Chaucer’s Pandarus , where the author discusses the numerous characters who take on this function both in forceful sexual conquest of women and in the less frequent desire of lovers for the consensual fulfillment of their relationship. 15 . Richard Kuhns argues for the latter valence. Claiming that Galeotto means “pimp,” and thus the Decameron and his author act as “Prince of Pimps” (22), he suggests that this particular pimp acknowledges both the function of erotic vitality in cognition and the subversive intentions of texts that are meant to upset the worldview of his time, especially as it pertains to religion and women’s roles (108–109). While Kuhns’ interpretations are sometimes based on readings that are far-fetched, he is one of the few critics for whom eroticism in the Decameron is not just a smokescreen, but essential for interpretation. 16 . For the argument to work, we must assume that neither Dante nor Boccaccio knew who authored the Lancelot propre . There is no evidence in their writings that they did. The adventures that comprise the Cycle of Lancelot were oral and written stories that different scribes compiled together, thus producing a corpus of dubious authorship. 17 . Rossi also points out that, in showing that his book lacks a title in the Introduction to Day IV, Boccaccio specifically points to this textual peculiarity, while referencing intertextually Ovid’s “erotic” works, since the Roman author had mentioned in the Tristia that they hide their title and sit to the side, shameful of what they propose (“Paratesto” 37–38). See also Hollander, Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 115. 18 . For a different kind of openness associated with the text that refers to the different levels at which the Decameron could be read by an audience that might include both literati and “women in love,” see Simone Marchesi’s analysis of “allusive stratification” in the description of the Plague and throughout the text, including, within the context of my argument, a NOTES 201

brief analysis of Francesca’s misreading in the Inferno (Stratigrafie decamero- niane ix-xxii). 19 . That Boccaccio encourages the readers to do the opposite of what Francesca and Paolo did (e.g., stop reading) emerges soon thereafter in the Introduction, when the authorial voice warns the women that they must endure some noia (pain, annoyance) before they reach the good part of the narration, but that hopefully this will not scare them from read- ing further on: “Ma non voglio per ci ò che questo di pi ú avanti leggere vi spaventi” [But I hope this will not scare you from reading further] (Decameron 13). By paraphrasing Francesca’s words (“quel giorno più non leggemmo avante” [that day we read no further]), Boccaccio underscores the different function that galeotto has in his narration. For a different reading of galeotto and the title, see Stillinger, especially 39–41.

2 Contested Interlude: The Plague 1 . For the distance that exists in Boccaccio’s work between the historical author Boccaccio and the author-as-narrator who appears in his work, see Fido, “Archittettura” 14; Flasch 75–76; Hollander, Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 96–102; Picone, Boccaccio e la codificazione della novella , 29–30; and Smarr, Boccaccio and Fiammetta 5–8. The last three, in particular, point to the ironic distance that emerges between Boccaccio and his narrators, which make more difficult the attempts to have the author’s point of view coincide with that of his narrators/characters. 2 . See Branca’s commentary to this episode (Decameron 12 n. 10), but also Boccaccio medievale , chapters I and II ; and Baratto 16–17. 3 . Herein lies another difference between Boccaccio and Dante: while Dante’s pilgrim must descend and abase himself before he can begin the ascent through the mountain of Purgatory and into the heavenly spheres, Boccaccio’s readers face a sharp, short climb and an equally brief descent, before experiencing the extended pleasurable plateau of the overarching tale’s and brigata ’s narrations. 4 . “Through the ten days in which the one hundred stories are ordered, he wanted to represent the measure that man gives of his capacity for good and evil. And he depicted this man in an ideal itinerary that, starting with a reproach of vices (Day I), concludes in the exaltation of virtue (Day X)” (Giovanni Boccaccio 81). See also by the same author Boccaccio medievale 101. For a pointed critique of the ascensional camp, see Luperini 14. 5 . Giovanni Getto, for example, begins his analysis of the Introduction threading on the worn path of those for whom the Plague is a pretext to justify how the characters of the overarching tale met and moved to the countryside to narrate their stories (Vita di forme 9). He then adduces as a second motive Boccaccio’s alleged “genetic” fidelity to historical fact, which pushes him to start from a historical event and contrast it with the beauty of his fictional world (10). The result is that the “breakdown 202 NOTES

of social bonds caused by the Plague [is] surpassed by the wonderfully serene and proper sociality recomposed by the ten youths,” in which we can find the “lyrical central motive of the entire Decameron ” (11). See also Mazzotta, World at Play 26–28, 40–41. 6 . Giorgio Barberi Squarotti believes that Boccaccio’s description of the Plague projects a “world without norms and rules” (Il potere della parola 20) that is countered by the world of the fictional brigata , which expresses “the fundamental principle of Boccaccio’s understanding [ . . . ] of human sociality: rule, order, hierarchy, proper relations between those who obey and those who rule, even among those who, due to age, social class, innate abilities, material goods, and every other reason are the same (as happens in the group)” (30). Jessica Levenstein espouses a similar point of view in comparing Boccaccio’s description of the Plague to similar descriptions the author provides of uncontrolled love in Day IV. Associating both to dison- està (shameful acts) she suggests that they both point to a decay of moral and familial codes in Florentine society that the brigata’ s narration and chaste behavior in the overarching tale supposedly counters (317–318). 7 . These records are the source of two significant studies discussed later in this chapter, Francesco Carabellese’s La peste del 1348, e le condizioni della sanità pubblica in Toscana (1897) and Aliberto Falsini’s “Firenze dopo il 1348.” Branca acknowledges the existence of these sources, but refrains from engaging them directly in his analysis, as he does for the other stud- ies of the Black Plague that he cites in footnotes to the Decameron (14 n5), to Giovanni Boccaccio (78 n42), and in Boccaccio medievale (302 n2). 8 . Neither Thucydides’ nor Lucretius’ major works were available in Latin during Boccaccio’s lifetime. While Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War existed in Greek, Boccaccio did not know the language. 9 . For a chronology of the study of Boccaccio’s sources for the Plague, see Germano. The author, however, commits a blunder when he implies that Branca’s discovery of Paulus Diaconus as a source comes after Getto’s, which instead follows Branca’s. Recently, Simone Marchesi has posited a new source in an epistle by Pliny the Younger to his domestic Apollinare (“Boccaccio’s Vernacular Classicism” 49). For a possible direct borrow- ing from Ovid, see instead Rossi, “Il Paratesto” 42–43. 10 . See letters written by Petrarch ( Familiari XVI, 2) in which he describes his brother’s heroic tending to his monastery’s brothers during the Plague. In a different medium, see the poetry of Antonio Pucci (now in La pestilenza del 1348: rime antiche , S. Morpurgo editor). 11 . There has been conflicting evidence about Boccaccio’s location when the Plague hit Florence. Initially, it was thought to be Ravenna, based on the incorrect dating of Boccaccio’s references to the Plague in the Esposizioni . Domenico Guerri, who curated an edition of the Esposizioni , showed that the correct date to situate Boccaccio in Ravenna was 1340, when an earlier pestilence hit Florence, causing the death of some 15,000 people (137). Branca, using Guerri as evidence, thus suggested that Boccaccio NOTES 203

was in Florence at the time of the Black Plague: “Boccaccio, despite doubts that were raised in the past, was in Florence in 1348” (Decameron 17 n9; also Boccaccio medievale 302 n2). No one has disputed this claim, though Branca does not adduce conclusive evidence and Boccaccio never explicitly says that he was in Florence during the Plague. 12 . For the reliance of social historians on Boccaccio’s description of the Plague as a source of information, see Gurevich 274–275; and Herlihy 60–64. 13 . An informative historical overview of how natural disasters, diseases, and food shortages affected medieval people before, during and after the Plague, is provided by Franco Cardini’s Le cento novelle contro la morte (21–50). Piero Morpurgo’s “La peste: dinamiche di interpretazione sto- riografica” also provides an account of how natural disasters and the per- version of human values in the areas of economics and religious virtues were understood as causes for the Black Death. 14 . On this topic, Branca is silent. Though he devotes a chapter of Boccaccio medievale to an analysis of Boccaccio’s sources, and mentions Giovanni Villani’s Cronica as having been mined by Boccaccio (191–249), Branca does not opinionate, there or elsewhere, whether Boccaccio relied on Matteo Villani’s chronicle. 15 . The two accounts differ in the sequence through which they provide these details. While this is due, usually, to Boccaccio’s greater narrative scope, Matteo Villani is also occasionally responsible for revisiting earlier descriptions to amend and clarify his affirmations. Here I have translated the more lengthy passages from the Decameron directly into English to avoid interrupting the flow of the comparison and argumentation. 16 . Marchionne di Coppo Stefani and other non-Florentine chroniclers write instead that nose bleeding, as it had elsewhere, resulted in certain death. 17 . The famines in the countryside caused a migratory flow of the poor toward urban centers, greatly increasing the number of the poor and indi- gent living in the city. Though Falsini disputes the numbers, Carabellese claims that up to 25,000 people lived in poverty inside the city, dwelling in the many dilapidated buildings left vacant by the many families that had been exiled from Florence during its internecine political fights (24). 18 . Carabellese shows that, starting in the previous century, Florentine authorities had undertaken a number of measures to improve sanitary conditions in the city. The city had an underground sewer system to dis- pose of organic and inorganic refuse into the Arno, and a number of reg- ulations—with hefty fines owed for noncompliance—regulated the use of city streets and private property for the disposal of trash and the refuse generated, for example, by the work of leather workers and tanners. 19 . See also Wray, Communities and Crisis, 106–108. 20 . Once more I refer here to the long list of chroniclers discussed by Zanella. 204 NOTES

21 . Even the only other mention of God’s will in the Decameron ’s Introduction (“men and women abandoned their city [ . . . ] as if the wrath of God to punish the wickedness of men would not follow them where they went, but would simply strike those who remained within the walls of their city” [21]) is posited without the moral condemnation that emerges so vividly in Matteo’s and especially Giovanni Villani’s chronicles. This in spite of Branca’s claim that this passage evinces a “moral, providential explanation (affirmed more strongly by B. in sentence 25 and in his reply to Cecco de’ Rossi)” ( Decameron 15 n2). Joan Ferrante is also of the opin- ion that Boccaccio understood the Plague as “God’s wrath on man for his sins” (“Frame Characters,” 213). For a rebuttal of Branca’s theologi- cal and providential argumentation, see the arguments by Flasch 47–50; Getto, Vita 28; and Padoan, “Mondo” 159–161. 22 . This occurs in two non-Florentine chronicles by Giovanni da Parma, a canon in Trento, who witnesses a woman falling dead as she follows her husband’s casket (51); and by an anonymous chronicler in Parma who reports of a woman dying while helping to remove her dead children from a home (as quoted in Zanella). 23 . For the role of women as witnesses, see Migiel, A Rhetoric of the Decameron , 19–22. 24 . With regard to the implausible role of women in a medieval brigata , see Barolini’s “Sociology of the Brigata ,” esp. 5, 20–21. 25 . Luisa Miglio has written on the limits imposed on women, especially in the areas of learning how to read and write, in the Middle Ages. The behaviors ascribed to women in the brigata would have been highly unusual even if they belonged to the higher strata of society. 26 . For personal responses to the Plague of 1348 and its reoccurrences in fol- lowing years, see Brucker. 27 . Boccaccio ascribes these modes of behavior only to the social elites, which occupy much of his analysis. When he discusses the effects that the Plague has on the middle and lower classes, as shown earlier, Boccaccio simply points out the much greater death toll among them. 28 . This acrimonious relationship emerges quite evidently in the opening pages of the Trattatello in laude di Dante , where Boccaccio takes to task those “who are at the helm of this ship” (6) for having exiled their great- est poet and for having inflicted upon him “perpetual banishment, alien- ation of his family’s properties, and [ . . . ] false crimes” (7). Boccaccio campaigned similarly on behalf of Petrarch, whose father was exiled from Florence and dispossessed of his properties, working to have his proper- ties returned to him by the city, and inviting him to teach at the newly founded university. He succeeded in 1351, but Petrarch chose to establish his residence in Provence and then, in 1353, move to Milan, Florence’s bitter political rival. 29 . See both his commentary to the Inferno cantos in the Esposizioni and his rants against the decay of old customs in the Corbaccio . Also, Cardini 69–70. NOTES 205

30 . With regard to this authority vacuum, see also what Michael Sherberg and Pier Massimo Forni say about the destruction of familial relationships caused by the Plague (Sherberg, The Governance 32; Forni, “Therapy” 161). 31 . For Florence as a decaying and diseased body, see also Grudin and Grudin 11, and Kirkham, “Morale.” 32 . See also Smarr, Boccaccio and Fiammetta 170–171.

3 Pampinea’s “Honorable” Leadership in the Decameron 1 . Ironically, the absence of priests, fathers, and husbands in the church suggests a freedom from patriarchal controls that allows for the women’s unchecked behavior to occur. Here I am extending to their in-church behavior what Pier Massimo Forni (“Therapy” 131) and Michael Sherberg (The Governance 32 n. 25) have said about the absence of male relations in the women’s lives “occasioning” the brigata ’s, but especially the women’s, retreat to the countryside. 2 . The German theologian Berthold von Regensburg remarked that “men talk in church, but they talk as if it is a market, about things like what they have seen in other countries [ . . . ] whereas women talking in church talk about other things to each other—one about her maid- servant, how good the girl is at sleeping and bad at doing work, or about her husband, who is causing trouble, another about the baby not putting on weight” (as paraphrased in Biller 140). Berthold added that women were a better audience for sermons, as their attention wandered less (Biller 140). 3 . Official meetings to discuss a variety of city businesses often did take place in churches, as Dino Compagni reminds us in his Cronaca (56, 64, 77). However, the meetings were unrelated to services and were run and attended by male citizens, who deliberated on politics and diplomacy. 4 . Boccaccio does not place the women in Santa Maria Novella by chance. Victoria Kirkham noticed that Pampinea’s later reference to “trapassare il segno della ragione” [overstep the boundary of reason] not only refers intertextually to Dante’s Paradise , XXVI, 115–117 encounter with Adam, but also brings up Saint Thomas Aquinas, whose Dominican order built and made the church its primary site of worship in Florence. Kirkham points out that in the years that Boccaccio was writing the Decameron , artists like Andrea Orcagna, Nardo di Cione and Giovanni del Biondo were decorating “the Strozzi family chapel in Santa Maria Novella with a program dominated by Thomas Aquinas” (Sign of Reason 9–10). These references to Saint Thomas, paired with the Dantean reference hinted at by Pampinea, suggest for Kirkham that Boccaccio was placing his book under the sign of Thomistic reason. I believe, on the contrary, that Pampinea and the other women’s gathering and conversation in the church, at least in their initial elaborations, subvert the hierarchical (manly) order affirmed by Saint Thomas. 206 NOTES

5 . I briefly present Flash’s and Sherberg’s arguments in the following pages. Cardini’s argument is more traditional: he represents Pampinea as the leader of the brigata and an almost cartoonish superhero model of the “anti-widow,” who rules the “Love Court” as a “ dea ex machina of play, the creator of a magical circle in which the ten narrators place them- selves” (68). 6 . As I mentioned in the Introduction (n. 12), the Italian onestà (and its Latin precursor honestum ) have different meanings tied to the concept of “hon- orability” and “honor” as they pertain to men and women in the public sphere of medieval culture. I return to this idea later in this chapter. 7 . Flasch points out that, when Pampinea addresses her female compan- ions, she differentiates between her agency and theirs: “I am greatly sur- prised , seeing as I do that each of us has womanly feelings, that none of you has taken any precautions against that which you fear. We live here” (Decameron 33, emphasis added); a distancing which see repeats later in her speech (“I do not know if you will agree with what I suggest: I think it is excellent” [35, emphasis added]). By switching pronouns and dif- ferentiating between her agency and that of the other women, Pampinea establishes herself as the promoter of the initiative the group takes there- after, and differentiates her thought from her companions’ until they are united in deciding to leave for the countryside (Flasch 61). 8 . For an analysis of Pampinea’s proposal vis- à -vis the role of women in the city, see Jessica Levenstein, who suggests that Pampinea’s words, espe- cially the advice she gives to leave the city, the church’s confines, and the physical and mental enclosures within which the women are constrained by their relatives, reverse the binary of the Proem, where Boccaccio claims he is writing for those women who are bound by these types of enclosures (319–320). 9 . For the association between ennui, death, and the Plague in the Proem and the Introduction, see Hollander, “The Decameron ’s Proem” 19–20. 10 . Filomena here gives voice to an Aristotelian representation of women, as it would have been available to Boccaccio through the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas, but more specifically those of Albert the Great. In Book XV of his Questions on Aristotle’s On Animals , Albert responded to the question of whether the male is better suited for proper behavior than women, by saying that Aristotle waffles in his understanding of women, because first he claims that they are more teachable than men (because they are more like children) and more capable of prudence, and then claims the opposite, that they are “more mendacious and fragile, more diffident, more shameless, more deceptively eloquent, and, in brief, a woman is nothing but a devil fashioned into a human appearance” (454). Then Albert contributes his own understanding of women in terms quite similar to those proffered by Filomena: “To this, one must reply that a female is less suited for proper behavior than is a male. For a female’s complexion is moister than a male’s, but it belongs to a moist complexion NOTES 207

to receive [impressions] easily but to retain them poorly. For moisture is easily mobile and this is why women are inconstant and always seeking after new things” (454). 11 . In chapter 2 , I discussed how Boccaccio emphasized the lack of institu- tional controls during the Plague, despite evidence that the authorities and the citizens exercised ordered restraint even at the height of conta- gion. He needed to do so to set up the debate about order and honorable behavior that takes place among the women and, later, with the men of the brigata . 12 . Michael Sherberg points out this detail in Pampinea’s address, noticing that, by using the term “ servidor ,” she “borrows from the courtly love lexicon [ . . . ] to suggest that the men will have the same sort of status as the courtly lover, being both the servant who submits to the lady’s will and the guide, as all men ultimately have authority over women” (The Governance 35). Sherberg does not raise the possibility that Pampinea is mollifying her female companions need for a male guide, while reaffirm- ing her leadership. Instead, he notices that, when she approaches the men, rather than hailing them as guides on the trip, she “appeals to the men’s pure and brotherly disposition or affection, to keep the ladies company, literally to break bread with them” (35). I argue that Pampinea uses the term guida (guide) with the women (out of the men’s earshot, as Sherberg emphasizes), but appeals to the men’s companionship instead, because she does not want to relinquish her leadership completely. 13 . For a debunking of the lack of allegorical, deeper meaning in Boccaccio’s work, see the extensive treatment of the moral and allegorical value of his work, from the Caccia di Diana to the Amorosa visione , provided by Hollander ( Boccaccio’s Two Venuses ) and Smarr ( Boccaccio and Fiammetta ). 14 . Marilyn Migiel has suggested that, in issuing his challenge, Dioneo has effectively established the tenor of the narration, imposing his wishes on the brigata as the condition for his participation ( A Rhetoric , 21). My reading of Dioneo’s words is more ambiguous, as he has challenged the women, but is willing to concede that their dignity must set the tenor for his sollazzo (fun). 15 . See Rossi, L. “Il paratesto” 52; Picone, “Leggiadri motti” 168. 16 . A few examples are in order. In the Introduction, the behavior of those who indulge their pleasures includes “il bere assai e il godere e l’andar cantando attorno e sollazzando e il sodisfare d’ogni cosa” [drinking a lot and enjoying oneself and going about singing and having a good time and taking pleasure in everything] (19, emphasis added). After the brigata settles in its first palace, the term sollazzando recurs three times to under- score the personal time the characters can spend enjoying themselves both before and after the first day’s narration (“a suo piacer sollazzando si vada” [each might go to have fun, 45]; “alquanto n’andrem sollaz- zando [ . . . ] Domattina [ . . . ] similmente in alcuna parte n’andremo sol- lazzando come a ciascuno sar à pi ù a grado di fare” [we will go and have 208 NOTES

a good deal of fun [ . . . ] Tomorrow [ . . . ] similarly, we will go wherever, having fun as each of us deems more convenient, 124]). Finally, when Dioneo asks to tell the last story of every day, Filomena grants his wish, recognizing him as “sollazzevole uomo” [man who likes to have fun], whose stories might rescue the rest of the brigata should they be tired of the day’s “ragionare” [reasoning] (125), where more clearly than else- where sollazzo is placed in opposition to ragionare as a way to entertain without the use of reason. 17 . A more lascivious understanding of sollazzo is permitted within the sto- ries, where it is related to the physical enjoyment that often subtends its meaning in troubadour poetry, as Dioneo makes explicit in Day IV, 10 in commenting the relationship between the doctor’s wife and her paramour: “il loro amore e il loro sollazzo sempre continuando di bene in meglio; il che vorrei che così a me avvenisse” [their love and good times increasing with time; which I would like would also happen to me] (583). 18 . Dioneo says as much as he takes over the regency of the brigata at the end of Day VI: “Women [ . . . ] the times are such that, though men and women must guard against behaving shamelessly, every kind of thought is allowed . You sure are aware that, given the foulness of these times, the judges have left the courts; both divine and human laws are silent; and each of us is given great allowance in how we save our lives. For which reason, no one should reprimand you in the future if you decide to speak more openly, not to follow your words with dirty, improper deeds, but to pro- vide enjoyment to yourself and others” (776, emphasis added). His words thus echo the women’s worries in the Introduction that their behavior might be cause for reprimand afterward, and his defense in the Author’s Conclusion. 19 . Again, Dioneo, the loudest supporter of sollazzo , issues this corrective later in the narration, introducing the story of Pietro di Vinciolo: “I have no other goal than to reduce your melancholy , and make you laugh and enjoy yourselves; so, though the story I am about to tell, dear ladies in love, is somehow less than proper , because I think it might provide you with some pleasure , I will tell it anyway” (693, emphasis added). As long as the less than proper sollazzo remains at the level of storytelling (the sexual exchange between Pietro, his wife, and the youth), and mitigates the women’s melancholia, it does not exceed the boundaries of what was allowed at the time. 20 . Critics who have addressed the topic of chaos and order in the Decameron include, among others, Cottino-Jones, Order from Chaos ; Hollander and Cahill; and Real. 21 . With regard to Boccaccio’s and his characters’ defensiveness, see Padoan, “Mondo aristocratico” 171–172. 22 . For example, Michelangelo Picone claims that the topic of the first day does not need to be defined, because the characters need to answer at the NOTES 209

level of the narration to the images of death they have escaped with the Plague (“Il principio” 57). 23 . Besides Neri, Storia e poesia 53–60, see also Billanovich 148–151. 24 . Among others, see Baldissone; Getto, Vita 67–68; Marcus, “Maestro Alberto” 225; and Van Der Voort. 25 . The list of critics who have read the day through this perspective is too long to cite in its entirety. One of the most cogent and frequently cited analyses is Almansi’s study of the Cepparello story as the key through which to read the entire book (the chapter “Literature as Falsehood” in The Writer as Liar ). See also Flasch 75–118; Mazzotta’s “The Decameron : The Marginality of Literature”; and Picone’s “Tale of Bergamino.” 26 . The author’s comments in the Conclusion confirm this possibility, since Boccaccio claims that, whatever the stories might contain, “E nuocere e giovar possono, sí com possono tutte l’altre cose, avendo riguardo all’ascoltatore” [They can do harm or aid, as a number of other things can, depending on the attitude of the listener] (1256). The interpreter must understand the message correctly if she wishes to gain from the stories the benefit that they are meant to provide. 27 . Franco Fido claims that the only clear “cases of stories within which another story is narrated” are, in this day, besides the story of Cepparello, those of Melchisedech (I, 3) and Bergamino (I, 7) (“The Tale of Ser Ciappelletto” 71). As I show, each story contains at least another story, as long as we understand that the ability to tell stories extends to actions, pictorial representations, and metaphors. 28 . The story’s introductory synopsis reminds the readers that this is the operative framework, since it uses the term onestamente (honorably) to describe how the monk avoids the punishment imposed by the abbot. While it might be doing it tongue-in-cheek (the monk avoids punish- ment by spying on and manipulating the abbot, so his sense of honor is questionable), it connects the moral of the story to the previous discus- sions about honorable and morally permissible behaviors. 29 . See Martinez for the fully developed consequences of these abuses and for the inversion of auctoritas that occurs between monk and abbot based on the Rule of Saint Benedict. 30 . As we will see at the end of this book, when he tries to do so in his inter- actions with his fellow storytellers at the end of Day V, he will incur in the stern admonishment of the queen of Day VI, Elissa (see chapter 7). 31 . For the deeper and more ambiguous meaning of the Marchioness’ response to Dioneo’s story and what it says about gender relationships in the Decameron , see Migiel, A Rhetoric 36–41. 32 . My mention of the “companionship” of the brigata directly refers to Michael Sherberg’s “egalitarian notion of compagnia ” (The Governance 36). 33 . The philosophical and theological basis for such misogynist discourse has already been exposed in the writings of Albert the Great and Saint Thomas Aquinas. They are well summarized by R. Howard Bloch, who 210 NOTES

provides an extensive analysis of the origins of medieval misogyny and its connection to language and the representation of women both in the work of the fathers of the Church and in works such as the Roman de la rose . Boccaccio himself reiterates these arguments at length in the attack against the perverted widow of the Corbaccio . 34 . As a rebuttal, the ultimate outcome of the story—that Maestro Alberto has left without plucking Malgherida’s “honor”—suggests that the out- come is exactly what she had wished, to be left alone and maintain her honorability intact. Conversely, if we think that Maestro Alberto is the protagonist, he indeed experiences the opposite outcome, since Malgherida does not give in to his sexual advances. 35 . Thus, Padoan: “she who wanted to shame Maestro Alberto is shamed” (“Mondo aristocratico” 165); and Picone: “Indeed, at the end of the short story, Malgherida declares herself theoretically willing to comply with the advances of her suitor: ‘therefore, save for my honor, surely you can impose your pleasure upon me as if I were a thing of yours’; the woman lets the accent of her response fall on ‘a thing of yours’ rather than on ‘my honor’” (“Il principio” 74). Marcus sees a similar conces- sion: “Chastened by Alberto’s witty defense of sex with a septuagenarian, Malgherida accedes to his suit” (“Maestro Alberto” 222). Picone’s com- ment is surprising, because one wonders how he could determine that Malgherida let the emphasis fall on “vostra cosa” [a thing of yours] rather than “salvo la mia onestà ” [save my honor] when the latter is specifically bracketed for emphasis in the sentence. It seems to me (Baratto docet ) that Malgherida counters Alberto’s innuendo with grace and aplomb. See also Cardini 83–84. 36 . Despite his efforts, Frati was unable to find the woman’s last name. Branca confirms Frati’s finding, but also says that, though the de’ Ghisilieri were a famous family in Bologna, he could not find evidence for a Margherita de’ Ghisilieri living in Bologna in the mid-1300s ( Decameron 118 n2). Surprisingly, Carlo Muscetta claims without supporting evidence that the historical and fictional Margherita are one and the same. Marcus, relying on Muscetta, also makes this connection, and bases parts of her article on the equivalency between the historical and fictional characters, suggest- ing that what the story leaves unsaid—the marriage of Maestro Alberto with Malgherida—is purposely done to “preserve the courtly love refer- ent of the tale” (“The Tale of Maestro Alberto” 223–224, 230). 37 . Both the attribution to and the intent behind Capellanus’ De amore have been subject to extensive questioning. Robertson in 1953 was among the first to suggest that, contrary to prevailing readings, the De amore is an ironic send-off of courtly love followed by a sharp condemnation of its lustful tendencies. Cherniss furthered this interpretation by claiming that the De amore was a “comic mock treatise” (224), in which Capellanus collected and then exaggerated literary notions of courtly love circulat- ing in his days to mock them and render them absurd in their dogmatic NOTES 211

assertions. Whether the De amore should be understood literally or ironi- cally does not affect my argument, since here the character that tells the story, Pampinea, clearly buys into the appropriateness of the doctor’s behavior, which suggests that she believes in the tenets of courtly love. What might be more interesting to pursue in another venue is whether Boccaccio understood the De amore as being an ironic work, and what this might say about how he sets up his first queen for failure, as evinced by the rest of my argument. 38 . The most famous example is Giovanna on Day V, 9, who while married repulses the noble Federigo’s attempts at seduction and then, as a widow, establishes an amicable, but distant relationship (I offer a complete analy- sis of this story in Chapter 7 ). Another example is the widow on Day VIII, 5, who is pursued by a provost until, to get rid of him, she sets a trap and has him sleep with her maid, before calling her brothers and the bishop as witnesses to discredit the man. 39 . Bologna, which was renowned for its law school, created its faculty of medicine in 1260 and soon thereafter became one of the most prestigious medical schools in Europe. However, university-trained doctors never performed physical, medical labor and, in fact, at the outbreak of the Plague, often refused to perform hands-on surgery, an activity that was performed by barbers and barber/surgeons that were not trained at the university (Byrne 33–35). 40 . For the use of precious materials, especially gold, with herbs as remedies against the Plague, see Crisciani and Pereira. 41 . For Boccaccio’s negative portrayal of the medical profession through the figure of Maestro Simone, see also Mazzotta, World at Play 36, 204. 42 . Boccaccio’s attitude toward doctors reflects a pervasive critique of doc- tors in Florentine society, as evinced by the repeated intervention of the Florentine government (in the years 1352, 1372 and 1376) to ensure that doctors be trained better and operated according to well-established pro- fessional rules (Morpurgo 55). Francesco Bruni shows that, later in life, Boccaccio disparaged the university-based knowledge that provided the base for scientie lucrative (lucrative sciences) such as law and medicine in opposition to the artes -theology favored by literati like himself (22). 43 . Millicent Marcus undercuts Malgherida’s defense of her “honor” by saying that “ onestà is such a fluid and slippery term in the Decameron , denoting sometimes honour [ sic ] and sometimes the mere appearance of it, that Malgherida’s qualification reveals little about the real limits she would place on their intimacy” (“Maestro Alberto” 232). In my analysis of the term earlier in the chapter, however, I have shown that the term refers both to the pursuit of virtuous and honorable recognition and, for women, to a more extrinsic decorum, often tied to their chastity-as- honor. It seems to me that, in Pampinea’s story, both meanings are in play, which might be why it causes such confusion both for Pampinea and for her suddenly silent interlocutors. 212 NOTES

4 Sicurano da Finale and Paganino da Mare: Of Corsairs, Merchants, and Identity in the Late Middle Ages 1 . Boccaccio criticism in this area has been greatly influenced by Vittore Branca who, in Boccaccio medievale , argued that Boccaccio’s narrative cel- ebrates the rise of the Italian merchants (134–164); and that Day II and Day III are full of “these pioneers of the Italian financial lordship” (149). See also Grimaldi, Il privilegio di Dioneo 28–29. A few dissenting voices have suggested that the world of merchants that for Branca dominates the Decameron hinges mostly on rhetorical tropes that have little to do with reality (Forni “Retorica del reale”), and that the atmosphere that domi- nates the Decameron is instead that of the aristocratic courts. 2 . Zatti points out that “the sea from Boethius to Dante embodies, in the medieval imaginary, the fluctuations of Fortune; and the wind that impetuously blows there, as often occurs in these stories, determines the different shipwrecks wherein is accomplished the unfortunate destiny of many characters” (“Il mercante” 91). For other perspectives on the role that the sea and the Mediterranean play, especially on Day II, see Almansi, The Writer as Liar (116); Mazzacurati, “L’avventura e il suo dop- pio: Il gioco di Alatiel” (in All’ombra di Dioneo 45–77); and Pegoretti. 3 . Baratto is influenced both by Giovanni Getto’s claim that “nature and fortune” are the forces that Boccaccio explores in creating his stories (Getto, Vita 11), and by Branca’s belief that “Fortune, Love and Ingegno ” are the guiding principles to understand the world in which Boccaccio’s characters operate ( Boccaccio medievale 12). 4 . I capitalize Fortune here to indicate the God-like incarnation that, for many medieval people, held the keys to the ups and downs of one’s for- tunate or unfortunate outcomes in life. 5 . As evidence, Russo cites Boccaccio’s Esposizioni : “her every permutation has a specific and clear end; and, if the result is not what is expected, it is not because of the ignorance of those who cause the permutations, but because of the free will of those against whom it acts, who wisely choose to avoid it” (VII, i 72). For Russo’s complete argument about the role of fortune in Boccaccio see 36–51. 6 . Kristina Olson presents a similar argument in her dissertation, The Afterlife of Dante’s Commedia in Boccaccio’s Decameron and Esposizioni, especially Chapter 3; an argument reprised in her just published book, Courtesy Lost: Dante, Boccaccio and the Literature of History . 7 . See Bakhtin’s canonical text, Rabelais and His World . 8 . For a persuasive discussion of Martellino’s lack of awareness see Masciandaro’s “La violenza e il giuoco nella novella di Martellino (Decameron II, 1).” 9 . Here we see at play Branca’s ragion di mercatura (mercantile reasoning), because what causes Landolfo’s fortune is the greed that pushes him to become a merchant with the expressed goal of profit in mind. NOTES 213

10 . Early critics like Getto see in Andreuccio’s decision not to hand the thieves everything he finds in the sarcophagus, including the precious ruby ring, a sign of Andreuccio’s “intelligent thinking” (Vita di forme 90). Latter critics have agreed that, in doing so, he literally seals his fate in the closed sar- cophagus. For a full argument about Andreuccio’s persistent lack of learn- ing, see Rossi, “I tre gravi accidenti” 394–395; and Fritz-Morkin 46. 11 . Vittore Branca states that beauty is the real protagonist of the story and the cause of all the character’s misadventures (Decameron 225, n5). Mario Baratto believes that Alatiel might not even have the consistency of a character and that she is the “events that happen to her [ . . . ] the plaything of fortune” (94, 96). Mazzacurati calls her a “non-character or possibly a meta-character, whose purview is too vague or narrow to be real” (51). Guido Almansi suggests that Alatiel “is not ‘a beautiful woman.’ She is a superhuman figure; mythic, or at least closely related to a myth” ( Writer 124). For further interpretations see Almansi’s “Lettura della novella”; Cavallero; Ferrante’s “Politics”; Kinoshita and Jacobs; Marcus’ “Seduction by Silence”; and Taylor. 12 . Mark Taylor also argues for a reversal of roles in the tale of Alatiel, as she enjoys multiple sexual relationships, while the men end either dead or discarded (321–322). 13 . For one example of the role of slavery in medieval society, see Epstein’s explanation of its growth in Genoa between the eleventh and the twelfth century (101–102). 14 . In this regard, see what Guido Almansi says generally as far as the Decameron , and specifically about Zinevra’s story in his reading of this story (“Lettura della novella” 126–127). 15 . This is an important detail in Zinevra’s characterization, because it ties the depiction of her as a virtuous, strong woman to Filomena’s words in the Introduction. There, Filomena had vouched for her virtuous honesty and that of her companions, as God was her witness. Since virtue is a topic of the utmost importance in the early days of the Decameron , this parallelism suggests that, for Filomena, God’s intervention on behalf of women’s honor is fundamental to understand her character. 16 . For the city of Acre as an important Frank and European trading posts under the control of the crusaders, see also Jacoby, “Mercanti genovesi.” After the siege of Acre in 1291, the Sultan al-Ashraf Khalil ordered the city razed to the ground, and Acre never regained its primacy in the Levantine trade (ten years later, al-Dimashqi could claim that the city was still a pile of ruins [as cited in Nicole 88]). For the fall and waste of Acre, see also Abu l-fida (as cited by Gabrieli 206–209). 17 . I thus disagree with those who, like Guido Almansi (“Lettura della novel la” 126) and Em ma Gr imaldi (Il privilegio di Dioneo ), claim that, given Dioneo’s privilege, his stories are antagonistic to or spoof the topic of the day. In this case, both critics believe that Bartolomea’s indulgence in sex sets itself in opposition to Zinevra’s vaunted marital fidelity. However, 214 NOTES

they forget to notice that, according to the topic of the day, Bartolomea achieves something that her bad fortune had previously taken away, a happy and fulfilling marriage. 18 . Sergio Zatti claims that this display of industria , the active engagement of one’s intelligence to achieve one’s goals, is absent from the early narra- tion of the Decameron , and gains in importance only in the second half of the book (“Il mercante” 79). The examples of Zinevra and Bartolomea suggest that industria is already at play during this day, especially among women, as two other secondary characters, the widow that seduces Rinaldo on Day II, 2, and Fiordiligi on Day II, 5, reveal. 19 . In two other stories, one character is abducted by Genoese corsairs and brought to Italy (Day V, 7), and another hears of Nathan’s magnanimity from Genoese merchants (Day X, 3). 20 . Because of his more generous portrayal of the Genoese, Boccaccio would in 1365 be charged by the city of Florence with an embassy to Genoa on behalf of the Grimaldi family whose members had run afoul of the Genoese establishment. 21 . One should notice that Pampinea addresses only the female members of the brigata , as evidence that it is especially the virtue of the women that would be compromised by the mistaken use of their time in the countryside. 22 . Further evidence that Filomena is dialoguing with Pampinea lies in the fact that Pampinea tells the only other female-to-male cross-dressing story of the Decameron on this day, as the daughter of the king of England, dressed as an abbot, seduces the young businessman Alessandro (Day II, 3). 23 . As mentioned previously (chapter 3), prostitution thrived in large uni- versity towns (see Lansing; Ward). One must assume that it would have even more so in Paris, which was not only a university center, but the residence of the French king and a bustling trade post (Nowacka 181). See also, Otis; Rossiaud, La prostitution mé di évale . 24 . The Lomellini were an important Genoese family, whose status in the city is attested by a number of still-standing palaces, such as Villa Lomellini Rostan and the Palazzo Podestà (also known as Palazzo di Nicolosio Lomellini) that still bear their names. 25 . Filomena reports Bernab ò’s reply through indirect discourse. This makes the statement stand out even more, since she is injecting the merchant’s reply with her own words to emphasize the connection with her words in the Introduction. 26 . The constancy of Genoese women was described in Dino Compagni’s Cronica , III 9 and Sacchetti’s Trecento novelle (CLIV), as well as in Giacomo Bracelli’s De claris Genuensibus (folio XLVIII, recto, in Genuensis Lucubrationes ). 27 . Dioneo later repeats the term “bestialit à” [mad bestiality] to represent the gullible behavior of one of his characters, Salabaetto in Day VIII, 10, as well as the most despicable example of male authoritarianism proffered by his own character Gualtieri da Saluzzo on Day X, 10. NOTES 215

28 . Kurt Flasch and Romano Luperini remind us that, having been admitted to the Neapolitan court of Robert of Anjou, Boccaccio would have been exposed to William of Ockham’s thought, since the theologian’s work was prominently discussed in the king’s court (Flasch 92; Luperini 16–17). 29 . I disagree with Robert Hollander who has claimed that, “while none of the women narrates tales grounded in prurient sexuality, the three male narrators demonstrate that boys will be boys” (“The struggle for control” 251). Pampinea’s story of the Abbot and Alessandro is equally prurient, first because it intimates a homosexual attraction, and second because the princess and Alessandro indulge in this attraction even though she is promised in marriage to another man.

5 Giletta of Narbonne: Chastity and Matrimony on the Day of Sexual Excesses 1 . This idea is central to Marga Cottino-Jones’ analysis of the day (“Desire and the Fantastic”) and to the chapter that Giuseppe Mazzotta devotes to the day in The World at Play (“Allegory and the Pornographic Imagination” 105–120). 2 . In addition to Mazzotta, see Brownlee; Grudin and Grudin. 3 . For how Neifile’s fear of scandal might influence her own regency on Day III, see also Cole 45–46. 4 . Robert Hollander claims that Pampinea is the first woman to tell a story in which the characters have sex, on Day III, 2 (“The Struggle for Control” 257). Marilyn Migiel and I have noticed that Pampinea’s story on Day II, 3, already focuses the audience’s attention on the sexual nature of the relationship, because it initially highlights the improper nature of the Abbot’s advances toward Alessandro. 5 . See also Kirkham, “Love’s Labors Rewarded” 85. 6 . For a related, yet different interpretation of this change of venue, see Hollander, “The Struggle for Control” (253–255). 7 . Mazzotta’s analysis works if one focuses on the author’s intentionality and not that of his character. Boccaccio is obviously the master-puppeteer, but his characters might be endowed with different views of the world. Therefore, while Boccaccio might be parodying previous literary mas- terpieces, Neifile is proposing her goals for the brigata without a hint of mockery. 8 . The correspondence between original sin and carnal knowledge was central to Manichean doctrine. St. Augustine and his followers then intimated a correspondence between the cupiditas (concupiscence) and libido (libidinous desire) that leads to carnal knowledge and the cupidi- tas that caused original sin. While Saint Anselm rebutted this doctrine, many medieval theologians still accepted the equivalence between car- nal knowledge (promoted by a woman) and original sin (Roussiaud, “Sexualité ”). 216 NOTES

9 . The imagery of the fountain, centrally located and as a symbol of life- giving properties, also recurs in Jean de Meun’s continuation of the Roman de la Rose (Duby, Love and Marriage 90). 10 . For cogent summaries of the way that theologians and Church fathers framed the discussion about the natural subordination of women to men, and about the need to control and restrict the access of women to expres- sions of sexuality through enforced chastity, see Klapisch-Zuber, “La donna e la famiglia”; Le Goff and Truong; and Roussiaud, “Sexualité .” For how these medieval ideas relate to the first story of Day III, see Ciavolella, “The Tale of Masetto.” 11 . Marilyn Migiel observes the same attack on the women’s honor. She also points out that the representations of sexuality remain gendered, with the male characters’ stories highlighting the carnal desires of women, and the female characters emphasizing elements of the plot and/or the thought- processes that lead the women to having sexual encounters ( A Rhetoric 72–74). 12 . In two stories (III, 2 and 6), the women partake in the sexual encounter unaware that they are breaking their marriage vows (Migiel, A Rhetoric 73). This is correct. However, the men who seduce them know that they are tricking married women in defiance of the rules governing sexual intercourse in the Middle Ages. 13 . Vittoria Kirkham, who also has argued that the day highlights “adul- tery and fornication” (“Love’s Labor” 84), presents a different perspective than the one I provide here. Kirkham believes that, though the tales on Day III achieve the successful goal of adultery and fornication (with the exception of the queen’s), they do not emphasize a positive value in these actions. Instead, because the following two days result in the opposite ending (death following illicit relationships on Day IV) and true happy endings (loves that end in marriage on Day V), they act as correctives to Day III “that should rectify any misapprehensions we may have tem- porarily suffered regarding the advisibility [sic] of illicit ‘amore’” (88). There are two problems with this explanation. On Day IV, not every couple fornicates or commits adultery (e.g., Gerbino never consummates his love for the daughter of the King of Tunis on Day IV, 4; Gabriotto and Andreuola are secretly married before their demise occurs in the sixth story; and on Day IV, 8, Girolamo and Salvestra never consummate their love). On Day V, the definition of “happy love” has to be broadly understood, if we allow for the tales of Cimone (V, 1) and Nastagio degli Onesti (V, 8) to qualify, seeing as Efigenia is forced to accede to Cimone’s desires, and Nastagio threatens the woman with infernal suf- ferings should she not marry him. More importantly, while Kirkham and I agree that one must read each day’s narration within the context of the overarching tale’s and the Decameron ’s overall vision, she does not account for the discussion that takes place among the women in Santa Maria Novella, nor for the defense of their honor that seems central to NOTES 217

their choices and behavior thus far. I will investigate Kirkham’s argument about Day IV and V in the last two chapters of this book. 14 . In this analysis, I rely particularly on Duby, Love and Marriage ; Ennen; Klapisch-Zuber, La donna e la famiglia ; Le Goff and Truong; and Roussiaud, “Sexualit é.” 15 . The rules for religious women were always stricter, in part because women were believed to be more corrupting and corruptible than men, in part because medieval society perceived women as needing more guidance in matters pertaining to religion and sexual matters. 16 . Such proclamation did not result in compliance: “In the great families, concubinage and quick affairs went side-by-side with marriage, perpetu- ating a de facto polygamy that palace clerics were completely incapable of eliminating. [ . . . ] Monogamy, therefore, was reserved for the poor, and abstinence was a very rare virtue reserved for a clerical elite, since even the majority of secular clerics lived in concubinage, when they were not openly married” (Roussiaud, “Sexualité ” 1074). 17 . Many took vows for reasons that had little to do with religious vocation: for some, religious life allowed access to education and relative freedom; for others, it represented the only option they were given by their fami- lies. With the rise of the mercantile bourgeoisie, women from the middle class especially entered nunneries as a way to escape matrimony, reduced prospects, or the lack of a suitable dowry (Pellegrini 103–104). See also Daichman; Warren; and Wertheimer. 18 . Alfredo Bonadeo sees the undermining of marriage as a recurring theme throughout the Decameron . While he examines a few stories from the perspective of marriage as a medieval imposition on women, he fails to account fully for historical facts and for the fictional design of the Decameron (“Marriage and Adultery in the Decameron ”). 19 . The virtue of women is a central concern of Pampinea’s storytelling, especially as it pertains to the perception of women in the public sphere (see both the story of Maestro Alberto and Malgherida [Day I, 9], and the story of Alessandro and the abbot/princess [Day II, 3]). For in-depth analyses of this tale, see Grimaldi, “Il silenzio di Agilulf”; and Filosa. 20 . The scopatori were a flagellant order that rose to prominence in the thir- teenth and fourteenth centuries. For a deeper analysis of Boccaccio’s parody of the penitent orders and of Jacopo Passavanti and his Specchio di vera penitenza through the figure of Frate Puccio, see Ferreri. 21 . For a detailed analysis of this tale’s use of language, see Forni, “Zima sermocinante.” Conversely, Alessandro Vettori makes a case for “silence” as the “go-between [ . . . ] of this particular novella” (106), suggesting that silence operates like Galehaut in bringing the lovers together. 22 . This “devil in Hell” reference first occurs on Day III, 3 and returns also, amply modified, in Dioneo’s last story of the day. 23 . Bruni’s interpretation of Capellanus’ De amore is based on a literal reading of the treatise. As indicated in chapter 3 , many critics now read the De 218 NOTES

amore as an ironic, mock epic, send-off of courtly love theories. Boccaccio might have known this, as his undermining of Pampinea’s argument on Day I, 10 also suggests. 24 . These are the strong female characters presented on Day II, 9; Day II, 10; Day IV, 1; Day V, 9; Day VII, 4; and Day VII, 6, respectively. 25 . Surprisingly, literary critics have read this story as imperfect, paling in comparison with those surrounding it. When criticism has devoted itself to Neifile’s tale, it often has been as the source for Shakespeare’s All’s Well that Ends Well (see Cole 38, n1–5). Typical of the criticism is Anthony Cassell’s remark that it is utterly “unremarkable” because the “action lacks real excitement [ . . . ] Beltramo is merely a shallow, callow character, and [ . . . ] Giletta’s determination to have him fully as a partner seems at first little more than an id ée-fixe ” (58). 26 . For a historical and literary analysis of the four epics in the cycle, see de Combarieu. 27 . For a translated version of the Visigothic Code, see http://libro.uca.edu/ vcode/visigoths.htm , especially Book III (“Concerning Marriage”) and Book IV (“Concerning Natural Lineage”). 28 . The story has the highest occurrence of the term onesta (virtuous, applied to women) in the whole Decameron (four times), as well as the use of the terms onestamente , onestissima and onesto (twice). The repeated use of these terms in the story provided me with the early intuition that Neifile wishes to uphold womanly virtue (chastity?) despite its contested role among members of the brigata on this day. 29 . As Harper notices (115–116), Giletta’s herbal knowledge might make her a parodic character, since herboristery was often connected with witchcraft in the late Middle Ages, especially during the Inquisition. Conversely, especially in Paris, women became rich as herborists or spice merchants, as the career of Peronelle L’Epici ère attests. The expertise of spice-women and herborists was so sought after that a herborist or spicer usually lived at court to provide remedies and tisanes for the king (Farmer 95–97). 30 . For a briefer acknowledgment of this dynamic at work on Day III, see Hollander, “The Struggle for Control” 259–260. 31 . The first parodic inversion is obviously the tale of Masetto di Lamporecchio and the nuns told by Filostrato at the beginning of the day. The stories of Filostrato and Dioneo are similar in their components, but antinomial in their delivery. If in the first the protagonists are in a closed convent, with beautiful gardens and eight nuns and an abbess who exhaust the poor gardener by their sexual requests, in Dioneo’s story one especially eager adept exhausts a poor hermit in a deserted land. In both, the sexual demands of the women trump the planning of the men. 32 . Boccaccio only describes the reaction of the women, who are, once more, presented as oneste (virtuous), as if to remind the readers of the difference between the actions of the characters in the days’ stories and the women’s credentials as he has described them throughout the book. NOTES 219

6 “Love and Death”: Male Authority and the Threat of Violence under Filostrato’s Rule 1 . See also Perfetti 93. 2 . While there is no evidence of this previous circulation of individual stories or parts of the work, given Boccaccio’s connections in literary circles, he might have tested different readers’ responses to his stories (see Giorgio Padoan’s “Sulla genesi e la pubblicazione del Decameron ”). Regardless, Boccaccio knew that his work would run into objections given the standards for decency and censorship current during the four- teenth century. 3 . Picone points out that the idea of the book without a title is a rhetori- cal device used ironically to alert readers about the difference that exists between the Decameron and collections of stories that were circulating in Boccaccio’s time, like the encyclopedic exempla (Boccaccio e la codificazione della novella 37). 4 . The story of Filippo Balducci, like the Introduction to Day IV has been the object of countless essays and interpretations. For the Balducci story, among others, see Baxter; Levenstein; Picone, “Le papere.” For the Introduction, Marchesi, ‘Sic me formabat puerum.’” For both, the already-cited La codi- ficazione della novella by Picone (34–41), and Virgulti. 5 . This is the perspective embraced by Pier Massimo Forni, for whom Filostrato’s thematic choice serves to balance out the hedonistic enjoyment of the brigata (Forme complesse 70). 6 . Two stories—Elissa’s (Day IV, 4) and Neifile’s (Day IV, 8)—go to the extreme of preserving the chastity of the characters’ virtuous love by preventing them from reaching the sexual fulfillment of their love before dying. Emilia’s story (Day IV, 7) is not clear about the extent to which Simona and Pasquino carry their amorous effusions, and whether this violates the conventions of premarital chastity enforced in the Middle Ages. A fourth story, Panfilo’s (Day IV, 6), implies that Andreuola and Gabriotto fulfill their love for pleasure before sanctioning their relation- ship with a secret wedding: “Gabriotto non solamente seppe s é essere dalla Andreuola amato, ma ancora in un bel giardino del padre di lei piú e pi ú volte a diletto dell’una parte e dell’altra fu menato. E acci ò che niuna cagione mai, se non morte, potesse questo loro dilettevole amor separare, marito e moglie segretamente divennero” [Gabriotto did not only discover he was loved by Andreuola, but in a nice garden owned by her father he was led to fulfill his enjoyment many times. And to ensure that no reason ever, except death, might bring to an end this joyful love of theirs, they secretly became husband and wife] ( Decameron 536). 7 . Michael Sherberg has also shown that Filostrato violates the brigata ’s “con- stitutional” desire to enjoy itself through the narration, while attempting to control the women’s independence and make them, indeed, sheep to his own wolfish desires, thus reestablishing a patriarchal system of governance on the brigata (The Governance 114–115). 220 NOTES

8 . For Pampinea’s ability to balance the day’s theme with subversive humor, see Cottino-Jones, An Anatomy of Boccaccio’s Style 97; and Marcus, An Allegory of Form 54–55. 9 . Among those who underscore the naturalism of the story are Baratto 56–57; Getto, Vita di forme 113; Hastings 14; Scaglione 105. 10 . For Moravia’s comment, see “Boccaccio.” Almansi discusses this relation- ship at length in the already cited The Writer as Liar (133–157). Mazzotta himself makes reference to this interpretation throughout the chapter “The Heart of Love” in The World at Play . Among others who refer to the incestuous love of Tancredi for Ghismonda, see also Cassell 76; Fedi 51; Forni, Forme complesse 129–137; Levenstein 12; and Marcus, An Allegory of Form 53–54. 11 . Marcus makes a similar argument in comparing Tancredi’s tyranny with Filostrato’s imposition of a tragic theme on the day’s narration. However, she relates it to the overall project of the brigata ’s excursion (An Allegory of Form 54). Equally perceptive is Michael Sherberg’s reading of the anal- ogy between Filostrato and Tancredi: “Tancredi and Filostrato begin to look a lot alike, at least in Fiammetta’s construction. Both are lover- kings who abrogate their own duty—in Filostrato’s case, to ensure that ‘niuna novella altra che lieta ci rechi di fuori’—because they cannot sepa- rate their emotions from their sense of duty” ( The Governance 121–122). See also, http://www.brown.edu/Departments/Italian_Studies/dweb/ themes_motifs/heart/tancredi.php. These readings, including mine, all point to Fiammetta’s resistance to Filostrato’s rule through her one means of opposition, the storytelling itself. 12 . For the “feminization” of Tancredi and the subversion of the societal order it portends, see Getto, Vita di forme 108–110; Marcus, Allegory of Form 52–53. 13 . With regard to classical and French antecedents, see the extensive research completed by Luciano Rossi. For the literary antecedents and interpreta- tion of Ghismonda’s final moments, see “‘Bere l’amore’: per mare con Enea e Tristano” (where the author also cites Michelangelo Picone’s clever reading of Ghismonda’s seduction in “Dal lai alla novella. Il caso di Ghismonda ( Dec . IV, 1).” For the legend of the “eaten heart” that is central to Filostrato’s own story, see “Il cuore mistico pasto d’amore: dal ‘lai Guirun’ al Decameron ” and “Suggestion mé taphorique et ré alité his- torique dans la legende du Coeur mangé .” 14 . Filostrato’s narrative ties to death are also evident on Day III, 1, the story of Masetto that is sandwiched between the story of Rinaldo and the gruesome story with which he culminates Day IV. There he mentions the death of the castaldo (land administrator) that allows Masetto to take over a supervisory position in the convent where he continues to satisfy the nuns’ desires undisturbed; and later the death of the abbess, which leads Masetto to resume his former life. 15. Panfilo’s tale parallels and corrects Fiammetta’s introductory story. As in her story, a woman of higher rank loves a man of lower rank, NOTES 221

unbeknownst to her father. While in Fiammetta’s tale the father dis- covers the liaison and punishes the suitor and his daughter, in Panfilo’s story the man dies of natural causes following two foreshadowing dreams. Panfilo corrects Fiammetta’s story by having Andreuola and Gabriotto secretly marry, thus legitimizing their relationship in the eyes of society (in Fiammetta’s story, Ghismonda and Guiscardo never marry). Moreover, Messer Negro, Andreuola’s father, repre- sents Tancredi’s benign alter ego. The Prince of Salerno feels that his authority and love for his daughter are threatened by her secretive actions and cries bitterly at her betrayal. Messer Negro also cries when he finds out that Andreuola has married Gabriotto, but does so because she did not trust his ability to honor her choice. In the end, Panfilo conveniently dispatches the widow Andreuola to a convent, providing a dead-to-the-world solution that mimics the outcome of other stories on Day IV. 16 . See Rossi’s extensive research in this area at note 13. Hans Jorg Neusch äfer was the first to highlight the thematic differences between the vida and Boccaccio’s story, revealing a different emphasis on the guilt of the participants that subtends Filostrato’s version. Leonardo Terrusi and Romano Luperini picked up on these same discrepancies to posit similarly complex readings of this story. These analyses have been helpful to shape the hypotheses I advance in this chapter. 17 . Both Lauretta’s (Day IV, 3) and Panfilo’s (Day IV, 6) refer to the “gentil- ity,” intended as nobility, of one of their characters, but references to the mercantile wealth of N’Arnald Civada, the father of the three eloping women in the third story, and the podest à as ruler of Brescia in the sixth, alert the readers that the events are taking place closer in time to the nar- rator’s own, when the old feudal and aristocratic system had already been altered by new economic and political forces. 18 . These literary antecedents, besides the already-cited vida , include the lai Guirun sung by Isolde in the Roman de Tristan of Thomas, the lai d’Ignaure by Renaut de Beaujeu, and the first sonnet of Dante’s Vita nuova . For more information on this topic, see Rossi, “Suggestion m é taphorique” 470–472; and Terrusi 51–53. 19 . The surprise that greeted the discovery in 2013 of a couple buried hold- ing hands in the cemetery of a former Dominican monastery in Cluj, Romania attests to the rarity of this practice (Dassanayake). 20 . For the latter, see Ciavolella’s “La tradizione dell’‘aegritudo amoris’ nel Decameron ” and Mazzotta’s discussion of the topic in The World at Play (28–33). 21 . See Strocchia: “The ritual enactments surrounding death and burial were not immune to the competitive, agonistic character of Florentine social relations but rather were structured by it” (5–6). Though Strocchia’s analysis focuses mainly on the Renaissance, her point of departure is the Black Plague of 1348. Also Binski, especially chapter 2, “Death and Representation.” 222 NOTES

7 Fiammetta’s Revolution: Honor, Love, and Marriage on Day V 1 . See also Fleming, “Happy Endings.” 2 . “the brilliant eyes of the beautiful woman shining looked into mine with piercing light, from which a fiery gold dart lit a flame” ( Filocolo 8–9); “So I entrust the present vision to you, Lady Maria / [ . . . ] Dear Flame, who heats up the heart of he who sends you this Vision / Giovanni of Boccaccio from Certaldo” (Amorosa visione ). 3 . For an exhaustive bibliography and discussion of this argument, see Janet Smarr’s Boccaccio and Fiammetta (3, 231–233 n. 5–6). For the purpose of my argument, what matter are the previous fictional references to Fiammetta, not her equivalence with the historical Maria d’Aquino. 4 . Hollander points to Boccaccio’s gloss in the Teseida where, as he decries lascivious love, he refers the readers to Dino del Garbo’s commentary on Guido Cavalcanti’s Donna mi priega , in which Del Garbo claims that “car- nal love has nothing to do with true virtue or true intellect” (Boccaccio’s Two Venuses 62). 5 . Hollander, “The Struggle for Control” 250. 6 . As I mentioned in the Introduction (n. 11), Neri first noticed the bipartite structure of the Decameron in the 1930s. Others who discuss this struc- tural break are Badini Confalonieri; Cuomo; Fido; Freedman; Mazzotta (“The Decameron ”); Papio; Picone (Boccaccio e la codificazione della novella 22–25); Stewart (“La novella di madonna Oretta”); and Van der Voort. In particular, Stewart’s article explores the chiastic relationship between Day I, 1—Day VI, 10 and Day VI, 1—Day I, 10, and the days’ emphasis on witty replies, to affirm that Boccaccio intentionally sets up a “restart” of the work in Day VI through its parallelism with Day I (35–36). Though she argues forcefully for such caesura, Stewart does not believe that the two halves correspond to homogenous but separate thematic intentions, but rather to dominant themes that balance each other out in the two halves (37–38). I instead posit a unity focused on discussions about virtu- ous enjoyment and the binary playful/virtuous love in the first half. 7 . This is Fiammetta’s second Neapolitan tale in a row, Boccaccio’s way to relate Fiammetta to his previous fictional works that take place in Naples. 8 . For a longer, more elaborate analysis of an argument similar to the one I make here, see Smarr, Boccaccio and Fiammetta 43–47. 9 . As Julia Cozzarelli points out, Cimone’s behavior toward Efigenia goes under the nomenclature of “lust,” not love, since the woman’s emotions are never taken into consideration, and his behavior is initiated by a gaze of the woman’s body that is not reciprocated, which is essential for con- cepts of love as they were discussed in the Middle Ages (243). 10 . For the story as a subversion of the ideals of the dolce stil novo , see Cozzarelli 241–243; Fleming, “Happy Endings”; Marcus, “The Sweet New Style Reconsidered”; Sherberg, “The Patriarch’s Pleasure”; and Toscano, “ Decameron : Cimone’s Metamorphosis.” NOTES 223

11 . Robert Hollander offers a perceptive analysis of the relationship between Fiammetta and Panfilo in the Decameron , focusing on the last days, but also alluding to their previous relationship in the Elegia . Surmising that the two reprise the role of lovers in the overarching story, Hollander sug- gests that, during their fortnight in the countryside, Panfilo has broken up with Fiammetta and started a new relationship with Filomena; rela- tionship which is behind Panfilo’s hurried decision to return to Florence despite the danger constituted by the Plague (“The struggle for control” 284–308). 12 . This possibility is suggested by the proximity in composition of the two works. Critics have posited a composition date of 1343–1345 for the Elegia (the only other work to be completed closer to the Decameron is the Ninfale fiesolano ). It is plausible that Boccaccio meant the existence of similarly named characters in two fictions composed closely together to alert readers to the symbolic possibilities implicit in cross-referencing their interactions. 13 . To be precise, this is the first of two stories in which Panfilo celebrates virtuous love. The second one occurs on Day X, when he is king and tells the story of Torello and Adalieta. However, the story pertains to a day that focuses on acts of munificence and is at great variance with the remainder of the book (see Ferme). The only other male-narrated story that might qualify, Day II, 10 (where Dioneo points out that Paganino and Bartolomea marry in the end), is marred by the illicit relationship that the two begin while Bartolomea is still married to Riccardo di Chinzica. 14 . Lisabetta’s story (Day IV, 5) is altogether different, as the unmarried Lisabetta and Lorenzo become lovers, but nothing suggests that they intend to elope as Ninetta and Restagnone, or Andreuola and Gabriotto do. Therefore, their love cannot be considered onesto and their story falls outside the realm that I am analyzing here. 15 . As Branca reminds us, Lizio and another member of the Mainardi family, Arrigo, are mentioned side-by-side in Dante’s Purgatory (Decameron 631 n5, 632 n7). 16 . Sherberg notices this element of social disparity in the two stories, but he concludes his analysis by saying that the “happy ending” is facilitated by the “fact that the two young people love one another” ( The Governance 139). While this could be a factor, it is certainly less important than the characters’ social status. 17 . Sherberg’s analysis of this and the following story ( The Governance of Friendship 139–152) has helped clarify a number of points in my analysis and deserves acknowledgment. For an equally perceptive reading of the story of Giovanna and Federigo, see Cardini 95–111. 18 . Michael Sherberg has written the most cogent analyses of the last story of Day V, in The Governance of Friendship (143–152), but also, earlier, in “Sodomitic Center.”

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INDEX

Albert the Great, 206–7n10, Battaglia Ricci, Lucia, 14–18, 20, 22, 209–10n33 148, 199n5 Alighieri, Dante, 1–2, 5–8, 13–27, 83, Billanovich, Giuseppe, 162 85, 138, 198n2 Boccaccio, Giovanni authority of, 13–17 and Dante, 13–27, 43, 83, 85, 121, and dolce stil novo (Sweet New 138, 199n3, 199–200n10, Style), 8, 17, 19, 138 201n3, 204n28 and galeotto, 5, 13 and Florence, 43, 45–6, 96, and honestum, 7, 57–8, 73 202–3n11, 204n28, 214n20 and leggiadria (cleverness), 61–2 as trickster, 2, 56 and Paolo and Francesca, 6, 13–26 Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decameron and sollazzo, 61–2 author of, 1–4, 17, 21, 23–4, 26–7, and the volgare (Italian language), 121 30–1, 52–3, 55–6, 60, 63–5, See also Divine Comedy, Vita nuova 67–8, 78, 82–6, 96, 136–7, allegory 139, 152, 156, 168, 174, 184, and brigata dynamics, 144–8 192, 195, 197n9, 201n1, Garden of Eden and, 109–15 202n6, 209n26 love literature and, 19–20 courtly values in the, 21, 24, 44–6, Almansi, Guido, 2, 132, 143, 209n25, 57–8, 62, 83, 129, 180 (see also 212n2, 213n11,n14, 220n8 courtly love) The Writer as Liar, 2–3, 209n25, defense of, 1, 7–8, 16, 18, 20, 47, 212n2, 213n11, 220n8 62–4, 82–5, 138–9, 208n18 Aquinas, St. Thomas, 48–50, 61, 88, overarching tale in the, 2–5, 7, 205n4, 206n10, 209–10n33 10–11, 42, 47–56, 60–1, 63–6, Aristotle, 48–9, 206n10 68–70, 80–1, 84, 99–100, Nicomachean Ethics, 49, 56, 121 106–7, 109–16, 120–4, 132–3, Arthurian romances, 5, 13–17, 20–6, 134–7, 139–44, 159–61, 125, 145–8, 155–6, 193, 199n9 186–96, 223n11 Augustine, Saint, 57, 215n8 readers and the, 1, 5–7, 13–14, 17–19, 21–2, 24, 26–7, 33, 44, Baratto, Mario, 2, 44, 74, 87–8, 56, 59, 62, 66–7, 76, 84, 92, 210n35, 212n3, 213n11 104, 112, 133–4, 136, 139, Bàrberi-Squarotti, Giorgio, 44, 148, 159, 187, 192–3, 201n19, 198n10, 202n6 209n28, 218n32, 219n2–3, Barolini, Teodolinda, 204n24 221n17, 223n12 240 INDEX

Boccaccio, Giovanni, Giovanna (Day V, 9), 11, 124, Decameron—Continued 180–6, 211n38, 223n17 rhetoric in the, 1–3, 28, 30, 45, 73, Guiglielmo Guardastagno 121–2, 132, 139, 212n1 (Day IV, 9), 141–2, 153–4, scholars and the, 2–3, 13, 18, 23, 156, 180 30–1, 143, 151, 163, 199n4 Guiglielmo Rossiglione (Day IV, structure of the, 1–5, 27–8, 62, 70, 9), 153–4, 156, 180 122–3, 136, 145, 161–4, 197n7, wife of (Day IV, 9), 16, 141–2, 198n11, 222n6 153, 156, 180 Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decameron, Landolfo Rufolo (Day II, 4), 89, major characters 92–3, 95–6, 212n9 Alatiel (Day II, 7), 90–1, 93, 95–6, Lisabetta (Day IV, 5), 140, 145–6, 104, 112, 121, 147, 169, 212n2, 150, 153, 223n14 213n11–12 Maestro Alberto (Day I, 10), 8, Alibech (Day III, 10), 10, 86, 109, 70–1, 73–81, 83–5, 123, 127, 131–6, 140, 143, 147, 187, 138, 209n24, 210n34–6, 194–5 211n43, 217n19 Andreuccio da Perugia (Day II, 5), Maestro Simone (Day VIII, 9; Day 90, 93, 95, 164, 213n10 IX, 3), 77–8, 127, 211n41 Andreuola (Day IV, 6), 140, 150, Malgherida (Day I, 10), 8, 69, 71, 154, 158, 169–70, 174–5, 73–6, 78–81, 83–4, 100, 109, 216–17n13, 219n6, 220–1n15, 123, 127, 210n34–6, 211n43, 223n14 217n19 Bartolomea (Day II, 10), 9, 92, Marchioness of Monferrat (Day I, 94–5, 105–7, 109, 111–12, 121, 5), 69, 72, 104, 209n31 123–4, 135, 213–14n17–18, Masetto da Lamporecchio (Day III, 223n13 1), 10, 114–16, 118, 216n10, Bernabò Lomellin (Day II, 9), 93, 218n31, 220n14 96, 98, 101–6, 111, 123–4, Monk and the Abbot (Day I, 4), 127–8, 214n25 67–8, 99, 106, 109, 112, 164, Catella (Day III, 6), 119, 130–1, 164 192, 209n28–9 Caterina and Ricciardo (Day IV, Nastagio degli Onesti (Day V, 8), 4), 175–8 179, 183, 216n13 Cepperello (Day I, 1), 66, 147, 169 Paganino da Mare (Day II, 10), 8, Cimone (Day V, 1), 147, 165, 94–6, 105–6, 109, 111–12, 168–9, 171–4, 176–7, 183, 123, 133, 223n13 216–17n13, 222n9–10 Pietro di Vinciolo (Day V, 10), Federigo (Day V, 9), 180–6, 185–6, 208n19 211n38, 223n17 Rinaldo d’Asti (Day II, 2), 89, Ghismonda (Day IV, 1), 16, 19, 92–3, 95, 112, 147, 214n18, 124, 139–40, 142–6, 150, 154, 220n14 157–8, 164, 175–6, 220n10, Rustico (Day III, 10), 10, 85, 109, 220n13, 220–1n15 131–6, 143, 187, 194–5 Giletta of Narbonne (Day III, 9), Simona and Pasquino (Day IV, 7), 109, 124–31, 133, 135, 140–2, 141, 145, 150, 154–5, 158, 175, 154, 218n25, 218n29 219n6 INDEX 241

Tancredi (Day IV, 1), 140, 142–6, and God, 9, 54–5, 93, 101–4, 149–50, 152, 154, 157–8, 112, 120, 213n13 175–6, 220n10–12, 220–1n15 and leadership, 65, 81 Zinevra/Sicurano (Day II, 9), and misogyny, 53–4, 78, 81, 9, 92–6, 98–105, 109, 111, 99–100, 102–3, 110–11, 179, 121, 123–4, 127–8, 147, 206n10 213n14–15, 213–14n17–18 Filostrato, 1, 4, 10–11, 70, 104, 110, Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decameron, 137–61, 163–4, 169–70, 176–7, narrators 180, 184–5, 189, 218n31, Dioneo, 4, 7–11, 60–2, 64–5, 219n5, 220n11, 220n13–14, 67–70, 79, 88, 92, 94–6, 221n16 104–6, 109–13, 120–36, 140, classist view of society in, 142, 147–8, 158, 163, 175, 184, 151–8 207n14, 207–8n16, 208n17, and impropriety, 10, 114–15, 213n17–18, 214n27, 217n22, 118, 131, 134–6, 143, 155, 159, 218n31, 223n13 172, 182, 187–8, 195 as galeotto (trickster), 68, 106, 131 and melancholy, 10–11, 137, 139, and impropriety, 67–8, 72, 141–2, 146, 160, 175 79–80, 99, 106–7, 110, 120–1, and subversion, 10, 114–15, 141, 123, 131–5, 137, 159, 164, 170, 143–4, 151, 155, 177, 195 185–9, 191–6, 208n18–19 See also Arthurian romances; and subversion, 68–9, 81, 94, melancholy; nobility; 104–7, 109, 111, 121, 123, patriarchy 131–4, 159, 198n13 Lauretta, 77, 132, 146, 178, 182, See also sollazzo 221n17 Elissa, 4, 7, 11, 53–4, 102, 110, 146, Neifile, 4, 7, 9–10, 54, 110–44, 152–4, 163, 173–4, 177, 182, 151, 177, 182, 215n7, 218n25, 186–9, 191–2, 219n6, 196 219n6 reprimand of Dioneo by, 186–9, critique of courtly love by, 191–2, 196, 209n30 129–31 Emilia, 115, 120, 154, 158, 173–4, and Edenic garden, 9–10, 131 177, 182, 187, 219n6 and God, 113–15, 127, 132, 194 Fiammetta, 4, 10–11, 44–5, 68–9, and impropriety, 54, 66, 100, 72, 80, 122, 126, 139, 142–6, 102, 110–13, 116, 120–1, 150–3, 160–89, 195, 220n11, 126–7, 132–5, 139–42, 144, 220–1n15, 222n3, 222n7, 155, 187, 195, 215n3, 218n28 223n11 and marriage, 10, 115–16, 123, as leader, 122, 163, 166–7, 172 126, 129, 131, 133–4, 141, See also Elegia di Madonna 154, 182 Fiammetta; Filocolo Pampinea, 3–4, 7–8, 42, 47–86, Filomena, 4, 7–9, 53–5, 59, 64–7, 99–102, 104, 106–7, 109–12, 70, 78, 81, 87, 92–5, 99–107, 115, 118, 120–1, 123, 138, 109–12, 118–21, 123, 128, 140, 142, 146, 152, 159, 142, 153, 179, 182, 194, 164, 177–8, 182, 206n8, 206n10, 207–8n16, 213n15, 210–11n37, 214n22, 215n29, 214n22, 223n11 215n4, 217n19, 220n8 242 INDEX

Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decameron, story 1, 88–9, 93, 147 narrators—Continued story 2, 89, 92–3, 95, 147, and honest enjoyment, 10–11, 214n18, 220n14 49–50, 69, 100, 110, 104, 107, story 3, 89, 95, 115, 123, 214n22, 164, 192, 214n21 215n4, 217n19 and leadership, 7, 47–55, 61, story 4, 89–90, 95–6, 147 63–5, 81, 110, 126, 193, story 5, 90, 93, 95, 147, 164, 206n5, 206n7, 207n12 214n18, 223n14 and natural reason, 48–55, 61, story 6, 90, 95–6, 115, 147 79, 81, 205n4 story 7, 90–1, 93, 95, 147, 169, 189 speech in Santa Maria Novella story 8, 91–2, 95, 147 by, 7, 20, 49–55, 102 story 9, 9, 59, 92–6, 100–6, 109, Panfilo, 43, 66, 70, 91, 104, 119, 111, 121, 123–4, 127–8, 147, 121, 137, 142, 150, 154, 213n14–15, 214n18, 218n24 167–74, 176–7, 180, 182, 187, story 10, 9, 94–6, 104–7, 109, 189, 219n6, 220–1n15, 221n17, 111–12, 121, 123–4, 133, 223n11, 223n13 135, 213–14n17–18, 218n24, Boccaccio, Giovanni, Decameron, text 223n13 Author’s Conclusion, 1, 8, 16, 18, Day III, 4, 9–10, 81, 109–10, 20, 23, 47, 62–4, 121, 138, 112–16, 118–21, 123–44, 208n18 154–5, 159, 161, 169, 172, Author’s Proem, 3, 13–27, 52, 55, 187–8, 194, 212n1, 215n1, 85, 99, 141, 155, 188, 193, 215n3, 216n13, 218n30 195–6, 197n8, 199n3, 200n11, story 1, 10, 114–16, 141, 147, 206n8–9 216n10, 218n31, 220n14 Day I, 3–4, 7–8, 58, 64–81, story 2, 118–19, 130, 215n4, 99–100, 110, 113, 120, 123, 216n12 135, 164, 169, 194, 207–8n16, story 3, 96, 118–19, 217n22 208–9n22, 209n25 story 4, 119–20, 169, 189 Introduction to, 7, 27–65 story 5, 119 story 1, 4, 8, 66, 147, 169, story 6, 119, 130–1, 164, 214n12 209n27 story 7, 119–20, 147 story 2, 66 story 8, 120, 131 story 3, 209n27 story 9, 124–31, 133, 141, story 4, 67–9, 99, 104, 106, 109, 218n28–9 111–12, 123, 164, 192, 209n28 story 10, 86, 131–4, 143, 147, story 5, 69, 72, 96, 104, 164, 154, 187, 194, 217n22, 218n31 209n30 Day IV, 5, 10–11, 16, 19, 47, 70, story 7, 209n27 137–62, 164–5, 169, 172, story 8, 96 174–6, 181, 183–4, 188, story 10, 8, 58–9, 70–9, 100, 195–6, 202n6, 208n17, 123, 127, 217n19, 217–18n23 216–17n13, 219n4 Day II, 4, 9, 81, 87–9, 99, 104–7, Author’s Introduction to, 8, 16, 110, 113, 120–1, 123, 135, 147, 23, 47, 64, 82–5, 136, 138–9, 192, 194, 212n1–2 195, 200n17 INDEX 243

story 1, 139–40, 142–6, 148–50, Day VII, 5, 11, 70, 185, 192 152–4, 157–8, 161, 164–5, story 4, 218n24 175–6, 218n24, 220n11–13, story 6, 218n24 220–1n15 story 7, 78 story 2, 140–2, 146, 150, 152, story 10, 188 220n8 Day VIII, 5 story 3, 140–1, 145–6, 148–50, story 1, 96, 122 151, 153–4, 158, 165, 221n17 story 2, 122 story 4, 96, 140–1, 145–6, 148, story 5, 211n38 150, 152–3, 165, 216n13, story 6, 77 219n6 story 7, 72 story 5, 140, 145–6, 148, 150, 153 story 9, 77, 127 story 6, 140, 146, 148, 150, story 10, 188, 214n27 153–4, 158, 169–70, 174, Day IX, 5 216n13, 219n6, 220–1n15, story 2, 63 221n17, 223n13 story 3, 77–8 story 7, 145–6, 148, 150, 154–5, story 10, 188 158, 165, 219n6 Day X, 5, 19, 28, 43, 70, 163, 189 story 8, 140–1, 145–6, 148, 150, story 3, 214n19 154–5, 158, 165, 216n13, story 4, 167 219n6 story 6, 19 story 9, 140–2, 145, 148, 151–8, story 7, 19 180, 220n14 story 9, 96, 223n13 story 10, 140–2, 150–3, 158–9 story 10, 188, 214n27 Day V, 5, 11, 110, 161–5, 168–92, Boccaccio, Giovanni, other works 195–6, 209n30, 216–17n13 Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine, 4, story 1, 147, 165, 168–73, 176–7, 162–3, 165, 167–8, 182 180, 182–3, 216n13 Elegia di Madonna Fiammetta, 4, story 2, 173–4, 176–7, 179, 182 155, 162–3, 165, 167–71, 182, story 3, 165, 173–4, 176–7, 223n11 179, 182 Esposizioni sopra la Commedia, 6, story 4, 167, 175–7, 182 15–18, 199n7–8, 202n11, story 5, 177, 182 204n29, 212n5 story 6, 167, 177–9, 182 Filocolo, 4, 44–5, 121–2, 162–8, 170, story 7, 178–9, 182, 214n19 172, 182–3, 200n12, 222n2 story 8, 19, 179, 182–3, 216n13 questions about love in the, story 9, 59, 180–6, 211n38, 44–5, 121–2, 166–7 218n24 Filostrato, 4, 137 story 10, 184–6, 223n18 Ninfale fiesolano, 223n12 Day VI, 5, 11, 110, 188–92, 196, Teseida, 155, 162–3, 222 208n18, 209n30 Trattatello in laude di Dante, 13, 46, story 1, 184 204n28 story 3, 59 Bologna, 70, 73–4, 76–9, 127, story 7, 111 210n36, 211n39 story 10, 188 See also prostitution 244 INDEX

Branca, Vittore, 2, 27–31, 43–4, 65, chastity, 10, 58, 91, 106, 109, 114, 74, 88, 96, 162, 197n4, 201n2, 118–21, 123, 127, 131, 133, 142, 202n7–9, 202n11, 212n1, 176–7, 182, 198n12, 216n10 212n3, 212n9 among the storytellers, 17, 107, 116, Boccaccio medievale, 2, 27–9, 31, 44, 120–1, 123, 132, 192, 202n6 65, 88, 96, 197n4, 201n2, and virtue, 11, 58, 100–2, 104, 201n4, 212n1, 212n3 118, 155, 192, 195, 211n43, brigata, 3–4, 7–11, 17, 44–6, 55–6, 218n28, 219n6 60–8, 80–2, 84, 109–14, Cherchi, Paolo, 56–9 120–1, 123–4, 132–6, 141–4, L’onestade e l’onesto raccontare, 56–9 150–1, 155, 159–62, 164, Christian values, 9, 36–7, 49, 57, 88, 185–9, 191–6, 198n13, 202n6, 162, 167 204n24, 207n14, 207–8n16, chroniclers, 6–7, 30–42, 203n14–16, 209n32, 214n21 203n20, 204n21–2 and friendship, 3, 47, 143 See also Stefani, Marchionne di and melancholia, 5, 7, 52, 64–5, Coppo; Villani, Giovanni; 67, 70, 81, 85, 99, 102, 109, Villani, Matteo 123, 136, 143–4, 159–61, 185, Church (institution) 192–5 and marriage, 115–18, 128, 154, sociality in the, 44–6 172, 174, 183 and the use of reason, 44–6, 48–55, and religious vocation, 10, 113, 116 61, 65–7, 84, 100, 138, 192, and sex, 119–20, 131–3 207–8n16 Ciavolella, Massimo, 116, 216n10, Brucker, Gene, 40, 204n26 221n20 Bruni, Francesco, 121–3, 138, Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 56–8 211n42, 217n23 Cino da Pistoia, 8, 83, 85, 138 L’invenzione della letteratura mezzana, coeur mangé (eaten heart, legend of), 121–3, 138, 217n23 156, 220n13 See also Arthurian romances Capellanus, Andreas, 75–6, 83, 122, cognomen, 11, 13, 16, 194 125, 210–11n37 convent, 114–15, 118, 120, 154, 167, See also De Amore 170, 218n31, 220–1n14–15 Carabellese, Francesco, 39–40, 202n7, See also Speculum Virginum 203n17–18 Cottino-Jones, Marga, 112, 132, Cardini, Franco, 49, 203n13, 206n5, 215n1, 220n8 223n17 courtly love, 7–10, 14, 16–21, 24, 45, carnal desire (carnali diletti), 5, 8, 17, 75–84, 119, 121–7, 129, 146, 50, 56, 67, 73–4, 80, 84, 111, 151, 154–5, 162–8, 171, 113, 115–16, 121, 135–6, 151, 173, 180–1, 193, 207n12, 162, 178, 185, 195, 215n8, 210–11n36–7, 218n23 216n11 See also Capellanus, Andreas; Cavalcanti, Guido, 8, 19, 83, 85, De Amore 138, 22n4 and dolce stil novo (Sweet New De Amore, 75–6, 125, 210–11n37, Style), 19, 138 217n23 Cervigni, Dino, 197n8, 198n11 See also Capellanus, Andreas INDEX 245 death as trickster, 14, 17, 21 in the Decameron, 11, 34–7, 41, galeotto, 1, 13–26, 68 51–2, 55, 66, 92, 112, 126, as boatman, 25–6 141–60, 175–6, 179, 193, book as, 5, 13–26 204n27, 206n9, 220n14 as intermediary, 16–17, 21–2 in the Middle Ages, 11, 14, 32–7, as shield, 24–5 45, 147–51, 156–8, 202n11, as trickster, 22–3, 42, 56, 106, 109, 203n16, 221n21 193–6 Delcorno Branca, Daniela, 145–6 as warning, 19–20 See Arthurian Romances Gauvard, Claude, 149 Divine Comedy, 1–2, 5–8, 13–27, 78, Genoa, 96–9, 105, 213n13, 214n20 96, 109, 113, 139, 148, 193, Getto, Giovanni, 2, 28–9, 89, 201n5, 199n8, 205n4, 223n15 202n9, 212n3, 213n10 See also Alighieri, Dante Grimaldi, Emma, 2, 105, 213n17 dolce stil novo (sweet new style), 8, 17, Guinevere, 13, 16, 19, 21–3, 25, 195 19, 74–5, 138–9, 146, 162, 168, 171, 173, 222n10 Heyligen, Lodewijk, 29 Duby, Georges, 117, 172, 181, 217n14 Hollander, Robert, 162, 207n13, 215n29, 215n4, 222n4, enjoyment (diletto), 16, 19, 22, 45, 50, 223n11 58–62, 64, 82, 107, 159, 191, 196 honest enjoyment (onesto diletto), 5, See also honest enjoyment 7–8, 49–50, 63, 69, 85, 100, Epstein, Stephen, 31, 97–8, 213n13 104, 111, 121, 135, 141, 144, Ermengarde, Vicountess of 159, 164, 185, 191–4, 196, Narbonne, 125–6 198n12 See also enjoyment, women Falsini, Aliberto, 39, 202n7, 203n17 Fenzi, Enrico, 61 Jacoby, David, 98, 213n16 and sollazzo, 61–2 Ferrante, Joan, 204n21 Kirkham, Victoria, 161, 216–17n13 Fido, Franco, 199n3, 209n27 Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, 216n10, Flasch, Kurt, 49, 206n7, 215n28 217n14 Florence, 7, 31–3, 39, 43, 46, 96–7, 117, 199n6, 203n17, 204n28, lai Guirun, 220n13, 221n18 205n31, 214n20 Lancelot, 13, 16, 19, 21–3, 25, 195 in Boccaccio’s fiction, 1, 5, 28, 45, Lancelot propre, 1, 5–6, 13, 22–3, 25, 54, 64, 69, 77, 110, 113, 128–9, 200n16 142–3, 150–1, 167, 223n11 See also Arthurian romances and the Plague, 6, 28, 30–1, 34, laughter, 19, 21–2, 42, 46, 66, 68, 80, 36–40, 44, 51, 71, 202–3n11 84, 106–7, 109, 111, 121, 123, Forni, Pier Massimo, 29–30, 205n30, 132–3, 159, 185–8, 194 212n1, 219n5 Le Goff, Jacques, 117, 149, 216n10, 217n14 Galehaut Levenstein, Jessica, 133, 155, 202n6, as Arthurian hero, 13, 21–3, 25, 206n8 217n21 Livy, 29 246 INDEX love, 2, 5–6, 10–11, 15–17, 19–26, Middle Ages 44–5, 53, 61–2, 74, 76, 84–5, authority in the, 35, 40, 43–4, 121–5, 138–89, 191, 193, 195, 48–9, 55, 68, 119, 141, 146–7, 200n12, 200n14, 206n5, 150, 152, 159, 193 216–17n13, 219n6, 222n9 Mieszkowski, Gretchen, 25, 194, 200n14 for gain (amore utile), 121, 166 Migiel, Marilyn, 3, 11, 132, 134, illicit (amore per diletto), 10–11, 207n14, 215n4, 216n11 13–14, 20, 22–4, 121–2, 129, A Rhetoric of the Decameron, 3, 164, 134, 139, 162, 166, 168, 170, 197, 204n23, 207n14, 209n31 179, 186, 194, 216n13 Miglio, Luisa, 204n25 virtuous (amore onesto), 10–11, misogyny, 7, 10, 169, 179, 209–10n33 121–2, 133, 139, 166–7 morality, 16, 18, 28, 57–9, 61–2, 69, See also courtly love 72–3, 80, 106, 122, 139, 149, Lucan, 6, 29 151, 162, 207n13, 209n28 Luperini, Romano, 151–3, 215n28, and its failings, 6, 17, 27–8, 41–2, 221n16 47, 51, 60, 68, 76, 78, 82, 100, 193, 195, 202n6, 204n21 Marchesi, Simone, 138–9, 200–1n18, 202n9 Naples, 164 Marcus, Millicent, 74, 83, 91, 175–6, in Boccaccio’s fiction, 44, 90, 162, 200n13, 210n35–6, 211n43 166–7, 222n6 marriage, 161–87, 215n29 Neri, Ferdinando, 65, 198n11, 222n6 consent in, 117, 172, 174, 179, nobility, 29, 58, 146, 166 182–3 of birth, 42, 118, 129–30, 149, happiness in, 170–1, 174, 180–7, 153–4, 157–8, 166–7, 173–8, 214n17 211n38, 221n16 as an institution, 116–18, 152, 154, in the brigata, 47, 56 172–3 of spirit, 19, 72, 129, 138, 148, 157 subversion of, 101, 120, 140–1, 153 nuns, 10, 50, 114–16, 118, 140, 154, upholding of, 10, 104, 122–3, 167, 217n17, 220–1n15 126–33, 176 as “brides of Christ,” 113, 116, 118, Martinez, Ronald, 67–8, 209n29 154 Mazzotta, Giuseppe, 113–15, 143, sex and nuns, 10, 50, 63, 167, 199n4, 215n1, 220n10, 221n21 218n31, 220n14 Meiss, Millard, 199n5 melancholia, 5, 7, 52, 55, 64–5, 67, Olson, Kristina, 212n6 70, 81, 85, 99, 102, 109, 123, onesto diletto 136, 143–4, 156, 159–61, 167, See honest enjoyment 173, 185, 192–5, 208n19 Ovid, 19, 29, 145, 200n11, 200n17, mercantilism (and merchants), 2, 32, 202n9 40, 43–5, 66, 87–90, 94–101, Ars Amandi, 19 104–5, 128, 154, 212n1 Remedia amoris, 19 Boccaccio against, 43–4, 118 See also Genoa, Day II: stories Padoan, Giorgio, 74, 208n21, 210n35, 9–10 219n2 INDEX 247

Paolo and Francesca, 15–20, 22–3, 25, Rossi, Luciano, 23, 199n9, 202n9, 193, 195, 199n8, 201n19 213n10, 220n13, 221n16 Papio, Michael, 199n7 Rossiaud, Jacques, 117–18 Passavanti, Iacopo, 14, 17, 199n6, Russo, Vittorio, 16, 88, 212n5 217n20 patriarchy, 52, 54, 141–5, 147, 150–1, Sacchetti, Franco, 46, 214n26 153, 157, 159, 162, 172, 177, Santa Maria Novella, 7, 20, 38, 47, 182–3, 186, 219n7 55–6, 60, 102, 112, 192–3, and roles for women, 49, 151, 169, 199n6, 205n4, 216n13 185–6, 193, 205n1 Segre, Cesare, 2 and violence, 142, 147–51, 155, Seneca, 29, 56, 96 171–2, 176–7 Agamemnon, 96 Paulus Diaconus, 6, 29–30, 202n9 Serafini-Sauli, Judith, 24 Historia Longobardorum, 29–30 Sherberg, Michael, 3, 49, 55, 61, Petrarca, Francesco, 21, 29, 43, 46, 161–2, 206n5 58, 202n10, 204n8 The Governance of Friendship, 3, 49, Picone, Michelangelo, 74–5, 208n22, 61, 143, 176, 180–1, 184–5, 210n35, 219n3, 220n13 197n9, 198n13, 205n30, piracy, 90, 97–8 207n12, 209n32, 219n7, plague, 5–7, 27–53, 55, 59–60, 64–8, 71, 220n11, 223n16–18 73–4, 76, 81–2, 88, 98–9, 102, Shklovsky, Victor, 197n7 120, 122–3, 136, 142, 144, 148 Silio Italico, 29 chaos and the, 6–8, 28, 41, 45, 60, Smarr, Janet, 162–5, 168, 201n1, 64–5, 68 207n13, 222n3 as God’s punishment, 32–3, 36, 41 sollazzo (playful fun), 7–9, 18, 61–5, government and the, 6–7, 30–1, 35, 67, 69, 81, 104, 106, 109, 113, 39–41, 43–4, 46, 211n42 131, 135, 158–9, 191–2, 194, responses to the, 7, 31, 35–7, 39–43, 207n14, 207–8n16–17, 208n19 45, 60, 64, 120, 136 Speculum Virginum, 113–15 women and the, 42–3 Stefani, Marchionne di Coppo, Pliny, the Younger, 202n9 29–31, 38–9, 203n16 priests, 48, 66, 118, 205n1 corruption of, 35, 68, 116, 119–20 Terrusi, Leonardo, 151–2, 221n16 prostitution, 9, 78–9, 90, 101, 105, Todorov, Tzvetan, 197n7 128, 214n23 trickster, 5–6, 21–2, 42, 56, 100, 106, 131, 193–4, 196 Reyerson, Kathryn, 97, 99 See also Dioneo; galeotto Rigotti, Francesca, 56–8 “Triumph of death” (painting), 14, 17 Riva, Massimo, 6, 19–21 troubadours, 61, 125, 145, 151, 208n17 Robert of Anjou (king of Naples), 43, See also sollazzo 96, 125, 162 Robertson, Durant, 210–11n37 useful advice (utile consiglio), 6, 8, Romance of Tristan, 145–6, 155–6, 158, 16–19, 22, 24, 27, 44–7, 62, 220n13 64–6, 69, 84–5, 99, 140, 159, See also Arthurian romances 188, 193, 195 248 INDEX

Varanini, Gian Maria, 39 Saint Paul against, 48, 53 Veglia, Marco, 6, 20–1, 24, virtuous behavior in, 5, 7, 9, 49, 199–200n10 54, 57–8, 65, 69, 73, 79, 84, Vergil, 29 99–102, 105–6, 114, 126, 129, Villani, Giovanni, 29, 31–3, 41 134, 141, 168, 183, 211n43, chronicle of, 31–2, 203n14, 204n21 218n28, 218n32 Villani, Matteo, 29–31, 41 and virtuous honesty, 4–5, 7–8, chronicle of, 32–9, 203n14–15, 11, 50–1, 56–8, 60, 63, 72–3, 204n21 85, 109, 120, 128, 131, 142, virginity, 91, 117–18, 131, 178 182, 191, 195–6, 198n12, See also chastity 213n15 Virtue. See women (virtuous honesty) See also useful advice; love (illicit, Vita nuova, 17, 19, 75, 221n18 for gain, virtuous) See also Alighieri, Dante Wray, Shona, 30, 76 women Zanella, Gabriele, 30, 203n20, and the Church, 115, 117–18, 125, 204n22 183, 209–10n33, 216n10 Zatti, Sergio, 90, 95, 180–1, 212n2, and leadership, 53–4, 110, 125, 135 214n18