Feminisation of Local Communities and Its Impact on Food Security in Rural Nepal Sujata Tamang

Feminisation of Local Communities and its Impact on Food Security in Rural Nepal

Sujata Tamang

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES NSW 2052, AUSTRALIA

April 2019

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Abstract This thesis is concerned with the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security in rural Nepal. The boosted labour market in Gulf countries has contributed to the absence of men, thereby shifting responsibilities to women within households, communities and state affairs in rural areas of Nepal. The feminisation of local communities has an impact on all dimensions of rural life, including livelihoods but in particular on food security.

The feminisation of local communities is a relatively new phenomenon and its relationship to food security is understudied. The literature on food security has given little attention to the feminisation of local communities in Nepal. This thesis aims to address this gap by focusing on the relationship between the feminisation of local communities and food security. Drawing on research conducted in rural Nepal, this thesis highlights a number of issues related to the feminisation of local communities, including the use of land, access to and control over resources, and women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and state levels. However, despite these changes, historically-rooted patriarchal practices and hierarchical relations among different social groups are reinforcing the status quo, thereby reducing food security of local communities.

This thesis employs a feminist political ecology perspective to critically analyse the relationship between the feminisation of local communities and food security. The study used a mixed methods approach and case study strategy to collect data from two case study sites: Nalma of Lamjung and Piprahar of Nawalparasi districts, both located in Western Nepal. Methods included household surveys, key informant interviews, focus group discussions, document review and participant observations.

The thesis demonstrates the differentiated impacts of the feminisation of local communities on food security among different social and economic groups, highlighting the strategies employed by different social groups to manage their livelihoods and iii

everyday lives. Such differentiated impacts on food security are linked to the persistence of discriminatory practices based on gender, caste, ethnicity, and wealth. The thesis suggests that a broader political response on the issues of feminisation and food security is needed. This is possible when a trans-formative approach to land use, access to and control over resources and participation in decision-making is adopted. A prerequisite of such policy departure would be the development of capacities of women and the poor and marginalised groups, with the focus on food security.

Acknowledgement

The stories, information, figures and statements presented in this thesis are the outcomes of interactions, discussions and reflections with many men and women of the research sites, agriculture professionals, activists in Nepal and the work of academic intellectuals of Nepal and aboard. This was further enriched with the insightful questions and suggestions from my supervisors and colleagues. I would like to sincerely thank all for their valuable contribution to enable me to come with this piece of work.

First of all, I would like to express my sincere thanks to many of the community members of Nalma village of Lamjung and Piprahar village of Nawalparasi for their kind consent and willingness to participate in the discussions and generous interests to support me to generate the information that is used in this thesis. I am particularly indebted to Ms Rameswori Mahato and Ms Maya Ale of Piprahar and Mr Chakra Gurung of Nalma for their support in facilitating discussions and collecting information during my fieldwork in the respective villages.

Similarly, the developed understanding of the current context of the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security at the local level and on-going policies plans programmes at the province and central level would not have been possible without active participation and insightful contributions from the concerned communities of practitioners and the professionals of this field. I would like to thank them all for their valuable time and insights, in particular, District Agriculture Officers, agriculture activists and members of National Land Right Forum, National Farmers Group Federation, Community Forestry Users’ Group among others.

I am very grateful to my supervisors; Associate Professor Dr Krishna Kumar Shrestha and Professor Dr Anthony Zwi for their guidance throughout the study period, from designing to analysing and writing. I am also greatly thankful to Professor Zwi who guided during final revision of the thesis. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Hemant Ojha, Dr Tanya Jackimow, Dr Robert Fisher for their valuable inputs and useful insights. I highly appreciate the support of postgraduate coordinators Professor Dr Richard Hugman and Associate Professor Dr Geoffrey Brahm Levey from the school of social sciences.

Similarly, I highly appreciate and acknowledge the support from the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) for awarding me the John Allwright Fellowship. Without their generous support, I would not have been able to pursue this research course. I would like to express special thanks to Dr Tony Bartlet, Professor Dr Ian Nuberg, Dr Nora Devoe, Dr Geoffrey O’Keefe, Dr Margaret Becker for their encouragement and generous support throughout my graduate study.

I want to thank ForestAction Nepal team who encouraged me to take this research and supported me throughout the research journey. I very much appreciate the contribution of Dr Krishna Paudel, Dr Naya Sharma, Mr Amrit Adhikari and other colleagues with whom I worked in developing research ideas and shared values to complete this research. I want to thank Ms Rita Mastrantone for her contribution in editing the thesis. Similarly, I would like to express thanks to everyone who has contributed to reading and providing feedback on my writing.

I am thankful to my fellow students and friends in UNSW and outside UNSW. Above all, I am greatly indebted to my parents and all brothers and sisters. My special thanks to brother Suresh, sister-in-law Ekta Pun, niece Menjam, and nephew Lobsang Makana for their unconditional love, care, and inspiration.

Thank you all

Table of Contents

Acknowledgement ...... v

List of Figures ...... xi

List of Tables ...... xii

List of Publications ...... xiii

CHAPETER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.1 Research Background ...... 1

1.2 Research Problems and Rationale ...... 5

1.3 Research Aim and Questions ...... 9

1.4 Research Methodology and Methods ...... 9

1.5 Overview of Thesis ...... 11

CHAPTER TWO: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN AGRARIAN SOCIETIES ...... 13

2.1 Introduction ...... 13

2.2 Overview: Geographical, Political and Social Context of Nepal ...... 13 2.2.1 Nepal’s mountainous geography ...... 13 2.2.2 Unprecedented change in Nepali society and economy ...... 15

2.3 Food Security and Agrarian Change in the Global Context ...... 20

2.4 Food Security and the Agrarian Context in Nepal ...... 24

2.5 Food Security: Key Issues and Challenges ...... 29 2.5.1 Feminisation of local communities ...... 29 2.5.2 Women’s participation in decision-making ...... 33 2.5.3 Access to and control over land and financial resources: Ownership and use ...... 35

2.6 Political Ecology of Food Security ...... 39

2.7 Analytical Framework ...... 43

2.8 Summary ...... 44

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 46

3.1 Introduction ...... 46

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3.2 Approaching the Research ...... 46

3.3 The Research Journey ...... 46 3.3.1 Situating myself in the research context ...... 46 3.3.2 The conceptual foundation ...... 48 3.3.3 Methodological framework ...... 49 3.3.4 Research approach ...... 50

3.4 Designing the Field Research ...... 52 3.4.1 Research design ...... 52 3.4.2 Selection of case study sites ...... 54 3.4.3 Research methods ...... 56

3.5 Data Processing, Analysis, and Interpretation ...... 62

3.6 Research Rigour ...... 63

3.7 Ethical Considerations ...... 65

3.8 Summary ...... 65

CHAPTER FOUR: NEPAL’S AGRARIAN LIVELIHOODS, FOOD SECURITY POLICIES AND ACTORS’ PERSPECTIVES ...... 67

4.1 Introduction ...... 67

4.2 Persistence and Change in Nepal’s Agrarian Life ...... 67 4.2.1 Declining agriculture and food security ...... 69 4.2.2 Migration and remittance economy ...... 76 4.2.3 The rise of inclusion politics: Gender and social inclusion ...... 78

4.3 Contestation of Views: Actors’s Persepectives on Feminisation and Food Security ..... 80 4.3.1 Contestation at the national level ...... 80 4.3.2 Contestation of actors at the provincial and local levels ...... 85

4.4 Summary ...... 89

CHAPTER FIVE: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN NALMA, LAMJUNG ...... 91

5.1 Introduction ...... 91

5.2 Feminisation of Local Community in Nalma ...... 96 5.2.1 Male out-migration ...... 97 5.2.2 Shortage of male workforce ...... 108

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5.2.3 Shifting workload to women ...... 112

5.3 Women’s Participation in Decision-making ...... 115 5.3.1 Household level ...... 116 5.3.2 Community level ...... 118 5.3.3 Politics and local government ...... 122

5.4 Women’s Access to and Control over Resources for Food Security ...... 123 5.4.1 Agricultural land and food security ...... 124 5.4.2 Remittance and food security ...... 137

5.5 Summary ...... 142

CHAPTER SIX: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF COMMUNITIES IN PIPRAHAR, NAWALPARASI ...... 145

6.1 Introduction ...... 145

6.2 Feminisation of Local Community in Piprahar ...... 153 6.2.1 Male out-migration ...... 155 6.2.2 Shortage of male workforce in the village ...... 163 6.2.3 Shifting workload to women ...... 166

6.3 Women’s Participation in Decision-making Process for Food Security ...... 169 6.3.1 Household level ...... 169 6.3.2 Community level ...... 173 6.3.3 Politics and local government ...... 175

6.4 Women’s Access to and Control over Resources and Food Security ...... 176 6.4.1 Agricultural land ...... 176 6.4.2 Remittances ...... 183

6.5 Summary ...... 188

CHAPTER SEVEN: FOOD SECURITY IN NEPAL’S FEMINISING RURAL COMMUNITIES . 191

7.1 Introduction ...... 191

7.2 Persistence and Change in Nepal ...... 191 7.2.1 Out-migration of males ...... 191 7.2.2. Differential access to migration ...... 194 7.2.3. Remittance economy ...... 196 7.2.4. Shortage of labour and shifting responsibilities ...... 198 7.2.5. Land use and the effects on food production ...... 201

7.2.6. Gender and decision-making roles ...... 207 7.2.7. Gendered access to and control over land and remittance ...... 210 7.2.8 Caste and ethnicity in feminisation and food insecurity ...... 213

7.3 Enhancing Food Security in Rural Nepal: Some Ways Forward ...... 216 7.3.1 Better utilisation of agricultural land and creation of farmers ...... 217 7.3.2 Investment of remittance into agriculture ...... 220 7.3.3 Capacity building of women ...... 221 7.3.4 Repositioning farming in the changing context of Nepal ...... 222

7.4 Summary ...... 224

CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSIONS ...... 225

8.1 Introduction ...... 225

8.2 Major Findings of the Research ...... 225

8.3 Implications of the Research ...... 232 8.3.1 Implicatiosn for the theory ...... 232 8.3.2 Implications for policy and practice ...... 233

8.4 Limitations of the Research ...... 236

8.5 Areas of Future Research ...... 237

8.6 Concluding Remarks ...... 238

REFERENCES ...... 239

Annexes ...... 254

Annex I: Household survey questionnaire (English) ...... 254

Annex II: List of the participants of KIIs ...... 263

Annex III: Checklist for the KIIs ...... 267

Annex IV: Composition of the participants of FGD ...... 269

Annex V: Checklist of FGD ...... 270

List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Overview of the thesis chapters Figure 2.1 Analytical framework Figure 5.1 Map of Lamjung district showing Case Study I – Nalma village Figure 5.2 Scale of out-migration of Gurung and Dalit youths of Nalma village to Gulf countries Figure 5.3 Out-migration by caste, ethnicity and wealth group Figure 5.4 Average land ownership by different caste, ethnicity and wealth groups Figure 5.5 Use of remittances by Gurungs and Dalit Groups Figure 6.1 Map of Nawalparasi district showing Piprahar village Figure 6.2 Age structure of the population of Nawalparasi district Figure 6.3 Out-migration by wealth category Figure 6.4 Use of remittance among the surveyed households Figure 7.1 Framework to increase food security in rural Nepal

List of Tables

Table 5.1 The caste, ethnicity and wealth category composition of surveyed households Table 5.2 Absence of working-age male members Table 5.3 Cost for processing for different destination countries Table 5.4 Households leaving underutilised land and sharecropping by caste and wealth category Table 5.5 Local food production in the village Table 5.6 Import and export of major items in the village Table 6.1 The caste, ethnicity and wealth category composition of surveyed households Table 6.2 Comparison between income from remittance and labour work Table 6.3 Changes in women’s participation in farming-related decision-making Table 6.4 Average landholding of different groups

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List of Publications

Tamang, S., Shrestha, K.K. & Zwi, A. (2018). The feminisation of local communities and food security in Nepal. Asian Studies Association of Australia Conference, Sydney, 3-5 July 2018.

Ojha, H.R., Shrestha, K.K., Subedi, Y.R., Shah, R., Nuberg, I., Heyojoo, B., Cedamon, E., Rigg, J., Tamang, S., Paudel, K.P. and Mall, Y. (2017). ‘Agricultural land underutilisation in the hills of Nepal: Assessing socio-environmental pathways of change’. Journal of Rural Studies 53: 56-172.

Tamang, S. (2016). Feminization of agriculture in Nepal: a burden or an opportunity for women. Second World Congress on Women’s Studies, 5-6 May, 2016, Colombo, Srilanka.

Tamang, S. (2015). Feminisation of local communities and impact on food security in Nepal. Student led Conference, 11-12 November, 2015, Sydney organised by FASS/UNSW.

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ADB Asian Development Bank ADS Agriculture Development Strategy APP Agriculture Perspective Plan CA Constituent Assembly CBS Central Bureau of Statistics CFUG Community Forest User Group CNP Chitwan National Park CPN-M Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist CSRC Community Self-Reliance Centre DADO District Agriculture Development Office DCC District Coordination Committee DDC District Development Committee DFO District Forest Office DFO District Forest Office DFRS Division of Forest Resources and Survey DLSO District Livestock Services Office DoA Department of Agriculture DoF Department of Forest DoLP Department of Livestock Service DWDO District Women Development Office FANUSEP Food and Nutrition Security Programme FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation FGD Focus Group Discussion FIAN Food-first Information and Action Network FNSP Food and Nutrition Security Plan of Action GAFSP Global Agriculture and Food Security Programme GDP Gross Domestic Product GoN Government of Nepal HDI Human Development Index HHS Household Survey HIMAWANTI The Himalayan Grassroots Women’s Natural Resource Management Association HLCSLR High-Level Comission on Scientific Land Reform INGOs International Non-governmental Organisations xiv

IPCC International Panel on Climate Change KII Key Informant Interview LGCDP Local Governance and Community Development Programme LSGA Local Self Governance Act MoAC Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives MoAD Ministry of Agricultural Development MoLE Ministry of Labour and Employment MPFS Master Plan for the Forestry Sector MSFP Multistakeholder Forestry Programme NAFSP Nepal Agricultural and Food Security Project NARC National Agriculture Research Council NC Nepali Congress NCP Nepal Communist Party NDHS Nepal Demographic and Health Survey NGOs Non-governmental Organisations NLSS Nepal Living Standard Survey NPC National Planning Commission RtFN Right to Food Network SDGs Sustainable Development Goals UNHCR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights UNRISD United Nations Research Institute for Social Development VDC Village Development Committee WEF World Economic Forum ZHC Zero Hunger Challenge

CHAPETER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Research Background

Nepal has an agriculture-based economy and 65 percent of the population depends on some form of agriculture for their livelihoods (ADB 2013). Most of the farming households practice family labour-based and subsistence1 farming in Nepal, which comprises approximately 55.3 percent of farming entitities in Nepal (ADB 2013). At the same time, rural communities are rapidly changing due to unprecedented social, economic, and political upheavals, particularly in the last several decades. These have had an impact on the meaning, rationale, and pattern of agriculture as the main source of livelihoods. Agriculture has been, and still is, an important means of livelihood for many rural Nepali households. However, questions regarding productivity of lands, return on investment and profitability from farming have not been well discussed. Further, government policies on agriculture, emerging markets, alternative uses of land, varied opportunities for employment and income, and changing social, economic, and political environments have considerably affected the way rural households have lived.

These issues highlight numerous challenges and opportunities, both existing and emerging, in relation to agriculture, food security and social relations. The World Food Summit 1996 defined food security as follows: ‘food security exists when all people, at all times, have physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary need and food preferences for an active and healthy life’ (FAO 2009: 1). Therefore, food availability (production and distribution), access (physical and economic affordability), utilisation (nutritionally rich and culturally safe) and stability (stability of first three provisions), as they are the four pillars of food security (FAO 2009; McCarthy et al. 2018). However, not everyone in Nepal has this ideal situation. One of the central concerns addressed in this thesis is the worsening food insecurity of many Nepali rural communities (Sunam and Adhikari 2016). Questions in relation to food security include: whose food security, the impact of changing gender roles, and the feminisation of local communities. These are not well- studied in the context of Nepal’s rapidly changing society, economy and politics. The

1 Subsistence agriculture is characterised by a mix of crop and livestock production on a small parcel of land.

massive out-migration of rural youth, most of them, contributed in a major way to this feminisation of local communities. This thesis interrogates these important questions and examines the interface between the feminisation of local communities and food security in rural Nepal.

Nepal has experienced unprecedented political and economic shifts and social flux over the last two decades. In 1990, a democratic movement, known as the People's Movement (Jana Andolan I) overthrew the Panchayat regime2. This movement was a period of raising voice and with calls for an equitable and just society. This signalled the opening up of political space for historically excluded groups, including women, Dalits and indigenous groups. This was followed by ten years of civil war (1996-2006), a decade-long bloody civil conflict between the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) and Nepali state forces that resulted in the deaths of more than 13,000 people. The conflict brought many dynamic changes including shifts in social relations, increased political awareness, raised equity concerns, and accelerated rural-urban mobility (OHCHR 2012). The initial ideological quest of the Maoist insurgents was for a more equal society (Thapa 2012).

Thus, the existing social injustice including caste and class struggles, exclusionary state policies and practices, unequal access to land and other public services, and lack of good governance in the country supported the advancement of armed conflict (Hachhethu 2009; Thapa 2012). Following the 2006 12-point peace agreement with the Maoists, a new Constituent Assembly was elected by the Nepali people in 2008, with promises of a more inclusive and liberal constitution including political, societal and socio-economic improvements. The abolition of the 240-year-old monarchy and a second democratic uprising – the People’s Movement (Jana Andolan II) – occurred in 2008.

It was not until 2015 that the constitution was finally promulgated, ending a decade of political wrangling and resulting in the historic state restructuring – one federal government, seven provinces and 753 local governments3. Nevertheless, the new

2 Nepal was under Panchayat political system during 1960-1990, which is known for Panchayat regime that allowed absolute power to Monarchy. 3 Until 2015, Nepal was divided into five development regions that were subdivided into fourteen administrative zones and then 75 districts. Each district comprised of municipalities and VDCs. Each VDC was further divided into several wards. 2

constitution has attracted controversy because of a purported lack of representation, particularly related to marginalised groups. During this tumultuous period, Nepal experienced devastating earthquakes in 2015, which destroyed entire villages across many districts, killing over 8,000 people, injuring over 21,000 and rendering hundreds of thousands of people homeless (NPC 2015). The earthquakes paralysed the already fragile economy (because of the political transition), and further triggered internal migration. Indeed, in the fiscal year 2015/16 and 2016/17, the Department of Foreign Affairs issued 786,564 labour permits (MoLE 2018). Likewise, more than 3.5 million labour permits have been issued in the last nine years since the Foreign Employment Act 2007 (MoLE 2018).

In this volatile and uncertain landscape, the agriculture-based economy in Nepal has rapidly moved towards a remittance-based economy, thereby changing people’s needs, wants and aspirations and often straining social and cultural institutions and altering basic principles of social life (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Gartaula, Niehof and Visser 2012a). These changes affect the food security of the society as a whole but there are also differential effects on different social and economic groups. In this sense, the experiences and struggles of securing food differ based on gender, caste, ethnicity and wealth status. There is a dearth of critical analyses of these issues in relation to exacerbating food insecurity in Nepal. This thesis aims to fill this gap.

Many scholars have highlighted the way in which the unprecedented out-migration of the largely male population has led to the feminisation of local communities, resulting in villages having a much higher proportion of women than the men (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). Further, an increasing flow of male migration4 overseas for work, particularly youths, has become a major phenomenon, forming a significant percentage of Nepal’s Gross National Product (GDP). For example, in 2016/17 remittances comprised 26.9 percent of GDP per capita (MoLE 2018). In turn, the remittance economy has become one of the major influences on the unprecedented socioeconomic and agrarian changes in rural Nepali villages.

4 This study focuses on the migration for foreign employment mainly to Gulf countries and Malaysia. 3

These changes have had implications for women in particular, opening up new possibilities, including new and additional responsibilities in the household, community and civic realms. However, the changes have also resulted in new constraints on women’s lives, as male out-migration has significantly disrupted gender relations and social norms. While men leave for overseas employment, a high proportion of women have remained in the villages, thereby increasing women’s roles and responsibilities. As a result, women are now required to assume additional responsibilities in the household and community. Further, in the absence of men, women have been required to take on new and additional roles and responsibilities in relation to agriculture, a condition referred to as feminisation (Deere and UNRISD 2005; Lastarria-Cornhiel 2006; Kelkar 2009). Scholars have written on the feministion of agriculture and the way in which male out-migration and the emergence of the remittance economy are responsible for causing feminisation at the local level (Kollmair et al. 2006; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Tamang 2011; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012). However, my research suggest that the term ‘feminisation’ needs to be applied in a much wider sense, beyond the scope of agriculture to encompass local communities more broadly. Such an approach includes the myriad of changes taking place in rural communities in terms of ethnicity, caste, gender and wealth category. This thesis brings these significant changes in the gendered roles in Nepali rural villages to the fore and presents empirical findings and analysis to understand these changing socioeconomic and political dynamics.

The Nepal Government has a raft of policies that aim to address issues of food security and gender. However, despite the existence of a number of policies addressing issues of food security, notably National Agriculture Policy (2004), Agricultural Development Strategy (2015-2035), Food and Nutriton Security Plan of Action (2013), and Nepal Zero Hunger Challenge National Action Plan (2016-2025), they do not adequately respond to the gender dimension of the food system (Ghale et al. 2018: 22). Furthermore, no dedicated policy exists in addressing the feminisation of local communities and the possible link with food security in Nepal. Hence, this study explores social policies, particularly gender and social inclusion policies related to migration, food and agriculture, and interrogates the extent to which these policies address (or fail to address) issues related to feminisation and food security. Since these policies shape everyday practices of agriculture-based livelihoods and remittance

dependency, critical research seeking to bring insights and evidence of differential experiences and struggles of different social and economic groups is timely.

1.2 Research Problems and Rationale

Despite farming being one of the main sources of income in rural Nepal, food insecurity is widely reported, resulting in Nepal being recently designated as a food insecure country (Sunam and Adhikari 2016). According to the Nepal Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) (2016), 52 percent of households in Nepal are food insecure (MoH, New ERA and ICF 2017). Among the food insecure population, children including infants, pregnant and lactating mothers are the most vulnerable groups; 36 percent and 27 percent of children were stunted and underweight respectively (MoH, New ERA and ICF 2017).

As mentioned, over the last few decades Nepal has been experiencing rapid socioeconomic, political and environmental changes resulting in a number of effects: rural-urban migration, massive out-migration of able-bodied men for foreign employment, feminisation of agriculture, and underutilisation of agricultural lands, all of which are having an impact on food security in the rural areas (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014; Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014). Moreover, social, economic, environmental and political factors are playing a role in exacerbating long-term challenges of achieving food security in Nepal, which comes with long-term risks of malnutrition (Gaire, Beilin and Miller 2015; Chapagain and Gentle 2015; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Sunam and Adhikari 2016; Gartaula et al. 2017). While multiple factors are affecting the food security of rural households, there is little understanding of the influence of the feminisation of local communities on this outcome. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature.

The feminisation of local communities in rural Nepal is shaped by a number of factors. When a male member of the family departs for foreign employment, leaving family members – including spouse, children and elderly people at home – it is predominantly left to women to fill the gap in providing local labour. Women are required to take up additional roles and responsibilities at the household, community and civic levels (Lastarria-Cornhiel 2006; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). This shift has resulted in a number of

effects on farming, including less-intensive farming practices, or in some cases, the abandonment of agriculture altogether (Tamang 2011; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012). Further, labour shortage as a result of out-migration becomes a significant factor affecting traditional agricultural practices in rural areas and, in turn, women.

Research from Nepal shows that land underutilisation and abandonment5 has led to reduced local food production in rural villages, thereby affecting food security (Ojha et al. 2017). Sen (1981) explained that there is a difference between the production and availability of food and the capability of a person to access available food. It is an issue of entitlement to which a person is unable to secure enough food even if the food is available (Sen 1981). Poor and marginalised households and communities are more vulnerable to decreased food security as they do not have enough cash flow to access foods and other goods from the market (FAO 2010; Paudel, Dhital and S.Tamang 2010). However, it is possible that remittance income from males working abroad can have positive impacts on food security for families, althought this is not the case for all families. Those families receiving a good amount of remittance are able to purchase more food from the market. Nevertheless, as this thesis demonstrates, families who do not have access to remittance opportunities are particularly vulnerable to food insecurity.

Studies which have identified a link between the rise of remittance flow and food imports in villages in Nepal (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Sunam and Adhikari 2016). In this thesis, I demonstrate that there is a correlation may exist between an increase in purchasing capacity and an increases in food imports. Two issues are pertinent: one, it is argued that remittance is not invested back into agriculture (Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014; Sunam and Adhikari 2016), hence there are no benefits of remittances for sustained food security. Second, not all people have equal access to remittance opportunities because of factors based on caste, ethnicity, gender and economic status (Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014). However, existing studies have not sufficiently examined how and why there are differential capacities of individuals and households to pursue remittance opportunities and secure food. Nor do

5 If the land has been left fallow it is an act of abandoning the agriculture land whereas if only cropping intensity is reduced it can be called underutilisation (Malla et al. 2014). 6

they address how food security is gendered, and why the question of ‘whose food security’ matters. Three questions are critical to explore:

First, whose food security? The patterns of diversity and disparity among social groups in terms of access to and use of land, capacity to migrate for work, and remittance need to be examined to understand the food security situation of local communities. A key concern relates to decision-making. It has been argued that with male out-migration, the participation of women in decision-making at the household and community levels has increased (Kaspar 2005; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012). However, these studies fail to address decision-making related to food security. Further, scholars argue that there is a new window of opportunity for women in making significant household decisions and influencing community directions, for example through community forest management (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Giri and Darnhofer 2010). However, there is a lack of sufficient evidence and analysis that shows precisely how and why women’s autonomy has increased as a result of the out-migration of men.

As I highlight in this thesis, it is possible for men to still exert control over meaningful decisions within the household from a distance. Moreover, mere participation of women can actually disempower them (Agarwal 2001; Cornwall 2002; Cornwall 2008) if their participation is tokenistic or a means of placating women. Further, as Rankin (2001: 32); (Cornwall 2008) notes: Obstacles to women’s empowerment (and emancipatory social change)…lie not in lack of finance capital per se, but in the persistence of subordinating gender ideologies. It follows that access to capital – of any nature – can be liberatory only as long as it procedurally facilitates spaces for women, and others in subordinate social locations, to develop critical consciousness of cultural ideology as a foundation for collective action.

It is therefore vital to critically analyse the extent to which the role and influence of women in rural communities has shifted due to out-migration and the implications for women with regard to food security.

Second, who has access to and control over land and financial resources, both in terms of ownership and decisions on usage? Within the feminisation of local communities in

the context of the remittance economy it is often assumed that women have better access to land ownership, greater decision-making capacity on its use, and greater control of household finances (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017). Land ownership and use issues are important, as they shape food security- related activities among individuals and communities (Ribot and Peluso 2003). In Nepal, land ownership is changing due to increased buying and selling of lands, changing agrarian relations and social structures (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Sunam and McCarthy 2016)

Yet, the extent of the changes with regard to land ownership within existing literature is not clear. Similarly, it is not clear within the literature if there are also significant changes in terms of the power an individual holds to use and mobilise financial resources. For example, Gartaula (2011) shows that women as de facto household head or (e.g., head of household while the male family member is working abroad) have some autonomy, although limited power to make decisions in terms of remittance use. As Bennett (2008) notes, due to patriarchal practices usually men hold the power to mobilise economic resources as a household head in Nepal. This raises the question of differences based on other factors such as caste and ethnicity.

Third, in terms of decision-making roles – who is included, who participates and represented and why? Pertinent questions include how decisions are made within the household, the community and at the civic level. Feminist scholarship has shown the way in which decision-making power is shaped by the hierarchical social structures including different socioeconomic classes and castes and gender-based discriminatory practices existing in Nepal (Agarwal 1997, 2001; Nightingale 2002; Rao 2006; Buchy and Rai 2008). Due to existing practices, different groups of people based on caste, ethnicity, economic status and gender are impacted differently and hold differential capacities to respond to feminisation and food insecurity.

It is important to examine the feminisation of local communities and its relation to food security in terms of social and cultural norms and hierarchies. Nepali society is divided into different hierarchical categories based on gender, caste, ethnicity and class (DFID and World-Bank 2006). The way in which these categories shaped both the feminisation of local communities and experiences of food security in the communities that form the focus of this study. 8

These issues warrant careful analysis and robust discussion in order to understand how the feminisation of rural communities is affecting food security in these contexts. This thesis investigates the changes taking place in these rural communities and the ways in which the positionality of social and economic groups and individuals (e.g., gender, caste, ethnicity and wealth status) is affecting food security in these locations. In turn, I suggest pathways to enhance food security at the local level in the changing context of the feminisation of local communities in rural western Nepal.

1.3 Research Aim and Questions

The aim of the study is to analyse the food security and feminisation of local communities in rural Nepal through the principal research question:

- How and why is feminisation occurring in rural Nepal and what are its impacts on food security among different social groups?

Sub-questions:

1. How and in what ways are rural communities in Nepal becoming feminised? What is the extent and pattern of the feminisation of local communities and how does this link with food security? 2. How does the impact of feminisation differ among different social and economic groups? 3. What are the impacts of feminisation on the participation of women in decision- making in the household and community? 4. What are the impacts of feminisation on women’s access to and control over the resources, specifically land and finance? 5. What are the potential pathways to enhancing local food security in the context of feminised rural communities in Nepal?

1.4 Research Methodology and Methods

This research employs a mixed methods approach, combining both qualitative and quantitative forms of inquiry (Creswell 2009). This approach helps to generate a deeper understanding of the shifting dynamics and complexity of the relationship between changing gender relations after male out-migration, the feminisation of local communities, and food security. Although the study is primarily qualitative, quantitative

data is used to complement and provide contextual detail to the qualitative data sources. To collect the data for case studies, fieldwork was conducted during August-November 2016 in the case study sites – Nalma village of Lamjung district (western mid-hill) and Piprahar village of Nawalprasi district (central Terai) (see Sections 5.1 and 6.1 for the the map of the location). Further, during April-May 2017 data collection was undertaken in district headquarters and in central level (Kathmandu). These case study sites were selected based on five criteria: a) ecological region; b) migration and remittance status; c) caste and ethnicity composition; d) agriculture-based livelihoods; and e) food security situation. This will be presented in detail in Section 3.4.2.

This study adopted a Feminist Political Ecology perspective (Hovorka 2006; Rocheleau 2008) and an actor-oriented approach of social interface analysis (Biggs and Matsaert 1999; Long 2003) within the broader framework of political ecology (Bryant 1998). The case study method was used as a strategy of the study (Yin 1994). The theoretical perspectives were chosen to capture the experiences of both men and women in the village, with particular emphasis on women. Further, these perspectives helped me in developing a critical understanding of both the causes and consequences of the feminisation of communities at the local level.

The methods used for primary qualitative and quantitative data collection included household survey (HHS), key informant interviews (KII), focus group discussions (FGD), observations, and informal conversations. These methods were accompanied by document analysis to understand existing policies and practices. The study combined qualitative and quantitative data collected from HHS provided measurable data for supporting qualitative data in the analysis. Data from the HHS further supported my analysis in providing an overview of the trend and status of out-migration, remittance and land use in the study sites, while qualitative data from KII, FGD, participants observation and informal conversations helped in understanding the perspectives and experiences of the respondents. Mapping of the actor’s perspectives at the provincial and national level enabled me to explore and analyse policy implementation and the responses from concerned stakeholders. Further details on the study methodology are presented in Chapter Three. The structure of the thesis is presented below (see Figure 1.1), followed by a brief overview of each chapter. The thesis is divided into eight chapters, including this chapter, which provides an overview of the study.

1.5 Overview of Thesis

Figure 1.1 Overview of the thesis chapters

(Source: Author 2018)

Chapter Two provides an overview of the current status of geographical, environmental, socioeconomic and political dimensions in relation to the agriculture-based livelihoods and food security. It reviews the relevant literature and maps the existing knowledge on food security in the context of agrarian changes in Nepal and more broadly in countries in the global South6, to identify the gaps in the literature. The chapter draws on conceptual and empirical arguments from literature related to feminisation of agriculture, migration, the remittance economy, and land use.

Chapter Three explains the research methodology employed in the study. It outlines the research approach and design and describes methods for data collection and analysis. It also explains research rigour, ethical considerations, and limitations of the study.

Chapter Four provides an overview of the agrarian context of Nepal and focuses on policy analysis in terms of food security, feminisation, remittance economy and agrarian changes. This chapter also presents multiple perspectives on food security and feminisation of local communities from the diverse stakeholders.

Chapters Five and Six present results from Case Study I Nalma and Case Study II Piprahar respectively. The chapters are structured in accordance with the themes of male out-migration, remittance economy, agriculturual labour availability, gender roles, access to resources, land utilisation and food production, and food security.

Chapter Seven discusses the findings of the case studies, highlighting the implications of the studies. In this chapter I consider why and how the feminisation of communities is occurring in rural wetern Nepal, and what it means to the food security of rural villages.

Chapter Eight concludes the thesis by assessing the implications of the analysis for theory, policy and practice and highlights key contributions of the thesis. The major implication of this study is to bring insights to better understand the relationship between feminisation of local communities and food security in changing agrarian context. The thesis concludes by outlining some future studies.

6 Countries with low or middle income or developing countries in other term are considered as global south countries. 12

CHAPTER TWO: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN AGRARIAN SOCIETIES

2.1 Introduction

This chapter establishes the context for this study by reviewing relevant literature. In doing so, it is divided into five distinct sections. The first section presents the context of Nepal, in terms of geography, people and social categories including caste, ethnicity, and gender. The second and third sections map out key concepts and theories related to food security and the feminisation of local communities in the context of agrarian change. It discusses food security and agrarian change in the global context before turning to focus on these issues in Nepal. In the fourth section I discuss food security in Nepal, focusing on: a) the feminisation of local communities; b) remittance economy; c) participation of women in food security decisions in the households and community; and d) access to and control over resources including land and financial resources. The fourth section presents a political ecological approach to investigate food security and feminisation of the local community. Finally, I outline the analytical framework used in this study before concluding the chapter with a synthesis of the key points.

2.2 Overview: Geographical, Political and Social Context of Nepal

The existing and historical positioning of Nepal in terms of geography, peoples and political situation provides an understanding of the status of women in a broader context and the feminisation of local communities in particular.

2.2.1 Nepal’s mountainous geography

Nepal is a small mountainous country with a total area of 147,181 square kilometres located in between two of the largest growing economies of Asia – bordered to the north by China and the south, east and west by India (Jha 2013). Nepal has three major physiographic regions running parallel to one another from east to west: high mountains, hills, and plains (MoAC 2010). The country is ecologically diverse. The mountain region covering 15 percent of the total area of the country is sparsely populated, largely farming confined within river basin and valleys and having more scope of raising livestocks due to rugged topography (Shrestha and Conway 1999). The central hills region covers 68 percent of the total area and has a mixed climate, where 13

mostly terrace farming is practiced. The plains in the south, known as the Terai region, covers 17 percent of the total area and is regarded as the food bowl of the nation as the land is flat and more fertile compared to the mountains and hills.

A significant area (44.74 percent 7) of the country is covered by forest and other wooded land (DFRS 2015). Nepal has very diverse climatic zones, ranging from sub-tropical climates in the southern plains to arid climates in the northern mountains, resulting in highly varied agricultural systems. However, due to the diverse topography and climate only 21 percent of the land is cultivated (Adhikari 2008). Moreover, the difficult geographical terrain, particularly in the mountainous north, has left the infrastructure and other sectors of the country poorly developed mostly in these difficult geographical regions.

Nepal has long been the focus of debates around environmental sustainability. Himalayan degradation was the central debate in the 1970s (Eckholm 1975; Ives and Masserli 1989) because of several critical factors of the Himalaya that relate directly to poverty and environmental crisis in the mountains, particularly environmental degradation. This crisis generated substantial international attention through Eckholm's work which posited that population growth and the subsequent clearance of vegetation for cultivation in Nepal’s Himalayan region was responsible for creating an environmental crisis (Eckholm 1975).

This theory was contested, particulatly on theoretical, empirical and ideological stand points (Ives and Masserli 1989; Guthman 1997; Blaikie, Cameron and Seddon 2002; Satyal et al. 2017). Notably, however, environmental and resource degradation have been long-discussed and unresolved issues in Nepal and the Himalaya. Along with the degradation of resources, there are increased environmental challenges induced by climate change, which is a global phenomenon (IPCC 2013). However, Nepal is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change impact. Further, Nepal is highly susceptible to natural disasters, such as landslides, floods and earthquakes. Landslides in the hills and mountains and floods in Terai are common natural phenomena during the monsoon season, taking lives and damaging property. The increased resource degradation, population growth, and increasing food shortage in the hills have attracted

7 44.74 percent includes other wooded land (DFRS 2015). 14

development interventions, including the adoption of modern agricultural practices (such as Green Revolution Agriculture8) and have further triggered migration from the hills to Terai (Blaikie et al. 1980).

The highly diverse agro-climatic conditions within relatively small areas and steep terrain pose a bigger challenge for large scale commercial agricultural production (ADB 2013). Thus, Nepali agriculture is predominantly subsistence type and is still heavily dependent on natural resources within difficult geography and rugged terrain (Shrestha and Aryal 2011). With two-thirds of the nation’s land mass under rugged geography, limited arable land, a degraded environment, fragile ecology, and a vulnerability to natural disasters, the possibility of surplus agricultural produce for enhanced food security in Nepal faces significant barriers.

2.2.2 Unprecedented change in Nepali society and economy

The population of Nepal is 28,431,494 people, of whom more than half are women (51.52 percent) (CBS 2016). Nepal is diverse in terms of caste and ethnicity as well as culture and language. Historically, the people of Nepal have been categorised into different caste and ethnic groups mainly based on occupations, which created a social hierarchy. Although discrimination based on caste was officially abolished in 1963 in Nepal, the practice remains highly institutionalised albeit somewhat diluted (Becker 2015). Besides religious and customary practices, the Muluki Ain (National Civil Code, 1854) set up the discriminatory structures mainly based on the caste system that legitimised the economic exploitation and political marginalisation of the low castes by the ruling high caste Hindu elites (Becker 2015).

The Brahmins (priests) are on the top followed by Kshatriya - also known as Chhetri (kings and warriors), Vaishya (merchants) and Sudra (peasants and labourers) at the bottom. Brahmin and Chhetri including Thakuri are ranked as high caste. Janajati or ethnic or indigenous groups fall under the middle rank. The lowest category of the caste

8 Green revolution agriculture refers to the agriculture system that operates with high inputs of fertilisers, pesticides, irrigations, machinery and hybrid seeds. 15

system are referred as ‘Dalit’, literally meaning ‘the oppressed’9 (DFID and World Bank 2006; Gellner 2009).

There are more than 125 caste and ethnic groups in Nepal – Chhetris (16.6 percent) are the largest group followed by hill Brahmins (12.2 percent), Magar (7.1 percent), Tharu (6.6 percent), Tamang (5.8 percent), and Newar (5.0 percent) (CBS 2012a). Nepal is a predominantly Hindu nation (81 percent) followed by Buddhists and other religious minorities including Muslims and Christians (DFID and World Bank 2006; CBS 2012a). Among these caste and ethnic groups, Brahmins and Chhetris are the ruling elites in Nepal. In order to explore differential feminisation and food security issues, my study included diverse participants mainly Dalits (lower castes), ethnic and indigenous groups (Gurung, Magar, Tamang, Tharu/Chaudhary10, Bote and Musahar11) and fewer from Brahmin, Chhetri, Thakuri (high caste).

Nepal is continuously ranked as a Least Developed Country, however it aims to graduate to a developing country by 2022 (NPC 2017). Further, Nepal’s global position on gender inequality index is 149th among 189 countries and also holds the Human Development Index-HDI value of 0.574 (UNDP 2018). Social inequalities based on caste, ethnicity class and geographical location remain persistent. People belonging to low castes register the lowest on all social indicators including lower life expectancy, literacy and standard of living compared to higher caste groups (NPC 2014). There is disparity between urban and rural areas, including a higher poverty rate in rural areas in comparison to urban.

Traditionally, Nepalese agricultural practice reflects a feudal and semi-feudal relationship among different groups, in which each individual or group, based on their caste, ethnicity, gender and economic status, hold differing status and perform different roles and responsibilities (Blaikie et al. 1980; Acharya and Bennett 1981; Regmi 1999). Though there have been some changes due to legislation as well as protest from the

9 Previously called untouchables but this is a derogatory term that has since been replaced by the term Dalit. 10 Locally Tharu and Chaudhary are used interchangeably to indicate the same group. For consistency throughout the thesis, Tharu/Chaudhary will be used. 11 Although Bote and Musahar are culturally slightly different groups, in Nawalparasi district they are usually grouped as one. They have ‘Majhi Musahar Bote Kalyan Sewa Samiti (Majhi Musahar Bote Welfare Committee)' and often considered the same group. Bote/Musahar will be used together throughout this thesis. 16

concerned groups such as bonded labourers12 (Haruwa, Kamaiya, Kamalari), with semi-feudal characteristics slowly diminishing (Blaikie, Cameron and Seddon 2002), remnants of such practices still continue in rural areas. Notably, the unequal distribution of land is commonly associated with feudal and semi-feudal relationships among different castes and ethnic and indigenous groups. A large number of farmers are resource-poor and are either landless or smallholders. For example, 51.6 percent of the farming households have landholding less than 0.5 hectare (ADB 2013). An unequal land ownership is one of the reasons land and agrarian reform in Nepal is frequently argued (Dhakal 2011).

Land ownership in Nepal is highly relevant to issues related to food security. Approximately 16 percent of households have inadequate food consumption and 9.7 percent of households have poor dietary diversity (CBS 2018). Due to the increasing cost of living, poor and vulnerable people in particular, spend a large portion of their income on household consumption, mainly for food. The average spending of a family on food is more than 50 percent of their income (CBS 2018). According to Nepal Rastra Bank, between 2005/6-2014/15, the expenditure of each household was increased by 74.46 percent in rural areas and 47.58 percent in urban areas (NRB 2016). With the continual population growth, the demand for food has also increased. Similarly, more than 38 percent of the total population is unable to access the average national minimum daily energy intake of 2,536 Kilo Calories set by the government (NPC 2013a). Widespread poverty and high malnutrition suggest that the food security is one of the most pressing challenges faced by Nepal (Sunam and Adhikari 2016).

The household food security challenges are being addressed not by increasing local production but relying more on out-migration and remmittances. More than 55 percent of households in Nepal receive remittances (MoLE 2015, 2018). The country is now increasingly dependent on the remittance economy (around 30 percent) which creates over-reliance on external economies for the growth of the national economy. The precise contribution of remittances to the national economy of Nepal is uncertain as most of it comes from unskilled (labour) workers and also depends on the demand from the other countries (NPC 2017). Being located in between the two fastest growing

12 Bonded labour relates to the repayment of a loan by labour. The major forms of bonded labours in Nepal are Haliya (one who ploughs), Kamiya (agricultural labour) and Kamalari (housemaid) (Giri 2009). 17

economies, India and China, Nepal’s economic growth is overshadowed, as its products and services cannot compete in the regional and international markets (Sigdel 2018). Also, due to pressure created by the market-led economy, people are moving to urban centres from rural areas in search of income and employment. In general, wealth has become the key determinant of social prestige directly linked to class, however, it is equally tied with caste, gender, and geographical region as it determines an individual’s access to economic, political as well as cultural and social resources (Becker 2015).

Along with the historical background of feudal and semi-feudal relations among diverse social and economic groups, the country is also struggling to addressing poverty and food insecurity issues which are linked with political status and the stability of the nation. Nepal has long been in political transition with the last three decades witnessing major political upheavals.

The autocratic Rana regime ruled the country for 104 years (1854-1951), ending as a result of the revolution in 1951 (Sat Salko Kranti). From 1960-1990, Nepal was ruled by the repressive Panchayat regime followed by a constitutional monarchy from 1990 to 2008. In between, there were several other political events. Multi-party parliamentary democracy was restored in 1990 as a result of the democratic movement, Jana Andolan I (People’s Movement I). This movement resulted in the opening up of political freedoms, including the freedom to form political and social organisations and freedom of expression, particularly for historically excluded groups such as women, Dalit and ethnic groups. It was a time of high expectation amongst Nepalis for many changes within society, including a more just and equitable society.

In 1996, a bloody civil conflict between the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN- M) and Nepali state forces, also known as the ‘civil war’, started in the country. During the decade-long civil war, over 13,000 people were killed and more than 1,300 people are still missing (OHCHR 2012). Initially, the Maoist movement was started from the rural areas, mainly Rolpa and Rukum districts of mid-western region. It further caused massive displacement of families in the countryside, resulting in migration from rural to urban areas for security reasons. Within this period, Nepal experienced more upheaval when in 2001, King Birendra and his immediate family were murdered and the King’s younger brother, Gyanendra, accended to the throne.

In 2006, the Maoists and an alliance of seven political parties initiated the second democratic movement, Jana Andolan II (People’s Movement II) with the aim of replacing the monarchy with a democratic republic. Jana Andolan II was successful in signing The Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Maoists and the Government of Nepal in 2006, ending the war and mainstreaming the Maoist party. In 2007, a new Constituent Assembly (CA) was formed, tasked with writing a new constitution – purportedly more inclusive and liberal – wherein 33 percent of CA members were women. An Interim Constitution was drafted in that year. The country was declared a secular republic in 2008 following the abolition of the monarchy. However, due to an inability of political parties to agree on issues related to the restructuring of the state, it was not until 2015 that the Constitution of Nepal was promulgated, thereby declaring Nepal a federal state. It has been criticised for the way in which it discriminates against the Madhesis and Tharus, who were marginalised in the constitution-making process, which was mainly controlled by high caste elites (Strasheim and Bogati 2016).

The newly promulgated federal constitution made it possible to have elections at all levels of government: local, provincial and federal. There had been no elected local government since 1999. The long-awaited local election across the districts, held in November-December 2017, was the main step to implement the restructured federal states. Both the provincial and the federal elections have elected new representatives at the central and local levels. The new federal government was also formed in February 2018. However, the new structure and delineation of power at the local level is in transition phase. Powerful elites remain in power and they have not fully appreciated the spirit of the new constitution. There is still no clarity over the power exercise among the three level of governments, thereby affecting the implementation of development policies, plans and programmes at the local level.

The new constitution opened up opportunities for women to participate in local government. For example, a provision of the 2017 local election required at least one female in deputy positions – deputy mayors in municipalities and vice chairpersons in rural municipalities. This resulted in the election of 14,352 female representatives (40.96 percent of the totel elected representatives) (The-Asia-Foundation and

Samjhauta-Nepal 2018)13. This demonstrates a big advance in the representation and participation of women in decision-making bodies, however the impact is subject to opportunities to engage and use their capacity to influence the male-dominated social structures.

The unstable political environment for more than two decades, particularly the armed conflict, has had a tremendous impact on rural livelihoods, the economy and food security. These political changes overshadowed attention to livelihoods and food security issues. Although from the Sixth Periodic Plan (1980-1985 A.D) periodic plan agriculture was a stated priority in the annual budget and program document of the government, its implementation was sub-optimal (Cameron 1998; Paudel et al. 2013). Secondly, the insurgency forced young men in particular, who were mainly responsible for using heavy equipments such as ploughing, fencing, arranging irrigation canals, either to join the armed political movement or to flee the village for their security. This resulted in agricultural land being left uncultivated because of the shortage of male labourers. Thirdly, the village development committee office was managed by village secretaries who could only oversee administrative work as there were no elected local representatives who could lead and responsibly act to develop local plans and policies as well as monitor the implementation of the national plans. Fourthly, out-migration and remittances not only changed the cash flow in the village but also influenced the import and export of food and other household items in the village. The focus now shifts to consider the implications for policy in relation to agrarian systems in Nepal.

2.3 Food Security and Agrarian Change in the Global Context

The number of people suffering from hunger and undernourishment appears to be an increasing trend globally, particularly in many locations in South America, sub-regions of Africa and Asia in recent years (FAO 2018). FAO estimates that in 2017 almost 821 million of the world’s population (e.g., one out of every nine people) suffered from hunger, up from approximately 804 million people in 2016 (FAO 2018). Asia not only harbours more than half of the world’s population but it also hosts more than half (515

13 Women were elected from 753 local units, 6 metropolitan cities, 11 sub-metropolitan cities, 276 municipalities, and 460 rural municipalities (The-Asia-Foundation and Samjhauta-Nepal 2018). 20

million) food-insecure people out of the 821 million of the world’s food insecure population (ADB 2013; FAO 2018). Indeed, food security is a global concern.

Food security particularly became a priority agenda after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis that caused food prices to soar and prompted food riots globally. Political leaders and scholars have argued their views on the need to increase food production by 70 percent between 2005/6 and 2050 in order to feed the growing world population (FAO 2009). Indeed, the increasing population and the demand for food is an emerging challenge to the modern world. Besides availability of food, lack of access to available food or food insecurity is linked with an individual’s income and price of food (Barrett 2010). However, increased food price does not impact everyone equally. It is mostly poor people from farming backgrounds and disadvantaged rural communities, and labourers associated fully or partly in agriculture-based livelihoods that are heavily affected and are more entrenched into hunger and poverty (Gustafson 2013; FAO 2018). Increasing food production is often considered as the solution to food insecurity and malnutrition but evidence suggests that increasing food production alone is not enough to the solve problem (McCarthy et al. 2018). Access and distribution of available food are critical for food security as only having sufficient production does not ensure an individual’s capacity to access it (Pinstrup-Andersen 2009).

Considering the increasing food insecurity and malnutrition around the world, FAO urged additional work that aims to ‘leave no one behind’, which is aligned to the United Nations’ (UN) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted by all member states in 2015 (FAO 2018: 2). The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a set of 17 interrelated global goals with 169 targets, to be achieved by 2030 (United Nations, 2015). Food security and nutrition feature in the SDGs: SDG2 (Zero Hunger), Target 2.1: Ensuring access to safe, nutritious and sufficient food for all; and Target 2.2: Eliminating all forms of malnutrition (UN 2015). This goal and related targets are interrelated to other SDGs, including SDG1: No Poverty; SDG5: Gender Equality; and SDG12: Responsible Consumption and Production Pattern (UN 2015).

The main aim of SDG2 is to tackle food insecurity and malnutrition while also promoting sustainable agriculture to achieve zero hunger. Closely aligned and guided by the core principles of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Charter, the UN Secretary General initiated the Zero Hunger Challenge (ZHC) in 2012, 21

which is expected to support in delivering the outcomes of a range of goals and targets set by the SDGs. Similarly, in 2017, the World Economic Forum (WEF) launched the ‘Shaping the future of global food system’ initiative as a part of its global initiatives on food (WEF 2016). This initiative is aligned with the SDGs and sets out a number of scenarios depicting how the world food system might look like by 2030. WEF considers developing inclusive, sustainable, efficient and healthy food system as essential to achieving the SDG targets (WEF 2016). These international initiatives, including SDGs and the commitment of the UN member countries, reflect the emergence of concerns globally on food security. Within these concerns, agrarian change features prominently.

Agrarian changes are occurring around the world, particularly in countries in the global South as a result of rapid development and neoliberal globalisation (Borras Jr 2009). In turn, the traditional way of using land to produce food is changing. The use of food items such as oilseeds and cereals to produce biofuels has increased (FAO 2017). As a result, large areas are currently being used to produce biofuels and bio-based products, causing a shift in the use of land for agro-energy or diversion of crops into non-food production (Tenenbaum 2008; Rathmann, Szklo and Schaeffer 2010). At the same time, land grabbing, also known as trans-national land transactions for commercial and investment purposes, has increased globally, inducing a debate on farmer’s rights and food sovereignty (De-Schutter 2011; Borras Jr and Franco 2012; Hall et al. 2015). Farming practices have transformed into more mechanised and industrialised settings. Nevertheless, despite mechanisation and industrialisation of food production systems, the majority of the global food demand is met by smallholding farming (Altieri, Funes- Monzote and Petersen 2012; Wolfenson 2013), which contributes to 70-80 percent of global food production (FAO 2014).

There are a a number of issues that are having an impacts on farming-based livelihoods, including access to land, environmental challenges (e.g., climate change) and low interest in farming. Globally, smallholding farming is struggling with socioeconomic transitions such as availability of and access to land (Thapa 2010; Wolfenson 2013). Further, farming families, particularly young people, are less interested in farming as farming and rural life is demoted and considered less prestigious (White 2012). Some authors have suggested that land is no longer an integral part of lives and livelihoods (Rigg 2006; Borras Jr and Franco 2012; Rigg, Salamanca and Thompson 2012; Hall et

al. 2015). In Nepal, land-based livelihoods have gradually changed and farmers have diversified their livelihoods towards off-farm activities (Khanal and Watanabe 2006; Paudel et al. 2014; Gautam 2016). Many rural youth have migrated to foreign employment, while young people and family members have moved to urban centres both for education and employment in other sectors such as construction and industrial services. Such diversification of livelihoods has diminished the importance of farm and land-based livelihoods to farming communities.

This detachment from farm-based livelihood has reinforced changes to land use, including abandonment and underutilisation of land (Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014; Ojha et al. 2017; Khanal 2018). The diversification of agrarian livelihoods is emerging as a major part of rural livelihoods and development globally, particularly in Asia and Africa (Ellis 2000; Barrett, Reardon and Webb 2001; Rigg 2006).

Resource degradation and environmental changes, including climate change are also considered serious 21st century challenges of the that affect food production globally (IPCC 2013). Deforestation and agricultural land degradation are major challenges for the mountain and hill agriculture systems. Decreased forest cover, land erosion, loss of top soil and sedimentation are frequent features during rainy seasons causing heavy loss of agricultural land, crops and livestock. The agriculture sector is most affected by resource degradation and climate change, and the impacts are most severe for small and subsistence farming systems in the global South (Morton 2007; Nelson et al. 2009; Altieri et al. 2015). The impacts are mostly negative, such as extreme weather events, increase in drought or precipitation and shift of seasons, which makes the agriculture sector particularly vulnerable (Nelson et al. 2009). There is consensus within the literature that climate change poses massive negative impacts on agriculture, food security and livelihoods (Smith, Klein and Huq 2003; Xu et al. 2009; Moss et al. 2010). At the same time, the agriculture sector also contributes to environmental changes, including climate change. The agriculture sector alone is responsible for around 20 percent of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emission (Aydinalp and Cresser 2008), particularly the emission of carbon dioxide and methane.

2.4 Food Security and the Agrarian Context in Nepal

Traditionally, Nepal has been an agrarian society in which agriculture forms the main source of income – the basis of lives, livelihoods and food security. A majority (55 percent) of agricultural practices are subsistence and smallholdings with mixed crops and livestock for food (ADB 2013; CBS 2012a). Likewise, around 65 percent of households were dependent on subsistence agriculture (ADB 2013). Despite its limited productivity, Nepali agriculture provides not only subsistence food security for the population but also contributes more than 27 percent of Nepal’s GDP (MoF 2018). However, this substantial dependence on agriculture is rapidly decreasing due to multiple factors, including rapid development and neoliberal economic globalisation, infrastructure development, education, and youth mobility for employment.

Up until the 1980s, more than 90 percent of people in Nepal were dependent on agriculture, however this has dropped substantially to 56 percent in 2017/18 (MoF 2018). These figures suggests that the economic bases are changing rapidly. A significant factor in the decrease in dependence on agriculture is the insufficient returns from farming. Many people look for diversification of livelihood sources due to limited economic benefits from agriculture (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2002; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012). Such diversification is also caused by social and environmental changes (Bhandari and Grant 2007; Gentle and Maraseni 2012; Gautam and Andersen 2016). While people voluntarily seek diversified income sources, forceful situations created by social and environmental stresses also reinforce livelihood diversification.

In addition to the historical mobility of males from Nepal, the opening up of new employment opportunities in Gulf countries and Malaysia from the late 1980s resulted in the out-migration of large numbers of males to these countries further diversified the sources of income (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2002; Thieme and Wyss 2005). As mentioned above, the out-migration process of males within and outside of Nepal was also accelerated by the civil war (1996-2006) (Sharma 2008; Gartaula 2011; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2012b). Many villagers, particularly youth, migrated to cities within Nepal and abroad to avoid being abducted and forced to join the Maoist rebel forces (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2012b). This phenomenon has been further reinforced by the low return from the investment in agriculture and a lack of quality health and 24

education services at the local level (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2002; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014).

The agrarian change and the remittance economy are key contextual factors which have significantly impacted on local livelihoods, and in particular have shaped the food security of people in rural Nepal; this is discussed in detail in the section below. a. Agrarian Change

To understand the changes taking place in land use and production, it is necessary to situate the historical context of land tenure and distribution in Nepal. Unequal distribution of and access to land and exploitative feudal and semi-feudal traditional practices continue to shape land use and production today. The distribution of land among different caste and ethnic groups relates to the caste system. As Bista (1991) noted, the caste system has created complex and hierarchical social categories in Nepal. On the basis of such hierarchical structure, during Rana regime (1946-1950), Ranas as the highest in the power, allowed and mobilised farmers to exploit forest and convert forest into land under Birta14 tenure, out of which around one third was under Rana family’s name (Regmi 1999). The Ranas gave some of the land to mostly powerful bureaucrats and Jamindars15 to accumulate political support and to reward individuals for their service, mainly Thakuris, relatives of Ranas and royal families, Brahmins and Chhetris (Regmi 1999; Sugden 2013; Joshi and Mason 2007). Thus, most of the indigenous and ethnic groups and Dalits had fewer land ownership and mostly have been serving landlords of higher caste groups such as Brahmin/Chhetri (Regmi 1999). Therefore, often indigenous and ethnic groups and lower castes worked as labourers for Jamindars (landlords) and rulers having patron-client relation or landless and landlord16 and tenant and tiller (Adhikari 2008; CSRC 2012; Nepali 2016).

This agenda of land distribution has been debated for more than six decades. The agenda, particularly the ‘land to the tillers’ movement, started soon after Nepal became a democratic country in 1951 (Karki 2002; Nepali 2016), but the issue of land

14 Birta is the land given to an individual under private ownership as a reward by the one who is in regime/power and generally free of tax (Feldman and Fournier 1976; Joshi and Mason 2007). 15 State used to authorise an individual as a Jamindar to collect revenue, who took over the ownership of land of state in long run and became feudal landlords (Karki 2002). 16 Mostly landlords were absentee farmers who relied on collecting revenue, tax and produce from the tillers (Karki 2002). 25

ownership has not yet settled. The Land Act was introduced in 1964 with the aim of addressing the issue of unequal distribution of agricultural land through land ceiling, registering land and fixing rent (Nepali 2016). Although the Land Act has been amended six times, the issue of unequal land ownership and social justice remains largely unaddressed (ibid). This is despite several land rights movements during this period led by political parties and also driven by the democratic movements (Jana Andolan I and II), and the re-establishment of multiparty democracy in 1990, resulting in distribution of land to some landless groups, and further, raising expectations of landless people (Karki 2002). Moreover, the issue of land and discrimination was a key agenda of the Maoists during the civil conflict (1996-2006).

The Maoist party fought for the rights of tenants with the slogan ‘land to the tiller’. The Maoists protested against the feudal landlords, traditional social structures and exercised power against state authorities by forming the unofficial but powerful Jana Sarkar (People’s Government). The Maoists were also able to distribute land to the landless and cancel debts and bondage (Joshi and Mason 2007). During this period, the Government of Nepal formed two high-level commissions; High-Level Commission on Scientific Land Reform 2008; and High-level commission for land reform 2009’, with the aim of achieving an equitable distribution and efficient management of land-related issues (HLCSLR 2009).

Despite political movements and government initiatives, issues of land rights and land reform have not been addressed. Around 80 percent of the farmers actively involved in farming hold only 20 percent of land, while the remaining 80 percent of land is owned by those who are not actively engaged in agriculture (Dhakal 2011). For instance, a smallholder farmer on average holds 0.7 hectares of land, however more than 50 percent of smallholder farmers own less than 0.5 hectares (CBS 2011). Therefore, the issues of land reform centre on inequitable distribution of productive resources and social justice (Park and White 2017).

Access to and control over agricultural land has been historically linked to food security in Nepal. After the unification of Nepal, the rulers used land to gain political and military power by distributing it to influential people, civil servants, loyalists and relatives (Regmi 1978; Adhikari 2008; Sugden 2013). Those peasants who were traditionally cultivating lands became agricultural labourers for new landowners after 26

the new arrangement of land management (Regmi 1978). In particularly, they lost their access to agricultural production from their own labour. After the changes to the land management system, peasant families became more vulnerable in terms of food security as they no longer had sufficient land to produce enough food for themselves (Robertson 1997). These peasants had few alternatives to agricultural production for barter and exchange, so these reforms rendered them more food insecure. While accessibility and affordability to food are key issues in food security, so too are access to land itself as the means of production. This, in turn, is inextricably linked to the unresolved issues of land distribution and use. b. Remittance economy: Driving force of feminisation

Research suggests that remittances are becoming the main drivers of national and local economies in many countries in South-East Asia, including Thailand, Lao, Indonesia, and the Philippines (Rigg 2006, 2007; Rigg, Salamanca and Thompson 2012) and in South Asia, including Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh and Nepal (Hadi 2001; Lastarria- Cornhiel 2006; Siddique, Selvanathan and Selvanathan 2012; NPC 2017). As described, rural Nepal is going through unprecedented socioeconomic and agrarian changes, and the massive out-migration of male youth and inflow of remittances also affect these patterns (Thieme and Wyss 2005; Kaspar 2005; Kollmair et al. 2006; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012; Ojha et al. 2017). There is large-scale mobility of families from rural to urban areas and abroad particularly of males for foreign employment. According to the official 2018 data, more than four million young people from Nepal were abroad for employment (MoLE 2018).

Out-migration is the key strategy for managing food security and livelihoods in rural Nepal (Adhikari and Hobley 2011). Males, particularly young men, are increasingly taking opportunities for non-farm jobs in Nepali cities and abroad, compared to females who cannot migrate as easily (Bhadra 2007). However, the number of female migrants is also increasing comprising 5.3 percent of the total migrants in 2016/17, up from 3.9 percent in 2008/9 (MoLE 2018). There is more access to mainly non-farm jobs in Gulf countries, which are usually better-paid and perceived by people in Nepal as better than farming or working as a farm labourer (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2002; Adhikari and Hobley 2011). In Nepal, such transformations have been more visible within the last few years when the majority (55 percent) of households in Nepal started receiving 27

remittances (CBS 2011). This suggests a big shift towards urbanisation, monetisation and commercialisation reinforced by globalisation, the market-based economy, political conflict and unfolding of the remittance economy (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2002; Bhadra 2007; Uprety 2017).

It must be noted that remittances have both positive and negative impacts. On the one hand, remitted funds have enhanced the capacity of families to not only buy food but also to expand agricultural activities by accumulating more land. The majority of families in rural areas (particularly those from farming backgrounds) are utilising out- migration for employment as a way to improve their purchasing capacity and escape the poverty trap (Rigg 2006; Sunam and McCarthy 2016). On the other hand, the lack of an available rural labour-force due to absent migrants has caused land underutilisation and a decrease in local food production (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014; Ojha et al. 2017). Significantly, the remittance economy has contributed to changes in women’s roles and responsibilities. The literature review on changes in women’s participation in decision-making is presented in the next section.

Foreign employment and remittances are forming an increasingly significant livelihood strategy for people in Nepal, making up 34 percent of the country’s GDP (Blaikie, Cameron and Seddon 2002; Pant 2008; NPC 2017). In the broader context, remittances have contributed to enhancing livelihoods and alleviating poverty in the global South (Ratha 2013), including Nepal (Lokshin, Bontch‐Osmolovski and Glinskaya 2010; Thagunna and Acharya 2013; Sunam and Adhikari 2016). In particular, remittances from foreign employment is one of the major non-farm livelihood strategies of the farming population (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; NPC 2017).

However, the remittance economy does not benefit everyone. Sunam and McCarthy (2016) argue that the way in which poor families face numerous constraints and difficulties when engaging with the remittance economy, may further deprive and impoverish families. For example, families may need to sell property to pay for

migration processing fees and costs and may be exploited by recruiting agents17(Sunam and McCarthy 2016).

The remittance economy affects rural livelihoods as well as agriculture. On the one hand this enhances livelihoods by bringing cash into rural families, expanding markets and increasing accessibility to livelihood assests and food. On the other hand, the local agricultural practices are hindered by labour shortages, absentee landholders and migration to urban areas. These have significant influences on agriculture production and land use. The labour shortage in particular leads to agricultural lands being underutilised and abandoned which reduces agriculture production as well as productivity (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Sunam and McCarthy 2016: Ojha et. al. 2017).

2.5 Food Security: Key Issues and Challenges

Food security is a significant issue in Nepal, emerging as one of the key challenges for the country (ADB 2013; Sunam and Adhikari 2016; Ojha et al. 2017). The literature on food security and agrarian changes indicate that there are number of factors that are exacerbating food insecurity. Three key factors are pertinent to my analysis.

2.5.1 Feminisation of local communities

Research suggests that feminisation is more evident in the agrarian contexts in the global South (Deere 2009; Whitehead 2009). For example, research on rural China has highlighted that feminisation mainly in agriculture sector is caused by migration and casualisation of work (Chang, MacPhail and Dong 2011). Furthermore, studies on the feminisation of agriculture in India and other South Asian regions suggest that the agrarian crisis, including distress of youth from farm income, socioeconomic changes and liberalisation of the agriculture-based economy, has caused the exit of men from farming (Kelkar 2009; Lahiri-Dutt and Adhikari 2015). Pattnaik et al. (2017) termed the situation in India as ‘feminisation of agrarian distress’. Similarly, men’s exit from farming due to socioeconomic changes was the main reason for the feminisation of the agriculture sector in Syria (Abdelali-Martini and Dey de Pryck 2015). Rigg (2006) points to the mobility of youth as one of the drivers of the feminisation of local

17 The exploitation from recruiting agencies includes higher fees and longer processing time. 29

communities. The author highlights the way in which youth mobility, particularly of males, across the globe for employment has increased, as has the exit of youths from farming (ibid). This pattern has been identified in Nepal (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014).

Neo-liberalism and globalisation have been suggested as leading to out-migration of males and the increased participation of women in agriculture (Deere and UNRISD 2005; Lastarria-Cornhiel 2006). Scholars contend that agrarian changes, including commercialisation fostered by neo-liberal economic liberalisation (Lastarria-Cornhiel 2006; Razavi 2007), have greatly affected women farmers (Kelkar 2009; Lahiri-Dutt and Adhikari 2015). As a consequence of the out-migration of males, women's roles and responsibilities in the household and participation and engagement in social networks and community activities have changed. Such changes have had a considerable impact on gender roles within households and communities.

Feminisation can positively impact women and foster autonomy in decision-making in the absence of men and a good amount of remittance (World Bank 2016). Income from remittances can be invested in the education and health care of family members and agricultural and other business activities by women in developing countries (Adams Jr 2011; FAO 2017). However, feminisation can also affect women negatively, for example, Desai and Banerji (2008) in India and Ullah (2017) in Syria found that if the remittance is inadequate, women may go through difficulties due to increased workload and financial hardship. Ullah’s study in the context of Syria points to women’s lack of experience and knowledge due to traditional practices of granting women less autonomy, less access to resources and less decision-making power, which has negative consequences for women (Ullah 2017). The questions of the differential impacts of the feminisation of local communities along the lines of gender, caste and socio-economic status are still not settled.

In Nepal, within the historical hierarchical and patron-client context of higher and lower castes, women – in particular Dalit women – held the lowest position within the community (Cameroon 1995). Their lower position is also associated to the continuity of patrilineal practices whereby women after getting married leave their natal house and move to husband’s house, mostly living with in-laws. Such patriarchal and patrilineal social structure assigns male member of the family legally, socially and culturally as the 30

household head, thereby holding rights to inheriting parental property, greater power and autonomy (Bista 1991; Bennett 2008). In turn, women have been excluded by the social system and by the legislation from inheriting property (mainly land) from parents (Pradhan Malla 2010). However, recent changes (August 2018) to the National Civil Code 2017 have made provision for equal rights of sons and daughters to parental property. Before the amendment of the National Civil Code, such inheritance was to sons only. Such practices have historically reinforced the structural as well as cultural inequalities on women, thereby creating dependence of women on male members of the family (Allendorf 2007).

Due to structural and traditional practices, women’s participation in all the sectors, social, economic and political, is less, compared to men. Due to the provision of proportional representation, women were able to secure 33 percent of the seats in the first Constituent Assembly (CA) election in 2008 and 30 percent in the 2013 CA election (Yadav 2018). However, despite this representation, women participating in politics experience male dominance and patriarchy (ibid). Moreover, women’s primary contribution to the household economy as caregiver and family labour is also changing but rarely recognised. As highlighted earlier, inequalities and discrimination in Nepal are based on intersecting factors, including gender, caste, ethnicity and class (Bennett 2005; 2008). Furthermore, inequalities are reproduced in different socio-environmental contexts (Nightingale 2011). I return to this in Chapters Five and Six, where I present case study findings.

Scholars have argued that, overall, out-migration of men in Nepal has increased autonomy and decision-making power of women, however not all women have benefitted equally (Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012). Women receiving an adequate amount of remittance are able to decrease their workload by using the remittance, however, low or no remittance increases the workload of women. Hence, better-off women get higher benefits from out-migration compared to women receiving low or no remittance (Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012). This study builds on this, exploring the ways in which other factors shape a woman’s experience, particularly caste, ethnicity and economic status.

In the absence of male members in the family, women are increasingly able to expand their positions towards decision-making roles both in the household and community 31

(Kaspar 2005; Giri and Darnhofer 2010; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). In particular, women are playing dual roles of managing household duties and taking new roles and responsibilities in the community. Women have been providing cheap (and often under recognised) and reproductive labour (often taken for granted) but with fewer opportunities to participate in economic and entrepreneurial activities because of the socio-cultural and structural practices that undermine women (Labonte 2004; Bushell 2008). Now, in the absence of men, they are filling the gap of labour and leadership roles. Therefore, women are faced with multiple burdens as they are taking on more responsibilities for managing households (e.g., looking after children and elderly people) including farming and also participating in the community (Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). As Moser introduced in early 1990s, in fact, women were and are still in triple burden of productive, reproductive and community works (Moser 1993).

Women living in joint families, in which in-laws are household heads, do not have much decision-making power, while women living in nuclear families are de facto household heads and get more autonomy and decision-making power (Kaspar 2005; Desai and Banerji 2008; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010). On the contrary, other authors argue that in the absence of men in the family, women are taking the roles traditionally assigned to men, but they have less decision-making and planning power, and limited access to and control in regard to resources, mainly land and forest (Agarwal 1994; Buchy and Rai 2008; Agarwal 2009; MSFP 2014). Kabeer (2000) maintains that the differences and discrepancies based on gender exacerbate other forms of disadvantage and limit other opportunities, thereby reinforcing exclusion. In Nepal, the intersectionality of gender, ethnicity, caste and class plays a significant role in reproducing inequalities and compounded disadvantages (Nightingale 2011). Hence, women are subject to differential exclusions, discrepancies and disadvantages based on their social and economic status.

Despite several decades of a participatory development approach and inclusive policy and practices, exclusion and inequality persist in every society, affecting women and others, including marginalised and poor groups (Cooke and Kothari 2001; Kabeer 2000; Agarwal 2001; Labonte 2004; Cornwall 2008). Exclusion and differences in access to resources based on gender and economic status are more visible in Nepali societies than

others (Pradhan 2006; Nightingale 2011). Despite women’s high contribution to natural resource management and farming, this is acknowledged as a reproductive work and their participation is mostly tokenistic (Cornwall 2008; Holmes and Slater 2008). The mere presence of women in the decision-making without a voice and meaningful participation and intragroup interactions can be counterproductive in that it can be used to legitimatise a decision made by men and may not address the issues relating to women (Mohanty 2004; Cornwall 2008; Agarwal 2014).

Some scholars have claimed that women have increased their participation in decision- making in the management of households (Kaspar 2005; Adhikari and Hobley 2011) and in the protection and management of community forests (Giri and Darnhofer 2010; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017). Beside household roles, some women have taken managerial roles in community activities, such as in community forestry (Giri and Darnhofer 2010). However, my study reveals a more complex picture in which a woman’s capacity to make decisions is circumscribed by interesecting factors such as gender, social and wealth status. Further, it is important to reflect on if there are any differences occurring after in the wider community and development activities.

All these suggest that the out-migration, the remittance economy and food security are strongly interrelated. Furthermore, out-migration and remittances play a significant role in feminising local communities. Therefore, this research explores more deeply these interrelationships.

2.5.2 Women’s participation in decision-making

In general, women’s participation in decision-making is a much debated and discussed issue. It is linked with social exclusion, inability to participate, denial or lack of access to resources, as well as activities on social, economic, political and cultural grounds (De Haan 2000; Kabeer 2005; Silver 2007). There is an abundance of literature that explains the exclusion and its associated consequences in relation to participation in decision- making of women (Kabeer 2005; Agarwal 2001; Jacobs 2015).

Exclusionary practices have been quite static in Nepali society. Though increasing women’s participation to increase inclusiveness has been an agenda of development initiatives, particularly in natural resource management (Cornwall 2003), women’s participation has not been active and interactive, which could have built up the 33

capacities of women (White 1996; Agarwal 2001). Rather, women’s participation has been mostly nominal, passive, and consultative on specific activities (Agarwal 2001). It is important to be able to participate and influence decision-making, as it enables an individual or group to secure benefits on an equal basis (Ribot and Peluso 2003a). Whether or not a woman is included in the decision-making process, both in the household and community in relation to the decisions that are directly or indirectly related to food security, is important to explore.

The concept of passive participation in household decisions has been changed, though there are different forms and hierarchies of participation in decision-making depending on the structure of family, age, class as well as the education status of the woman herself (Kaspar 2005; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010). It has been argued that women have increased their autonomy and decision-making on household management including what food to buy and what food to cook in rural Nepal (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012). Women have the autonony to make decisions on some remittance money, but do not necessarily have the capacity to make decisions on larger amounts, including where to invest such remittance on other sectors such as farming. Inability to invest on other sectors is also reflected in the minimal amount being invested on farming (Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012), that could have contributed directly to food security.

Agarwal’s (2001) research on community forestry in India and Nepal and women's participation in decision-making at the community level that directly affects their livelihoods and food security is pertinent to this discussion. Agarwal (2001) sets out definitions of participation based on natural resource management, including: a) nominal (membership and representation); b) passive (informed but no voice); c) consultative (asked for voice but no impact in decision); d) activity specific (mainly representing only); e) active (expression of opinion); and f) interactive or empowering (influence in decision-making). Agarwal found that women were largely absent in decision-making processes in community forestry, despite women broadening their physical participation and representation in the community, including community forest management. This is what Agrawal calls as ‘participatory exclusion’, a widespread phenomenon being rampant in South Asia, including Nepal until recently (Agarwal 2001; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017).

Relatively recently, the Government of Nepal has worked towards increasing women’s participation in various sectors such as community forestry. For example, the government has made mandatory 50 percent participation of women in community forestry governance and community development (MSFP 2014; GoN 2015a). Although there are some critiques that the progress in participation is measured based on a number of participants and their quota, such initiatives have been able to encourages women and increases their participation at some level (Nightingale 2002). However, feminist research has shown that numbers and physical presence alone are not enough to ensure the active participation of women in decision-making (Agarwal 2001; Cooke and Kothari 2001; Mosse 2001; Hickey and Mohan 2004). Thus, despite the government’s effort in making gender inclusive participation, women’s participation is still exclusionary in everyday practices in relation to community forestry, as found by Agarwal (2001), Buchy and Rai (2008), and MSFP (2014). However, these are not exclusive cases in terms of participation only but relates to the active engagement of women in natural resource management. It is noteworthy that those participatory arrangements have increasingly provided a platform for some women to develop their leadership, while they may also be used to legitimise the process by suggesting that women are full participants even where they are not.

Further, for a meaningful participation in decision-making, in any sphere – including the household and community – women’s participation should not be limited to being a nominal member holding only minor decision-making power in mandated positions; rather women need to be able to actively engage to ensure the decisions are in their favour (Agarwal 2001, 2009). Such participation in decision-making further ensures equitable benefits (Ribot and Peluso 2003b; Acharya and Gentle 2006; Ribot and Peluso 2003a). Therefore, the decisions made without the input of women in every step of the decision-making process can be counterproductive as it legitimises the decisions in their presence but with no actual contribution from women themselves (Cornwall 2002, 2008b).

2.5.3 Access to and control over land and financial resources: Ownership and use

Ribot and Peluso (2003a: 153) define access as an "ability to benefit from things – including material objects, persons, institutions, and symbols". They note that access always involves dynamic steps and interrelations, which can be referred to as webs of 35

access (Ribot and Peluso 2003a). The livelihood of an individual (man or woman) depends on access to, control over, and ownership of productive assets such as land, finance, labour, and capital (Meinzen-Dick et al. 2011). Therefore, access to resources, for example, land and finance, is important for being able to use those resources and for creating benefits out of these resources. Access to means of production and resources, particularly land, is key to a food secured household (Rao 2006). Moreover, access to agricultural input, such as land, labour and capital, is vital for agriculture-based livelihoods and food security.

However, women are often excluded from access to land, and even if they have access they lack control over it and do not have full power to make decisions over agricultural products as Jacobs (2015) found in her study of 18 countries of Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe. Women have been playing important roles in resource use, including land, and this has been a well-studied field. Women provides labour for farms, in particular, sowing seeds, cropping, harvesting, weeding, preserving seeds, taking care processing and small livestocks (Jacobs 2015). In the early 1990s, women were champions of the environmental protection movement in India and elsewhere (Agarwal 1992). However, at the same time, they were victims of environmental degradation due to their dependence on environmental resources (Shiva 1989; Agarwal 2014, 1992; Bieri 2014). Despite women’s significant contributions to environmental protection and reviving agriculture, even in the context of climate change impacts, they face considerable constraints, such as unequal and insecure rights to land and other resources (Bieri 2014; Agarwal 2014). Compared to men, women are socially and legally devoid of the ownership of land, which is the major source of agriculture-based livelihood and provides financial and social security against poverty and also improves bargaining power in the household (Agarwal 2014; Mishra and Sam 2016). Therefore, the majority of the women work and/or depend on the land owned by male relatives in South Asia, including Nepal (Agarwal 1994; Kabeer 1999; Allendorf 2007; Agarwal 2014). Lack of access and control over land also indicates the symbol of male domination and women’s dependence on men and further impacts on women’s livelihood security and social status (Jacobs 2015).

There are structural issues that determines participation in decision-making, access to and control over land resources. The status of women in the social sphere, particularly

in the household, society, and social networks, depends on their position and power relations at both household and community levels (Agarwal 1997; Rao 2006). Women's right to and ownership over productive resources including land, can bring positive changes in their lives. Not having ownership over land resources is one of the causes of vulnerability of women which leads to lack of access to other associated services as well as decision-making power (Agarwal 1994; Rao 2006). When it comes to the access to and control over the resources such as land, women have to depend on the existence of male relatives (Deere and León 2003; Rao 2006).

Lack of access reinforces the exclusion of an individual, not just women, in different facets of society, as social exclusion is a multidimensional process combined with prevailing culture, identity, and power relations (De Haan 2000; Edwards, Armstrong and Miller 2001). It is a causal process, where lack of access leads to low income as well as low access to political, social, and economic spheres (De Haan 2000; Carr and Chen 2004). The traditional social exclusionary practices, mainly gender and caste- based discriminations, are reflected in everyday practices in Nepal (Nightingale 2011). Exclusions based on caste, class, and gender consistently allienate and marginalise certain individuals or groups such as women and the poor (Bennett 2008; Nightingale 2011). Exclusionary practices are particularly visible in Nepal, where hierarchies and rules dictate a person's position and options in life (Chhetri et al. 2008). Such structural issues are making feminisation more of a burden than an opportunity for women (Bieri 2014). Therefore, it is important to explore social exclusion and inequality of access of land and resources in terms of the impacts of the feminisation of local communities in different social and economic groups in rural Nepal.

Scholars have noted the way in which existing diversities based on class, ethnicity, race, and geography are the social characters of communities and play important roles in defining control over resources, as well as the division of roles within households and communities (Rocheleau, Thomas-Slayter and Wangari 1996; Nightingale 2002). In this regard, women increasingly have ownership of the productive resources including land, however, the formal entitlement to those resources is a crucial aspect of livelihoods and food security (Rao 2006). Entitlement facilitates the process of decision-making and control over resources, hence it gives power to women on effective resource use. This process is not only an issue of woman's entitlement but also an issue for the entire

household (Rao 2006). Related to the use of productive resources for food security and livelihoods, there is an increasing trend of underutilisation of agricultural land in Nepal. Low return from farming in comparison to the inputs is leading to underutilisation of agricultural land. Satyal (2010) states that the agriculture sector is continuously declining in terms of production and labour engagement due to low efficiency. The abandonment of agricultural land is another issue, which has been linked to a lack of labour workforce due to out-migration, the remittance economy, skewed distribution of productive land, inadequate and inappropriate technologies, ineffective extension services, high cost of production with low return, and rapid environmental degradation (Satyal 2010; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012; Ojha et al. 2017).

Additionally, the issue of landlessness, decreasing access to productive natural resources, low-returns on labour and other investments, and increasing cash demand to pay for health, education and other social services are discouraging the farming communities in the hills to continue farming (Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012; Ojha et al. 2017). The combined effects of such factors have a great impact on food security and livelihoods of rural people. Further, rapid urbanisation and population growth have caused the decline of agricultural land, which will ultimately worsen the food insecurity problem the country is already facing (Rimal 2013). It suggests that it is important to differentiate between the impacts on food security at different levels: different impacts on different people at the individual level and differences in impacts between local and national level. The decline in arable land for agricultural production can greatly impact rural people, especially in the regions which are already suffering from poverty and food deficits, such as mid hills and other remote parts of Nepal (Khanal and Watanabe 2006; Adhikari 2008; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012; Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014).

Overall, ownership over resources is the key factor that gives the legitimate authority to an individual to make decisions related to the resources. From this perspective, it can be argued that feminisation is not in women's favour because of the existing gender inequalities and unequal access to resources and opportunities for women outside the household and in the agriculture sector (Rao 2006; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). Moreover, access to and control over productive resources, including land, is linked to food security (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010). Therefore, a key question this thesis

addresses is the extent to which access to and control over resources has changed as a result of the feminisation of local communities. Issues of access, power and control are key concepts in political ecology, which I will discuss next in reference to the food security of diverse social and economic groups.

2.6 Political Ecology of Food Security

To reshape understanding of rural livelihoods in Nepal, it is necessary to understand globalisation, environmental changes, and the rural economy, which directly or indirectly impact rural livelihoods (Scoones 2009). Many studies show that increasingly, agriculture-based economy is being replaced by remittance economy, thereby resulting in feminisation (Zuo; Lastarria-Cornhiel 2006; Kelkar 2009; De Brauw et al. 2008; Deere 2009; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; De Schutter 2013). In turn, this is causing a decrease in local food production and increase food insecurity in Nepal (Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). These causal relationships are complicated by the issues of access to and control over land, labour and capital inputs for agriculture and food security.

Studies highlight the way in which the local food production is decreasing because female counterparts who remained at home are either reducing cropping patterns or abandoning agricultural lands (Tamang 2011; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012). Women are also coping with labour shortages in agriculture by adopting less labour-intensive crops and cropping cycles and changing agro-ecological cultural practices (Bhattarai, Beilin and Ford 2015). As a result, food security has been an issue in rural Nepal. In particular, poor and marginalised communities in inaccessible areas with limited income face hunger and malnutrition due to the limited access to cash and other discriminations based on caste, ethnicity, wealth and gender (FAO 2010; Paudel, Dhital and Tamang 2010).

This study draws on feminist political ecology (Rocheleau 2008; Hovorka 2006) and an actor-oriented approach (Biggs and Matsaert 1999; Long 2003) within the broader framework of political ecology (Bryant 1998) to investigate the relation between feminisation of local communities and the impacts on food security. Within this research perspective, a case study strategy is adopted (Yin 1994). Feminist political ecology is used in this study as a lens to capture the experiences of men and women,

however there is a particular emphasis on women. The interaction between society and nature, a key concern in political ecology, provides insights into the social changes within local communities as a result of the shifts in gender roles caused by the absence of men in these communities. Moreover, it is equally important to look at the relationship between society and nature, which political ecologists do (Watts and Peet 2004), given that the livelihoods of most of the farmers in Nepal are still associated with farm and forest, though remittance is increasingly emerging as one of the major sources of income.

Land and financial resources, and labour are the means of production in an agrarian society. In this sense, livelihood sources, feminisation and food security are closely linked with each other. Thus, feminist political ecology perspective is useful in this research to critically examine how different social and economic groups access land and finance and share costs and benefits of the available resources among them (Watts and Peet 2004; Paul and Robbins 2004). The access an individual or a group has over resources can facilitate or hinder the acquisition of livelihood basics, thereby affecting food security. Therefore, it is also useful to look at the constantly shifting dialogue between land-based livelihood and societal focus on gender, class, caste and ethnicity (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987).

Political ecology has been criticised for being more limited to debates at the academic level, less oriented to solution, and not being fully used to its scope in reaching local, marginal, and vulnerable people (Robbins 2004; Walker 2006). It is useful to bring a broader as well as critical perspective of political ecology to examine the relationship between the local people's everyday interactions with resources, including land and financial resources. Feminist political ecology analyses gendered experiences in relation to the response to the changes in livelihoods, landscape, and social relations brought by environmental, political, and economic changes (Hovorka 2006). It also emphasises the issues of uneven distribution, access to and control over resources by gender, class, and ethnicity (ibid) that is necessary for people who are partly or fully dependent on agriculture-based economy. Moreover, the feminist political ecology perspective fits well to explore the nexus of politics around development and ecology in regard to gender, as it captures female's existing oppression and resistance as well as existing

power relationships between men and women in the society (Rocheleau, Thomas- Slayter and Wangari 1996; Bryant 1998; Rocheleau 2008).

Further, a feminist political ecology approach is pertinent, particularly regarding the feminisation of local communities – a key concern of this study. This approach enables an examination of the gendered experiences in terms of livelihoods and gender relations caused by economic, political and environmental changes. Feminist political ecology is concerned with the uneven distribution, access and control over resources based on gender, class and ethnicity as well as power relations between men and women (Rocheleau, Thomas-Slayter and Wangari 1996; Hovorka 2006; Rocheleau 2008).

Therefore, feminist polical ecology is appropriate to capture the impacts of feminisation (positive and negative) of the society in which unequal power relations and differences between men and women exist (Bryant 1992). However, feminist political ecology has been critiqued for lacking visibility, in terms of changes in social theory and engaging more on feminist theory as well as not being able to adequately bring gender experiences from the local level to the fore (Elmhirst 2011). Nevertheless, elucidating insights from the people who have been experiencing changes at the local level on a daily basis and interpreting and linking with the perspectives of feminist political ecology will help in amplifying the experiences of both men and women from the case study sites.

Both political ecology and feminist political ecology perspectives are strong in analysing the relationship between social deprivation and ecological degradation from the lens of gender and social inclusion. Since this study focuses on the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security on diverse groups of people in rural Nepal, it is closely related with developing a critical understanding of the relationship between the feminisation and food security in general, and between feminisation and women, agriculture, and local livelihoods specifically. Thus, theoretical perspectives of feminist political ecology within political ecology fit well with the scope of the current study.

An actor-oriented approach identifies key actors engaged in the issues and concentrates on the determinants of flows of information between actors (Biggs and Matsaert 1999: 231). It also allows situating the research in the broader context, which gives an

understanding of the study itself. This approach is useful in exploring how different social actors are intertwined in struggles over resourcers (Long 2003). In general, the actor-oriented approach and political ecology perspectives are closely related concepts which deal with understanding the power relations between the actors and stakeholders (Bryant 1992). I use these perspectives broadly to explore the relationship between actors engaged in natural resource management and seek to examine the political, economic and social influences, as well as the use of power, to promote one's interests.

An actor-oriented approach not only helps to identify strong institutional linkages among institutions but also provides opportunity to weaken or strengthen the linkage between institutions while meeting the interests of common people. It helps to map the actor's landscape, their strengths, opportunities and weaknesses. In focusing on relationships and the flow of information among and between stakeholders, allowing space for reflection and action, it is, at times, politically sensitive (Biggs and Matsaert 1999).

In farming, diverse actors including family members are engaged within their often differentiated gendered roles and responsibilities. Changes to roles and responsibilites in farming affects local food production, livelihoods and food security. Usually men take the responsibility of laborious and more physical work; if they are absent this shifts to the remaining members (mainly women) of the household. Such phenomena affect the whole practice of food production as it leads to underutilisation of land as well as low local production which has a significant influence on the food security of the household and community. As an actor-oriented approach helps to understand the relationship between actors, it is useful for examining farming practices which are carried out by family and community members as a collective action for food security.

Such dynamic changes in relations are important aspects of the study, as this study aims to explore the differentiated impacts of the feminisation of local communities on food security – participation, power, and access to and control over resources including land, have emerged as central issues. Drawing on a political ecological perspective and actor- oriented approach enhances our understanding of the possible links between food security and the feminisation of local communities. In turn, central issues that will be explored in this thesis include women’s participation in decision-making, access to and control over resources and why politics of decision-making in food security is critical. 42

2.7 Analytical Framework

As I have already emphasised, the feminisation of local communities in rural Nepal is taking place, and its impact, as well as the coping strategies of different social and economic groups in terms of food security, is shaped by social, economic, political and environmental factors. Additionally, a country’s policy and legislative context contribute to reducing or exacerbating the implications. In this chapter, I have highlighted that varying degree of changes and impacts can be explained by analysing different social and economic groups, particularly on women’s participation in decision- making and access to and control over resources. In doing so, I have explored three levels of engagement: household, community, and local politics considering mainly land and remittances as the important resources for food security. The analysis is based on the empirical study in two sites: Nalma and Piprahar using perspectives of political ecology and feminist political ecology, and actor-oriented approach.

In Figure 2.1 below, in the given social, economic, political and environmental as well as policy and legislative context, I set out the pathway approach to analyse the relationship between the feminisation of local communities and food security. Considering gender, caste, ethnicity and wealth categories, I analysed two major dimensions; differentiation in women's participation in decision-making and differentiated access to and control over productive resources. While doing so, I analysed participation at the households and communities with some reflections from local politics – civic engagement – and access to and control over resources on land and remittance based on the aims and research questions presented in Chapter One Section 1.3. The analysis of the above-mentioned dimensions are set in the local context of socioeconomic, political and environmental changes as well as the evolving national policy framework. These broader contextual factors shape the links between feminisation and food security; at the same time, these changes influence everyday practices and the nature of relationships at different leyers.

These phenomena have been analysed to understand the links between feminisation and food security using a political ecology perspective as well as an actor-oriented approach. The details of the research methodology are presented in Chapter 3.

Figure 2.1 Analytical framework

2.8 Summary

This chapter has provided a review of the relevant literature related to the feminisation of local communities and food security. It explored and synthesised the fundamental issues, problems, and challenges around the relationship between feminisation of local communities and food security and focused also on the remittance economy, participation in decision-making, and access to and control over resources. The chapter reviewed and explored these concepts in relation to the feminist political perspective and actor-oriented approach to develop a conceptual framework for this study.

In this chapter, I contend that issues of agrarian change and food insecurity have been challenging and remain one of the critical issues globally, especially in Asia. In turn, Nepal has been going through rapid socioeconomic and political changes over the last two decades. Due to such changes, unprecedented male out-migration and the remittance economy have emerged as a major livelihood diversification option thereby causing the feminisation of the local communities.

The agrarian changes on a global scale, including in Nepal, have significant implications for food security and livelihoods. Notably, youth mobility, the remittance economy, access to and control over productive resources, and participation in decision- making are important issues influencing gender relations, which impact on feminisation at the local level.

The major problems identified in terms of agrarian change and the feminisation of local communities in rural Nepal include underutilisation of agricultural land, increased workload for women, and inability of policy response to handle these changes. Such issues are impacting food security at a local level. However, the literature shows s major gap in understanding the impact of feminisation of local communities on different social and economic groups, as existing gender and social practices do not grant equal decision-making power or access to, and control over, resources among these groups. In this context, it is important to explore and understand the ongoing processes, changing relations, and potential implications of these changes when roles and responsibilities of migrant males are frequently taken by women in the households, communities, and politics. In particular, women's participation in decision-making and access to and control over resources can play a crucial role in facilitating the ongoing changes or persistence in the gender norms supporting the status quo. Therefore, I argue that there is an urgent need for the government to implement appropriate policies and strategies to address the changing context of agriculture-based livelihoods and communities. In particular, I contend that local government can play an important role in addressing these issues at a local level within the new government structures. This is particularly pertinent in the context of the new state structure, in which local bodies are given more rights to deal with local issues including livelihoods.

In the next chapter, I present the details of the methodology employed in this research.

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the research approach, strategy and design of the study. It provides an overview of the methods used for data collection and analysis. The chapter consists of seven sections, including this first introductory section. The second section considers the approach of the research with the third providing a reflexive account of the methodological choices used for this study before turning to discuss the epistemological position and conceptual framework. In the fourth section, I set out the research design and the methods used for data collection. The fifth section presents a summary of data processing and analysis. The final two sections of the chapter present the research rigour and ethical considerations of the research.

3.2 Approaching the Research

As presented in Chapter One, the objective of this study was to analyse the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security. To understand and analyse the relationship between the two, this thesis has combined three aspects of inquiry: a) the researcher's prior experience and knowledge related to the subject area; b) the conceptual exploration of the research issues, defining, refining, reframing the agenda and framework of analysis and synthesis; and c) empirical case studies directly related to the subject of the research and its explanation.

3.3 The Research Journey

My research journey includes two underlying pathways: first, my motivation for doing this research; and second, the epistemological position that enables me to produce this knowledge through my research. The research design and methods for data collection and analysis are shaped by these considerations.

3.3.1 Situating myself in the research context

This research was seeded from a longstanding awareness gained from my life experience, prior study and work experience, as well as the review of literature, which has influenced the work I have undertaken. My positioning and personal experiences of the everyday life of farming families, including my own farming practices, have shaped 46

my worldview and belief system. I was born into a Tamang ethnic farming family in eastern Nepal, where the entire family depended solely on farming income. My father lived away from home as he was exiled from the village for more than 7 years due to being active in politics. By social practice, a man (my father) was the head of the household taking care of the major roles such as family financed and labourious work on the land, while a woman (my mother) used to take care of reproductive roles such as household chores and farming. In the absence of my father, my mother assumed many of the responsibilities usually undertaken by my father as a male household head. My mother ploughed18 the land herself. My mother told me that at first, she tried to manage the ploughing by asking a male outsider to do the work. This arrangement, however, was too costly, not only financially, but providing for his food drew on family resources. Further, socially, it bore the risk of having my mother accused by villagers of being engaged in an extramarital affair in the absence of her husband. This led my mother to plough the land herself.

After I finished my schooling and university degrees, I began working in a Research and Policy Think Tank, Forest Action Nepal. Here, I began to understand the value of one's experience and struggles as a village girl from a minority ethnic group; of activities affected by gender, class and caste and ethnicity. For example, not many people could understand what my mother felt when she did plough against social norms. Moreover, being from one of the Nepali ethnic groups (Tamang), I did not have to experience the same forms of the hierarchy at home as experienced by many others in Nepal. However, during my professional work and engagement with people at the grassroots (both men and women), I increasingly realised the way in which the social structures play an important role in shaping an individual’s life and livelihood. Therefore, my own life experiences and the need for understanding what hinders or facilitates one’s (mainly women’s) everyday life were motivational factors for undertaking this research.

During my professional research and policy advocacy engagement around the rights of poor and marginalised farmers, including women, I witnessed bias and discrimination based on gender, class, caste and ethnicity. I realised that marginalised groups,

18 Culturally women are not allowed to plough as it is believed in Nepal that doing such tasks by women would bring bad fortune. 47

particularly women, face multiple and intersecting discriminations. With my own experiences of farming, of village women and as an indigenous woman with university degrees and work experience in a research institution, I brought my knowledge and skills to social issues of farming, especially in relation to women and smallholder farmers. While doing so, I focused on rural livelihoods, changes in women's roles, and indigenous knowledge of women farmers. Prior to this PhD research, I was working with a research project, ‘Enhancing Livelihood and Food Security from Agroforestry and Community Forestry in Nepal-EnLiFT’, funded by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR). In this project, my engagement was as a member of the action research coordination team to undertake field research and analyse issues of land underutilisation, women’s empowerment and entrepreneurship development. This research experience and exposure provided me with opportunities to better understand applied and action research. I have continued to develop my knowledge and skills in conducting robust research throughout this PhD journey.

3.3.2 The conceptual foundation

A researcher's philosophical assumptions and beliefs about the nature of reality (ontology) and the nature of knowledge and how it is produced (epistemology) guides any research (Creswell 2009; Crotty 1998). Creswell (2009) refers to this philosophical assumption as ‘worldview’; the general orientation concerning the nature of the research and the researcher's belief. Different people from their position can construct the meaning of the subject differently (Crotty 1998). We can construct meaning by engaging with the subject that we are interpreting (ibid). Creswell (2003) discusses four types of worldviews or philosophical assumptions: post-positivism, constructivism, advocacy/participatory, and pragmatism (Creswell 2003, 2009).

The post-positivists believe in empirical observation and measurement and this often leads to the verification of theory and quantitative methods for data collection and analysis (Creswell 2003; Mackenzie and Knipe 2006). Though I believe in the reliability and validity of the data, I cannot entirely depend on measurement and quantity of the experiences and perceptions of the participants of the study. In particular, it is hard to measure the depth of experience of the participants (both men and women) regarding the changes that resulted from their participation in decision- making both in the household and community, and their access to and control over 48

resources. In part, this resulted from being an outsider with limited and somewhat formal relationships with the study participants and partly because participants invariably hold back from sharing some of their experiences. However, I could understand and interpret the meaning based on what the participants shared during interviews and discussions. While constructivists and social constructivists believe in exploring meaning and understanding of the world in which they live, the views of the participants are highly valued (Creswell 2003; Creswell and Clark 2011). They do not start from theory and believe that meaning and knowledge can be constructed rather than discovered during the research process (Creswell 2003; Stake 1995). I believe in exploring the experiences of how women from different class and wealth groups are coping with the changes that are occurring at the local level, and that this should be understood from its context.

The participatory worldview came forward with the belief that both post-positivists and constructivists did not address the injustices and related issues faced by marginalised people (Creswell 2003, 2009). Similarly, the pragmatists believe in adopting the use of all the approaches to understand the issue or problem. The problem should be central and is the focus of pragmatist researchers. "For the mixed method researcher, pragmatism opens the door to multiple methods, different worldviews, and different assumptions as well as to various forms of data collection and analysis” (Creswell 2003).

I situate myself between constructivism and pragmatism. I explore and seek to understand the participant's lived experiences through changes. Further, I believe in the need to address the issue of feminisation which can, directly and indirectly, provide opportunities for both men and women themselves and food security of the household.

3.3.3 Methodological framework

Based on the research questions (refer to Section 1.3 in Chapter One for research aim and questions) related to the extent and pattern of the feminisation of local communities and its impact on different social and economic groups, I explored the issues related to food security using the analytical framework presented below in Section 2.6 in Chapter Two.

The methodological framework for this study has four key components. 49

• Firstly, I explored the causal relations between the socio-economic changes of male out-migration and remittance economy and the link to the feminisation of local communities. • Secondly, I examined the impact of the feminisation of local communities on food security. This analysis involved two dimensions: participation in decision- making and access to and control over resources. • Thirdly, I investigated the differentiated impacts of the feminisation of local communities on various social and economic groups concerning food security. • Finally, I synthesised the policy implications concerning feminisation and food security.

As presented in Section 1.2, there are ongoing changes in rural livelihoods and the food security context, which has a direct impact on gender roles. This research seeks to analyse the shifting dynamics and complex relationship between the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security. There is scholarship that explores the causes and consequences of feminisation in rural Nepal (Kaspar 2005; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Adhikari and Hobley 2011; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Tamang, Paudel and Shrestha 2014). However, the relationship between the feminisation of local communities and food security within the changing socioeconomic dynamics and the impacts on different social and economic groups have not been examined. Thus, this research proposes to analyse the interrelationship between male out-migration, remittance economy, labour shortage, changing gender roles, land underutilisation, local food production and food security.

3.3.4 Research approach

In this research, I have used a combination of inductive and deductive approaches. The deductive approach prioritises theory first and relates it to observations or findings, while an inductive approach prioritises observations or findings first and relates them to theory (Bryman 2016). I started with reviewing the literature to find knowledge gaps and to formulate and finalise the research questions and framework. For the field study, I used an inductive approach, in which I directly engaged with participants and actors in the case study sites during data collection, including the local, district (now province), and national levels.

The research is informed by a Feminist Political Ecology perspective (Hovorka 2006; Rocheleau 2008), which is a subset of thinking within the broader framework of political ecology (Bryant 1998; Watts and Peet 2004; Robbins 2004). To capture the experiences of men and women I used a case study strategy (Yin 1994). This strategy enables the experiences and insights of women to come to the fore, as feminisation is directly related to their everyday lives. The political ecology perspective provides a framework to explore key questions, for example, who loses the resource base such as the productive agricultural land and who benefits from having access to these resources (Robbins 2004). Moreover, this approach is useful to explore how different social and economic groups are able to access costs and benefits in relation to the resources and the influence of social factors, including gender, class, caste and ethnicity. While critiques of political ecology argue that this approach is not able to reach marginal and vulnerable groups and, rather, is limited to academic debate (Robbins 2004; Walker 2006), it is useful for providing a broader perspective in examining the relationship between local people and available local resources, such as land.

In examining the impacts of feminisation of local communities on food security, it is important to explore the experiences of poor and marginalised people, particularly women. Women have different experiences and struggles of everyday practices and low capacity to deal with changing gendered relations, participation in decision-making, and access to and control over resources. With the out-migration of men and the subsequent feminisation of communities, women have taken on additional roles and responsibilities in every area of life. The study seeks to understand women’s experiences of these changes and further, how such changes have affected women’s decision-making roles. It also focuses on access to resources, particularly productive resources such as land and financial investment, which are important in agriculture-based livelihoods. Women’s access to these resources – before, during and after male out-migration – is closely linked with the ongoing feminisation of local communities and thus requires examination.

Considering the diversity of different groups in terms of social and economic status, it is also useful to use political ecology to look at the constantly shifting dialectic between local communities and their livelihoods, which is mainly based on land and farming, thereby looking further into the relationship between society and nature (Blaikie and

Brookfield 1987; Watts and Peet 2004). The livelihood of each social and economic group differs, as does their capacity to maintain food security (see Chapters Five and Six).

Similarly, feminist political ecology perspective enabled insights into the gendered experiences of participants, both men and women, in the context of changing gender relations as a result of male out-migration and the subsequent changes to decision- making roles and access to and control over resources.

An actor-oriented approach helps to identify the major actors and to analyse the flow of information between diverse actors such as those from service providers, local communities and policymakers (Biggs and Matsaert 1999). It not only helped me to identify strong links between actors and institutions but also provided a framework to understand their perspectives and space for reflection on their views as a diverse group. Analysing interests and actions of different actors, as well as understanding social change and its processes can help to determine who gets what within the community (Bryant and Bailey 1997; Long and Long 1992).

The changes in the local practices due to male migration and feminisation, and as a consequence, the changes in the social norms and values and institutions, are important to understand. As Long and Long (1992) and Long (2003) argue, it is important to visit and interact with the different actors within their everyday practices to determine how they are affected by external interventions. Such understanding is needed to assess the ongoing changes in terms of gender roles, labour shortage, and the need for women to interact and interface within the family, community and institutions.

3.4 Designing the Field Research

3.4.1 Research design

According to Yin (2011), a research design is important in collecting data in order to answer the research questions. It is an action plan to guide how and what activities should be undertaken to answer the research questions. In this study, I have employed a mixed methods approach combining qualitative and quantitative forms of inquiry (Creswell 2009). Both approaches are required for a deeper understanding of the changing dynamics and complexity of the nexus between gender relations after

migration and feminisation, and the relationship with food security. Although the nature of the study is primarily qualitative, relevant quantitative information was used to complement and provide greater context to the qualitative data.

The choice of research method is determined by the research questions themself. In this sense, neither qualitative nor quantitative is bad or good, but the fundamental question is which one best fits the question being considered and what it is proposing to discover (Silverman 2000). A qualitative approach can help in understanding and interpreting how people make sense of their lives and experiences and how they create meaning from it (Merriam 2009). A qualitative approach studies the spontaneous reaction of participants and tries to understand their views and experiences (Denzin and Lincoln 2005), while a quantitative approach gives quantitative or numeric descriptions (Creswell 2009). Quantitative methods seek objectivity, while qualitative methods are based more on the words and insights of those being researched, as well as on the researcher's own values and interpretations.

A mixed methods approach involves both qualitative and quantitative data collection, analysis and integration of findings (Greene 2006; Johnson, Onwuegbuzie and Turner 2007; Tashakkori and Creswell 2007; Creswell and Clark 2011). The combination of both methods can be useful in bringing a more deeper understanding of the problem and offers different facets to get a better understanding of the phenomena (Clark and Creswell 2008; Creswell and Clark 2011). While using mixed methods, we can give priority either to one or both forms of data (Creswell and Clark 2011). In this study, I drew more heavily on a qualitiative approach, largely because my focus was on the lived experiences of local people.

Closely related to a mixed methods approach are the aforementioned constructivist and pragmatist worldviews. The combination of both offers an opportunity to better understand the present and also provides options for future innovative solutions (Bergman 2008). Therefore, combining qualitative and quantitative approaches helps to reinforce each other, strengthening the research rigour (Creswell 2009).

As a methodological strategy, this study employs a case study. A case study is a well- established strategy in social science to understand complex phenomena and to explore in depth, a programme, event, activity, process or individual (Creswell 2009; Yin 2003).

According to Yin (1994: 55), a case study allows for the researcher's intellect, ego and emotions while exploring the data collection. To limit control of the situation by the researcher and to observe and explore things in their natural setting, case study fits best (Yin 2003; Denzin and Lincoln 2005). This study, therefore, found case study appropriate to explore how feminisation is occurring in the rural villages and whether and how villagers have perceived and experienced it.

3.4.2 Selection of case study sites

This research was conducted in two case study sites19: Nalma village of Besisahar of Lamjung district and Piprahar of Rajahar VDC of Nawalparasi district of Nepal. Case study sites were selected considering five key criteria: a) ecological region; b) migration and remittance status; c) caste and ethnic composition; d) agriculture-based livelihoods; and e) food security situation.

Based on these criteria, Nalma of Lamjung district and Piprahar of Nawalparasi district were selected. The selected sites represent two ecological regions: mid-hills and Terai. In both sites, there were the influences of male out-migration followed by remittance economy. In terms of livelihood and food security, in both selected sites people were still dependent on farming significantly, if not entirely.

Nalma and Piprahar both matched the criteria set for selecting the case study sites. These sites were purposively selected for socio-economic and regional comparisons. During a preliminary background data collection visit in early 2016, I had a series of discussions with the local government’s representatives (secretary of both Nalma and Rajahar VDCs) to select the appropriate case study sites. After these discussions, I also obtained a letter of support from the respective VDC and ward offices of both districts.

Nalma village of Lamjung district falls in the mid-hills. Mainly terraced farming with mixed crops and livestock farming has long been practised. The major crops of the area are grains (rice, millet, corn) and animals for meat products (goat).

Nalma was selected as it is one of the village with higher mobility of youth and flow of remittance. The village is an ethnic group (particularly Gurungs) dominated. Gurungs

19 Map of each site is presented in Chapter Five and Six respectively. 54

traditionally have higher mobility in their youth population. Many Gurung youths are involved in the British Army and the Indian Army. Recently, many youths have migrated to other countries, mostly to Malaysia, Qatar, Dubai, Arab, and Japan for employment and to HongKong and United Kingdom for employment and settlement.

Having a large number of villagers abroad for employment remittance is one of the primary income sources for the villagers. While there is a tradition of sending males for foreign employment, the livelihood of villagers is predominantly farming based. It is one of the districts with an increasing trend of land underutilisation (Paudel, Dahal and Shah 2012) which is linked to labour shortage and feminisation of households.

My prior engagement with ACIAR funded projects in the village encouraged me to explore further the existing patron-client tenure relationship among Dalits and Gurungs which makes this case unique when compared to many other villages of Lamjung.

Another selected study site, Piprahar village of Nawalparasi district is located in the Terai region. Comparatively, the lands in the Terai are fertile and the area’s major products are grains (rice, mustard, barley) and pulses.

Piprahar village comprises mixed caste and ethnic groups. It represents one of the villages with high migration. Migration in this village used to be mostly seasonal to India, however, it is expanding to Gulf countries – primarily as labour migrants, bringing a better amount of remittance in recent years. Socio-economically, there are landlords (with enough land holdings), peasants and tenants, wage labourers, and fisherfolk. Geographically this site represents the plain (Terai). Besides fulfilling the set of site selection criteria for this study, Piprahar village was selected based on its unique case of the Jamindari (land tenure system) and the livelihood dependency on forests and river-based resources.

These selected case study sites are important for this research because they provide rich sites for the investigation of the research questions. Exploring and comparing diverse compositions of gender, caste, ethnicity, and wealth diversity with migration status and trends helped me to gain insights into the differentiated experiences of the consequences and outcomes over time of the feminisation of local communities. Looking at different geographical and ecological zones enabled me to see how different contexts and agriculture and community practices help or hinder the changing dynamic of gender 55

roles. Both sites also presented different contexts and trends of migration and feminisation within diverse cultural, ecological and food security situations. The detailed background of the sites is presented in Chapters Five and Six.

3.4.3 Research methods

The methods for primary data collection employed in this study include Household Survey (HHS), Focus Group Discussion (FGD), Key Informant Interview (KII), document analysis, and observation. The primary data was collected from two case study sites in rural Nepal. For the secondary data, I reviewed published and unpublished reports from government and non-government organisations were reviewed to establish background and context, thereby contributing to the triangulation of the research.

Primary data was collected from community members at the local level. The perspectives of various actors engaged relating to agriculture, food security, community development, and service providers at district and national level were also collected. The study emphasised qualitative data collected from FGDs, KIIs, observations and informal conversations. Quantitative data collected from HHS provides support for the analysis and to increase data visibility. The data was collected during August-November 2016 from the case study sites. While data from district headquarters and central level (Kathmandu) were collected during April-May 2017. In the case study sites, two research assistants were engaged to assist with data collection, including conducting the HHS. Specific tools and techniques used in the study are described below.

I. Household Survey (HHS)

Household Surveys (HHS) are a common method for collecting quantitative data. They are used to collect quantitative or numeric descriptions of attitudes, opinions or trends of sample populations from which we can generalise the result can be generalised (Creswell 2003). Such data collection is conducted involving a standardised set of questions (McLafferty 2003). This method was used to explore the demographic, socioeconomic and mostly quantitative information to analyse the causes and consequences of the feminisation of local communities, and other associated issues such as migration, labour shortage, land use, gender roles, food production, and food security.

Household surveys are often self-administered, whereby answers are filled in by the respondents. However, in my field sites, most of the respondents were illiterate. Therefore, sending the questionnaire by post or giving the survey to respondents and expecting them to fill in the information independently was not feasible. Firstly, we could not depend fully on the postal service in the sites as they are distant from the district headquarters and may take a longer time. Secondly, due to the illiteracy of most of the respondents, questions needed to be explained – sometimes in the local dialect. Thus, the survey was conducted face-to-face.

The survey questionnaire included open and closed-ended questions (see Annex I for the survey questionnaire in english). The questionnaire was translated in to Nepali language 20. The questions in the survery questionaaire consists of basic demographic and socioeconomic information of the household. In each case study site, a research assistant was hired to conduct the survey and other fieldwork activities. Researchers explained the questionnaire to respondents and clarified any questions raised. The research assistants were trained prior to actual data collection to familiarise them with the research topic and the expected outcomes. I supported research assistants to conduct the pilot questionnaire survey in five randomly selected households in each site. The pilot survey and feedback led to minor changes to the questionnaire. The majority of household surveys were then conducted by the research assistant.

Selection of sample households for survey

A total of 250 households – 125 each site – were selected for the household survey – the strata being catagorised along the line of a) gender, b) ethnicity and c) wealth groups. As presented in previous Section (3.4.2), this study included 125 households out of a total 438 in Nalma Village Development Committee (VDC21) and 125 households out of a total 556 in Piprahar – ward number 3 and 4 of Rajahar VDC. I used a purposive sampling method to obtain a particular type of information such as a household with migration and remittance, caste and ethnic group and wealth status. Nalma village, ward

20 Nepali is the official language of Nepal. Out of 123 spoken languages in Nepal, Nepali is spoken by 44 percent of the population (CBS 2012a). 21 VDC was the second lowest rank of administrative system in Nepal. There were changes towards the end of the fieldwork in 2017 under new state restructuring. There are three levels of government; federal, state and local. These VDCs are now under municipalities and rural municipalities. Previous Nalma village of Nalma VDC has been placed under Besisahar municipality and Piprahar village of Rajahar VDC under Devchuli municipality. The old terms are used as the data collection was conducted before the changes. 57

number 15 and 16 of Besisahar municipality, was selected based on these considerations. Likewise, ward number 3 of Rajahar VDC was included in Piprahar of Rajahar Municipality. The households were selected after reviewing databases from various sources, such as local government records, community forest user group (CFUG) membership profiles in Nalma and VDC profiles in Piprahar.

The list of the selected households was shared with the group of key informants before starting the actual data collection in both case study sites. A pre-test of the questionnaire was conducted among five households prior to the actual survey in both sites. However, the data from pre-tests is not included in the analysis and presentation. Not many changes were needed as respondents in the pilot survey did not give much feedback. Rather, any adjustments made were for the comfort of the researcher and research assistants to be able to ask the sometimes delicate survey questions.

II) Key Informant Interview (KII)

The study undertook key informant interviews to collect data. A key informant interview gives an understanding of social phenomena (Creswell 2002). It involves a selected group of individuals who are likely to be able to provide the information related to the subject and usually within small numbers (Kumar 1989). Focused on gathering qualitative data and information on events, experiences and opinions, the interviews usually involve in-person discussions between an individual (informant) and an interviewer (Kumar 1989; Dunn 2000; Harrell and Bradley 2009).

Key informant interviews were conducted using semi-structured and opened-ended questions with some predetermined questions and checklists. The researcher further facilitated the interview based on the views expressed by the interviewee. These semi- structured interviews were useful in capturing an individual’s everyday experience and the social world they were inhabiting (Matthews and Rose 2010). In particular, this is related to their experience of the feminisation of local communities and how it differs among individuals of different social and economic backgrounds. Semi-structured

interviews with key informants were conducted at three levels: local, district22 and national and their perspectives are synthesised and presented in Section 4.3.

Selection of KIIs participants

Purposive sampling and snowballing were used to deliberately select individuals in order to obtain particular forms of information in relation to the study (Patton 2002; Yin 2011). KIIs were carried out using the checklist which was developed considering the research objectives and questions. Most of these checklist questions were both semi- structured and open-ended. While in conversation, some open-ended questions were tailored to provoke discussions. A total of 33 interviews were conducted, 15 in the village, 10 in district headquarters and 8 at the national level (see Annex II for the list of the participant of KIIs). Checklists were developed separately for the KIIs at local, district and national levels (see Annex III for the checklist prepared for KIIs).

KIIs at the local level

KII participants in the local community were interviewed to understand the history, trends and detailed story behind the issues under investigation. The majority of KII participants in the village were key informants, male and female farmers, wives of migrants, young migrant returnees, and aspiring migrants. Depending on the information to be collected or verified, generally, individuals were suggested to the researcher by fellow participants and key informants of the village. Other times, appropriate participants among interested and available participants for KIIs were selected to match the checklists developed by the researcher. For example, sometimes the researcher specifically needed a wife of a migrant or a Dalit woman.

KIIs in the district and national level

Interviews with key informants in the district and national level were conducted to get the perspectives of actors engaged in issues of migration, agriculture, food, food security, and gender and social inclusion in the district.

22 Following the federal restructure, the district level is no longer a unit of government administration but a coordination body within the federal structure of local province and national government. 59

III) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)

Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were a critical component of data collection in the study. FGDs explore the perspectives and concerns of the participants in an open and uncontrolled environment (Patton 2002; Silverman 2000). Typically, a group meets in informal and usual settings to talk about a particular topic and participants give their own opinion as well as listen to each other (Finch and Lewis 2003; Longhrust 2010). This method is useful for collecting meanings that are socially constructed rather than those individually constructed in relation to the issues being explored (L BERG 2001). FGDs provide an opportunity to verify the experiences and interpretations shared by fellow participants during FGDs (Bryman 2016). Additionally, the participants of FGDs usually have common views or experiences (Matthews and Rose 2010). Hence, FGD was chosen to bring rich insights and data from the experiences of male and female participants in both case study sites.

FGDs allow an opportunity to understand the group dynamics and interactions between participants themselves, who will often build on or correct what other participants say. Although it is often difficult to find homogenous participants in FGDs, it is important to put effort into finding a homogenous group, as it can reduce the chances of unnecessary influence on each participant’s views (Boateng 2012). Differences among participants were observed during FGDs, even among those who were relatively homogenous groups. FGDs were conducted in both homogenous and non-homogenous groups – for example, Dalit women only or Tharu women only – to make sure the issues did not get mixed with competing interests.

A total of 11 FGDs were conducted at the community level – 6 in Nalma and 5 in Piprahar. Participants were selected based on their interest to take part and on the criteria prepared (see Annex IV for the participant composition of FGDs and Annex V for the checklist – in English). The number of participants in each group consisted of 5- 10 or 6-12 people, which Bryman (2008) and Longhrust (2010) suggested as an ideal number for any FGD.

Altogether 57 men and women participated in FGDs. Considering both social and economic diversity (e.g., gender, ethnicity, caste), separate FGDs were conducted in different groups, for example, Dalit only, male only, female only, mixed group, and key

leaders of the community. Depending on time availability and convenience, FGDs ran for up to two hours. FGDs were conducted in a range of locations, including the school ground and private homes (those conducted in the evenings).

The main purpose of the FGDs was to triangulate and crosscheck data obtained from other methods in order to increase the validity of the data. FGDs also provided me with a deeper understanding of participants’ behaviour, particularly in mixed group FGDs during which individuals from different socioeconomic groups interacted. Likewise, FGDs with women only, both in a mixed caste and ethnic group or in a specific group (e.g, Dalit women only), provided participants with the chance to express their views more openly. General topics covered in the FGD were similar to those covered in KIIs conducted at the community level, such as status and trend of migration, labour availability, changes in roles and responsibilities, land use, and local food production.

IV) Document Analysis

Document analysis provided secondary data for the study. Relevant policy documents, available data sets, reports, guidelines, profiles, field reports of various projects were analysed. Key policies related to migration, food, agriculture and food security, gender and social inclusion were reviewed and used to prepare notes on the key messages and conclusions. The major documents reviewed were periodic and annual plans, including the Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP), Agriculture Development Strategy (ADS), Food and Nutrition Plan, Labour and the Employment Policy (see Section 4.2 for a detailed review of the documents).

Based on the themes under investigation, other reports, including grey literature reports, were reviewed and featured throughout the chapters. The review of the key policies helped in understanding policy context. While other reports, data, grey literature helped in understanding the existing and ongoing practices around the issue.

V) Participant Observation

Participant observation was critical to the study methodology. Participant observation is intended and used for a deeper understanding of the study area and captured in field notes, which helps to improve the rigour and validity of the research (Yin 2011; Bryman 2016). From the begining of data collection in August 2016, I visited the sites three

times and each time I stayed in the village for more than a week. I made field observations, and observed village activities more generally during personal interviews and group discussions as well as informally talking with the villagers. In Nalma, I stayed with a Gurung host family and in Piprahar I stayed with a Tharu host family. Both families were involved in farming. I was able to participate and observe the everyday activities of not only my host families but also of the everyday lives of villagers, including study participants. Staying with local people deepened my understanding of these communities and helped build rapport.

Participant observation helped to immerse myself in the local context and local practices both at the household and community level. I was also able to attend some of the community events, including a regular meeting of Aama Samuha23 (mother's group), Jhara24 (communal work), and the Open Defecation Free (ODF) village announcement programme in Nalma, which was organised by the District Development Office (DDO). In Piprahar, I attended a community cultural programme organised as part of a homestay programme 25, and a local festival, Jitiya, a food exchange between Tharus and Magars. Observing and being part of such social and cultural events made it easier to build rapport with families and community members. It also provided opportunities to witness social and cultural practices and how they were traditionally linked with people. My observations and reflections are incorporated in the findings whenever appropriate.

3.5 Data Processing, Analysis, and Interpretation

Data analysis in a mixed methods study consists of qualitative and quantitative analysis, as well as the mixing of both in the concurrent model or sequential model (Creswell and Clark 2011). Quantitative data collected from HHS was analysed using SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences-version 21). Firstly, data were coded and entered in SPSS. Primarily descriptive analysis was used for the percentages and frequency. Microsoft Excel was used for generating percentages and graphs. As the

23 Aama Samuha (mother’s group) is an informal self-help group of women (mostly married women) who coordinate and organise social and cultural events and help each other in the village. 24 Jhara is a traditional system of labour contribution in community works. Every household’s representative needs to participate in the community work. 25 There is a community run homestay programme, where villagers work as members of cooperatives and host tourists in individual houses designated for hosting guest. 62

study emphasised qualitative data, the analysis was focused on qualitative data generation and interpretation.

Qualitative data collected using FGDs and interviews were transcribed and analysed using a thematic analysis. The thematic analysis helps in identifying and describing themes and ideas within data (Guest, MacQueen and Namey 2011). To identify and develop the themes, I followed the procedure suggested by Bryman (2016). Firstly, I read through my transcripts and notes. Secondly, I coded and also elaborated codes into themes, and sub-themes that emerged from the data using excel spreadsheets. Possible connections and patterns were searched in the third step. Finally, I brought together all the themes, sub-themes and connections while presenting the findings, which helped to bring insights and interpretations to the fore.

Themes and sub-themes were identified and developed according to the checklists used for FGD and KII. Based on these themes and sub-themes, insights regarding the answers to key research questions were answered and insights derived. While synthesising the data and information, I also combined my reflections to help interpretation and deriving meaning from these data, as well as drawing conclusions.

Quantitative data is presented using tables and graphs, while qualitative data is in descriptive form. Quotes and statements26 of the research participants are presented in relevant themes to convey the lived experiences of the participants. Notes from document analysis and field observations were transcribed, grouped into themes and sub-themes and prepared as draft notes for the chapter write up.

3.6 Research Rigour

Reliability and validity are major parts of any research that helps to ensure its trustworthiness (Silverman 2000; Merriam 2009). The four basic criteria that research should meet to satisfy trustworthiness are credibility, conformability, dependability, and transferability (Lincoln and Guba 1985; Krefting 1991). Though such elements are

26 All the FGDs, interviews and survey were conducted in Nepali. All quotes and statements were translated from Nepali to English. Except for some grammatical correction for flow, expression was maintained for originality. 63

relevant for both quantitative and qualitative methods (Krefting 1991), the idea of validity has been particularly controversial in qualitative research (Maxwell 2012).

As a mixed methods study, primarily qualitative in nature, a number of strategies were taken to ensure validity (i.e., credibility) of the research. Maxwell (2012: 221) notes: Validity is relative; it has to be assessed in relationship to the purposes and circumstances of the research, rather than being a context-independent property of methods or conclusion.

Reliability (i.e., dependability) is concerned with whether the results or findings are likely to apply again or be repeatable at another time (Lewis and Ritchie 2003; Bryman 2016). Further, transferability (i.e., external validity) and conformability are about the applicability of the research finding to other contexts and about the inclusion of the researcher’s values (Bryman 2016).

Firstly, the study emphasised a triangulation strategy to increase internal validity or credibility of the findings. Triangulation increases validity and enhances the credibility, dependability and conformability of the research (Krefting 1991; Patton 2002). Triangulation is also used to gather findings from different and multiple sources of data collection, such as surveys, key informant interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis, as a cross-checking mechanism to ensure that the information collected is reliable and valid. Additionally, a comparison of the cases increases the validity of the generalisations within case studies (Yin 1994; Maxwell 2012). Therefore, Chapter Seven includes a comparison within and between cases for an in-depth understanding of the findings, which helped to increase the validity of generalisation. Triangulation plays an important role in validating the long-term involvement of the researcher and reflection with participants and the community. During data collection, as mentioned earlier, I stayed with host families (for more than three weeks in each site) and was able to participate in different festivals and community events, which enabled a deeper understanding of everyday practices. It was another source of data and reflections for triangulations.

In order to build relationships with the villagers, I engaged in informal conversations and interactions during the fieldwork. Having a prior engagement with and knowledge of working with farmers in one of the sites (Nalma), and being a female of an ethnic

group, Tamang, helped to establish rapport and build relations. However, it also created the possibility of bias in data collection and interpretations (Silverman 2000). There was a possibility of assumptions on the perspectives of the participants as well as the researcher herself. Since I was familiar with the issues of the village and the background of the participants, it was possible to interpret certain responses to accord with prior assumptions. At the same time, it was also possible tha participants made assumptions about my knowledge of their reality or to what they anticipated I would want to hear. To counter this, I consciously tried to minimise these biases with continuous reflection throughout the field research and used multiple sources to triangulate evidence and insights.

3.7 Ethical Considerations

The study followed the ethical guidelines of the University of New South Wales' Human Research Ethics Advisory (HREA) Panel B for Arts, Humanities & Law during data collection. Ethics approval number HC16468 was approved on 08 August 2017).

I acquired support from the local institution, the Village Development Committee, to conduct the study on the proposed research site. Both a "Letter of Invitation" and a "Participant Information and Statement Form" translated into Nepali was distributed prior to conducting HHS, FGDs and KIIs. The participants were verbally briefed on the research overview, data collection process and confidentiality and privacy frameworks, as not all the participants were able to read Nepali. Participants were well informed about their voluntary participation and their right to withdraw from the study at any time.

3.8 Summary

In summary, this chapter outlined the framework of the research to investigate the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security based on the research questions and the checklists. The chapter described the research framework, approach, design and methods for data collection and analysis for the study. I situated myself in the research by outlining my background and how I see this research within the context of my schooling, social history and professional engagements. This provides a basis for reflecting on my own worldview and that of the communities and further, their interactions with each other. 65

The Actor-Oriented Approach informed by political ecology and feminist political ecology perspectives helped connect the research questions and data collection methods in the field. The research approach focused on the differentiation among the actors engaged around the issues under investigation. A mixed methods approach was employed to collect qualitative and quantitative data. Both primary and secondary data collection, using HHS, KIIs, FGDs, document analysis and observation, enriched the quality of data for analysis and interpretation.

In the next three chapters, I use the above-discussed framework, approach, tools and techniques to analyse the research questions. With this methodological consideration, I turn to the next chapter, where I present the broader agrarian context in global South and, more specifically, in Nepal. The chapter also discusses policies and actors’ perspectives.

CHAPTER FOUR: NEPAL’S AGRARIAN LIVELIHOODS, FOOD SECURITY POLICIES AND ACTORS’ PERSPECTIVES

4.1 Introduction

This chapter presents a critical overview of the national policies related to agrarian change in Nepal. It maps out different actors’ perspectives at the national, provincial and local levels in relation to the policies and legislation in the feminising contexts of Nepal, highlighting constraints and opportunities for food security. The chapter is organised into two major sections. The first section reviews the relevant national policies and legislation related to food security and agrarian change. The second section presents the viewpoints of the actors engaged with the issues of agrarian change and food security. The chapter concludes with a synthesis of the food security issues and opportunities in rural Nepal.

4.2 Persistence and Change in Nepal’s Agrarian Life

Nepal has experienced unprecedented change in recent decades. This section discusses the policy and legislative contexts of Nepal, and actor's perspectives to give an overview of the study background.

After the destruction of farm land by heavy floods in the central hills region in 1953 A.D., the government resettled those victims in Chitwan and Nawalparasi districts allowing them to convert areas of forest to agriculture and settlement. With the resettlement and conversion of forest to agricultural land, high input agriculture was introduced and were associated with broader efforts around the Green Revolution (Elder et al. 1974). The government, furthermore, nationalised all the forests previously distributed by the Rana regime to their loyalists through the Private Forest Nationalisation Act (1957). These forests were handed over to local authroties – Panchayat and Panchayat protected forests – to allow the community to access forest resources in the 1970s (Malla 1991).

In an effort to address the pressing issues of environmental and resource degradation, the Nepal Government initiated major development interventions in the 1980s and

1990s in the areas of Community Forestry and Green Revolution Agriculture through support from several donors including World Bank, FAO, and the UK Department for International Development (DFID) (Paudel, Subedi and Tamang 2016). The Community Forestry Framework was promulgated in 1978, with the aim of making community forestry a legitimate form of forest conservation (Gilmour 2003). The Nepal Government focused on the establishment of community forests, mainly plantation forests initiated on bare lands by local communities and conserved by them, with assistance largely from bilateral donors and the World Bank (ibid). Since the 1970s, forest restoration and environmental sustainability had been major concerns. There were twin but separate goals: environmental sustainability and livelihoods support. Community forestry was seen as the approach to guarantee environmental sustainability, while livelihoods support was a way to ensure local participation in forest conservation (Ojha and Pokharel 2005). In 1995, the Agriculture Perspectives Plan (APP) was implemented with the aim of increasing agricultural production by improving irrigation, providing subsidies for agricultural resources (e.g., seeds and fertilisers), and improving access to energy and agricultural roads (MoA 1995). However, despite the adjustment in the structure of the programme to modify subsidies, APP still turned out to be inefficient (Cameron 1998). Further, monoculture was introduced as a new approach to increase agricultural production.

Separate plans – the Master Plan for the Forestry Sector (MPFS) (1989) and the Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP) (1995) – were developed with the intention of enhancing agriculture and livelihoods. Based on the MPFS’s policy and institutional arrangements – the Forest Act (1993) and Community Forestry Regulation (1995) – community forestry has became a principal national forestry programme with more than 20,000 forest user groups registered with the Federation of Community Forestry Users Nepal and Community Forestry Division (DoF 2018). The MPFS and APP have recently been replaced by Nepal’s Forest Sector Strategy (2015) and Agriculture Development Strategy (2015), respectively. However, neither of these documents speak about integrating farm and forest. Rather, they specify the core agenda of conservation and commercial agricultural production. However, traditional Nepalese mixed livestock agriculture, a subsistence agricultural practice, is characterised by a strong interface with forest resources, in which forest litter, fodder, water sources and nutrient flow are

well integrated into the system (Springate-Baginski et al. 2003; Paudel, Subedi and Tamang 2016).

A strong integration in policy between agriculture and forestry is missing due to the influence of Green Revolution Agriculture, monoculture and clean agriculture (in which even fodder trees on farms are considered a problem for cropping) (Paudel, Subedi and Tamang 2016). The earlier claim that humans and livestocks are responsible for clearing the forests, mainly through subsistence farming (Ives and Masserli 1989), misguided the problem statement and intended solutions, resulting in the separation of farms and forests by nationalising the forests (Malla 2001; Paudel, Bhattarai and Subedi 2016a). The practice of separating farm and forest further caused a massive decrease in the number of livestock in the hills and mountains, ultimately resulting in less-fertile agricultural land (where farmyard manure has been the major source of fertiliser for agricultural land) (Pandit et al. 2014). This has critical implications, particularly as the agricultural and forestry sectors are providing income and employment for the people of Nepal. These sectors contribute to more than one-third of the nation’s GDP. More than 90 percent of the population in rural areas and the majority (> 65 percent) of families in Nepal draw their livelihoods from subsistence agriculture (CBS 2013). Besides agriculture, people have been dependent on forestry for forest-based products directly and as an indirect contributing factor to agriculture. The livelihoods of the people of Nepal have been also going through several social and economic changes, presented in the next section.

4.2.1 Declining agriculture and food security

Because Nepal is an agriculture-based economy, agricultural development and food security issues have always been the central focus of all development plans and policies since the 1950s27 (NPC 2018). Food security has been a major national agenda item for the last seven decades. The proper utilisation of agricultural land and the rights of the landless and tenants have been an issue for debate for the last five decades among political parties, featuring in political slogans (Adhikari 2008; Nepali 2016). The settlements of landless internal migrant populations has been the major debate,

27 First five-year periodic plan of Nepal was started in 1956-1961 and the most recent (14th) is 2016/17- 2018/19. 69

however, the land rights of Dalits and other marginalised groups are not yet settled and are still contested.

Land tenure and peasants' rights to land are pertinent but contested issues in Nepal. These issues are directly linked with agricultural production and food security at the local level. In general, agriculture is not taken as the source of food but is rather promoted for commercial purposes. Very often agriculture and food security policies have failed to address the fundamental issues of agricultural production (Paudel et al. 2013). Although land rights have been a politicised slogan for several decades, the distribution of lands to landless people has not been approached from an agriculture and food security perspective. Indeed, the land distributed to landless people has often been marginal, less productive and within settlement areas which may not be appropriate for agricultural purposes. Similarly, the land reform policies have not focused on improving the productivity of land.

In the section below, I critically analyse the recent policies related to agriculture and food security, such as the Agriculture Perspective Plan, the National Agriculture Policy, Agriculture Development Strategy, Food and Nutrition Security Plan of Action, Nepal’s Sustainable Development Goals, and Nepal Zero Hunger Challenges as these relate to my research.

Although Nepal entered into federal structures from a centralised unitary system, policy instruments at provincial and local levels are yet to be formulated. In what follows the various policies and programmes related to agrarian systems are reviewed to discuss the ways in which the agricultural policy environment affects the feminisation of local communities and food security. Nepal has established a set of plans and policies in relation to migration and employment, agricultural development, food and nutrition security, and gender and social inclusion. The most relevant plans and policies included in this review are organised in thematic areas such as labour and employment, agriculture, food and nutrition, and sustainable development.

Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP)

The Agriculture Perspective Plan (1995-2014) was developed for the growth and development of the overall agriculture sector and to reduce poverty (MoA 1995). It was prepared by the Agriculture Project Service Centre (APROSC) and John Mellor 70

Associates (JMA) comprising five objectives and six strategies MoA (1995: 5). The objectives of APP were related to increase of growth rate in agriculture, alleviation of poverty and improvement in standard of living, development of commercial agriculture, overall economic transformation through agricultural development, and supporting in preparing and implementing short-term and long-term strategies, plans and programmes (MoA 1995).

The strategies were focused on technology-based Green Revolution and agricultural growth. APP was successful on some issues but the APP developers themselves have accepted that outcome was insufficient to lift of the larger population out of poverty. Due to focus on the promotion of capitalist agriculture, only limited portions of farmers were attracted, less contribution was made to poverty reduction (Blaikie, Cameron and Seddon 2002). Hence, APP was not helpful in increasing food security and access of poor farmers to resources. Both the issues of migration and women hold only marginal space within the plan (Cameron 1998). The APP expired in 2014 and was replaced by a 20-years Agriculture Development Strategy (ADS) (2015).

The National Agriculture Policy 2004

The national agriculture policy (2004) set the following objectives: For the purpose of contributing to the task of ensuring food security and poverty alleviation by achieving a high and sustainable economic growth and commercial and competitive farming system by increasing agricultural production and productivity, developing commercial and competitive farming system and conserving, promoting and properly utilising natural resources (MoAC 2004: 2).

The policy prioritises increasing agricultural production by utilising local potential and comparative advantages. It also discusses the use of land, including discouraging the use of agricultural land for non-agricultural use. More importantly, the policy identified the smallholder farmers, including women and marginalised groups such as Dalits, as the target groups of the agricultural programmes in all possible fields. Likewise, the policy prioritises enhancing the capacity of the farmers, as well as producing agricultural human resources by promoting agricultural university and research centres.

This policy was taken as a positive breakthrough to recognise the role of smallholders including women and Dalits in agriculture production and the recognition of local knowledge of farmers. But during the period, links between agriculture education, research and extension services was comparatively weaker and there was a problem in coordination.

Agriculture Development Strategy (ADS)

The Agriculture Development Strategy (ADS) (2015-2035), a long-term strategy, aims at increasing the growth of the agriculture sector over 20 years (ADB 2013). The ADS replaced the previous long-term plan, APP, which expired in 2014. Part of the development of the ADS involved the review of learnings taken from the implementation of the APP.

The ADS emphasises on four major strategic components; governance, productivity, profitable commercialisation, and competitiveness while promoting inclusiveness, sustainability, development of private sector and cooperative sector, and connectivity to market infrastructure, information infrastructure and ICT28, and power infrastructure (ADB 2013: 4)

The vision of the ADS is “a self-reliant, sustainable, competitive, and inclusive agricultural sector that drives economic growth and contributes to improved livelihoods and food and nutrition security” (ADB 2013: 4). It has 35 outputs under four groups of outcomes and 231 individual actions which are required to achieve the set outcome. The ADS envisioned all outputs and actions to contribute directly and indirectly to increasing productivity and availability of food and income of households.

Throughout the process of strategy development, it has allowed space for broader consultation and also the participation of farmer groups and networks. Food and nutrition security are mentioned throughout the document. Particularly, output of the governance component is aimed at improving the food and nutrition security of the disadvantaged groups. It considers disadvantaged and rural populations, including

28 ICT refers to information and communication technology. 72

women (lactating and pregnant), ethnic groups, Dalits and people from Karnali (disadvantaged region, mid-western Nepal) as target groups.

The ADS mentions the development and start-up of the flagship programme, Food and Nutrition Security Programme (FANUSEP), in its first five years. It includes sub- programmes of Nepal Agricultural and Food Security Project (NAFSP) and Food and Nutrition Security Plan of Action (FNSP).

The ADS was developed with support from the ADB to guide the agricultural development plans. It envisioned agricultural development based on the principles of commercialisation of agriculture. The strategy is based on four components: good governance, productivity, profitable commercialisation, and competitiveness (ADB 2013: 107). It also recognises the fact that youth migration leavs behind the elderly, children and women in villages, resulting in a labour shortage in the agriculture sector. Acknowledging the contribution of women as the primary labourers, ADS emphasises the development of women’s capacity for making decisions, and the control and use of resources (ADB 2013: 50). Directly related to this, the strategy looks to increase women’s land ownership, sole or joint (only on land), from the current 10 to 15 percent in five years, to 30 percent in 10 years and 50 percent in 20 years (ADB 2013: 54).

The ADS proposes an increase in local production through reducing the farmers’ vulnerability by improving their food/feed/seed reserves and strengthening their ability to respond to emergencies and embrace smart agricultural practices (ADB 2013: 169). The fourth pillar of competitiveness is expected to contribute to food security by the enhancement of food safety, availability of diverse foods, and growth of small and medium agro-based enterprises run by women, youth, and those from disadvantaged groups and regions.

The section on ‘inclusion’ as one of the key elements of the strategy, relates to the recognition of equal and just distribution of benefits from agricultural development to different groups, including landowners, the farmers and workers. The inclusion of marginal groups in the programmes features in the vision of the document. The contribution of subsistence and smallholding farming and farmers and the promotion of farmers and female-led organisations and cooperatives are seen as fundamental components to achieve the set goals of ADS. The strategy has projected self-sufficient,

competitive and sustainable agriculture for food, but it has not elaborated on how it will help the resource-poor farmers who do not have enough to feed themselves (Paudel, Bhattarai and Subedi 2016b).

The ADS needed to consider in more detail, issues such as youth migration and labour management, the workload of women and use (reuse) of abandoned agricultural lands rather than mentioning these concerns as context. The strategy is based on the idea of higher investment and commercialised farming, which is not appropriate for the majority of smallholder farmers in Nepal. This policy was most debated both in content and process in terms of its formulation of being over ambitious and being donor driven, prior to involvement of farmers’ coalition after some criticism (Paudel, Bhattarai and Subedi 2016b).

Food and Nutrition Security Plan of Action (FNSP)

FNSP was enacted by the Ministry of Agriculture Development (MoAD) as a part of the ADS for a decade, 2013-2023. The plan aims to benefit the poorest households via national policies and government programmes. The focus of the plan is to reduce hunger and poverty by improving sustainable agriculture-based livelihoods. The recommended components of the plan cover agriculture crops, fisheries, food quality and safety, and gender equity and social inclusion.

This policy was initially formulated in isolation and was later made a part of ADS. Integrated development of agriculture development and food security is highly considered in the policy. Since the policy was formulated in isolation, it could not be blended to foresee the future scenarios and actions.

Nepal’s Sustainable Development Goals

Nepal, one of the signatories and a committed party of the global sustainable development agenda 2030, has developed national sustainable development goals. The document presents the global development agenda, workable at a national level considering the lessons from the Millennium Development Goals and other initiatives. In line with the aim of the country, to graduate from the least developed countries by 2022, Nepal’s SDGs focus on closing the development gaps in the areas of gender, social groups and geography. Nepal has embedded SDGs in the recent 14th periodic plan

(2016/17-2018/19) and has also set periodic milestones and indicators for each SDG goal.

In particular, SDG 2: “end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture” (UN 2015) is the most directly connected to the issues of food security. Small-scale producers or smallholder farmers are the priority, and the target aims at increasing the agricultural productivity and incomes, by increasing access to finance and other productive resources particularly for women, indigenous peoples and smallholder farmers. Likewise, expanding agricultural research and services is also one of the targets (NPC 2017).

Nepal Zero Hunger Challenge National Action Plan

Following the Zero Hunger Challenge (ZHC) declared by Rio+20 conference on sustainable development in 2012 in Brazil, Nepal committed to undertake the challenge and launched the Zero Hunger Challenge National Action Plan (2016-2025) in 2014 with the aim of making Nepal free of hunger and malnutrition by 2025. The ZHC plan aims at eliminating the starvation of the people by scaling up development efforts by anticipating an increase in investment in sustainable agriculture and activities related to rural development. The plan emphasises increased income generating opportunities as well as improved agricultural systems and governance services.

In brief, despite these policies, the land is being increasingly left fallow and local food production has sharply declined because there is not enough agricultural labour, and the cost to benefits ratio of the agricultural production does not stack up.

Constitution of Nepal 2015

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal loudly speaks about inclusion, economic prosperity, identity politics, poverty alleviation, decentralisation of power and responsibilities shifting to provincial and local governments, along with food sovereignty, food rights and food security. It includes features that are directly and indirectly pertaining to food security. For example, Article 36 (Clauses 1, 2, and 3) guarantees food sovereignty as a right of citizens, which are as follows: 1) Every citizen shall have the right relating to food.

2) Every citizen shall have the right to be safe from the state of being in danger of life from the scarcity of food. 3) Every citizen shall have the right to food sovereignty in accordance with law (GoN 2015b: 21).

In Article 51[e)], the provisions on agricultural development and land reform is mentioned (GoN 2015b). In Article 51 [g (3)], there is a provision on the state’s responsibility to fulfil the citizen’s basic needs in page 33 (GoN 2015b). Likewise, Article 51 [h (12)] mentions increasing investment in agriculture, encouraging food production based on the principles of food sovereignty and considering the climate and soil (GoN 2015b).

The Constitution includes important statements relating to inclusion, with the objective “…to create an egalitarian society on the basis of the principles of proportional inclusion and participation, to ensure equitable economy, prosperity and social justice” (GoN 2015b: 12). It has also made provisions to support inclusion by establishing separate commission on Adibasi Janajati, Madhesi, Tharu, and Muslim, National Women Commission and National Inclusion Commission. Further, Article 50 (1) of the Constitution clearly mandates the decentralisation of power and responsibilities to the provincial and local government levels. In addition, there are also several provisions for inclusion, economic prosperity, identity politics and poverty alleviation as priorities in the Constitution.

The provision of food sovereignty and the decentralisation of power and responsibilities to local authorities are the cornerstones to design and develop location-specific agriculture and food systems, supportive mechanisms to enable farmers to enhance food security as well as the production of other agricultural products of comparative advantage. In this sense, the Constitution 2015 provides a good opportunity and enabling environment to create favourable conditions for local food production and food security, provided that all local governments implement timely initiatives to translate these provisions into practice.

4.2.2 Migration and remittance economy

Along with subsistence agriculture-based income, traditionally, there was temporary and seasonal migration both within Nepal and to India to secure basic livelihoods. Some 76

workers from villages used to go to Kathmandu or other bigger cities for casual works, such as brick kilns and for casual farming and factory works in India. Foreign employment in Gulf countries and Malaysia was not opened up till the late 1980s. The Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare was established in 1981 and the first Foreign Employment Act was enacted in 1985. Before 1985, there were not any policies on sending Nepalese citizens for foreign employment, hence there were not many issues evident around labour and employment abroad.

The eighth five-year development plan (1992-1997), was the first plan established to accommodate policies concerning employment and labour. This plan prioritised creating opportunities for employment abroad as well as within the country. The most recent policies directly related to employment, both inside and outside the country, are discussed below. Intervention by these policies makes a difference in encouraging or discouraging youths to remain within the agriculture sector or move toward other employment, including foreign employment (NPC 1990).

The long-term goal of the Labour and Employment Policy 2005 is “to provide productive, non-discriminatory, exploitation-free, decent, safe and healthy work opportunities for citizens of the working ages by building an investment-friendly environment, in addition to building and managing labour market that contributes to the national economy so that it can compete at the global level” (GoN 2005: 3). Besides creating employment in the country, this policy also emphasises the globalisation of the labour market. One of the actions mentions the need for the formulation and enforcement of distinct policy on labour migration to make foreign employment safe and decent (GoN 2005: 4). Among others, it aims at providing an environment for youth workforces (16-40 years) to be able to compete globally. Skill development of workers is also one of the focus areas, encouraging migrants or aspiring migrants to acquire and/or improve their skills before leaving for foreign employment.

Foreign Employment Policy 2012

Foreign Employment Policy 2012 emphasises on the proper management of foreign employment by making the employment process accessible and safe for everyone. Its goal is to:

Ensure safe, organised, respected and reliable foreign employment to contribute to poverty reduction along with sustainable economic and social development through economic and non-economic benefits of foreign employment (GoN 2012: 6).

Furthermore, with the objective of creating safe, organised and respected foreign employment opportunities, the Foreign Employment Policy 2012 emphasises providing knowledge and skill development training for Nepalese workers. One of the strategies of this policy is to promote foreign employment as an opportunity for maximum income generation, with low risk. The policy also considers foreign employment as an opportunity to make use of and mobilise the skills, technology and entrepreneurship of returning migrants.

Involvement of women in foreign employment, particularly in the service industry (domestic workers and caregivers), is increasing. The policy tries to improve women’s access to foreign employment and considers the need for the protection of female workers in foreign employment. The policy also recognises the issues of out-migration such as family destruction, changes in women’s roles and responsibilities, children deprived of parents and elders getting less care which is expected to result in an increased social cost in years to come.

The policy, however, fails to discuss possible strategies in addressing those issues. Both policies (Labour and Employment Policy 2005 and Foreign Employment Policy 2012) mainly focus on remittance economy but are silent on the issues such as the impact of remittance on local production and food security. The policies focus more on the process before foreign employment and during the migrant worker’s stay overseas. However, the policies fail to address any issues that are caused by migrant workers leaving the village.

4.2.3 The rise of inclusion politics: Gender and social inclusion

The issue of gender was included for the first time in the sixth periodic development plan (1980-1985) and it has been one of the priorities of the Government of Nepal (Ghale et al. 2018). As a far-reaching issue, the government has realised the need for mainstreaming gender and social inclusion and has articulated and incorporated the agenda in all major sections of national policies, programmes and activities. The 78

Government of Nepal, as well as civil society actors, have tangible work in relation to gender and social inclusion such as mainstreaming gender and social inclusion programs in natural resource management. However, there is still room for improvement in terms of effective implementation and active participation of women.

In 1991, Nepal ratified and committed to the The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)” and finally implemented in 2003. To ensure its effective implementation, the Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare prepared The National Plan of Action on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in 2003. Similarly, the Local Self Governance Act (LSGA) (1999) endorsed the requirement of prioritising the representation of women including marginalised groups as well as benefiting them while implementing any plans and projects in former VDCs (GoN 1999). LSGA further assured at least 33 percent women at ward and village level committees.

The government’s 10th periodic plan, also known as the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) (2003-2007), first identified the inclusion of all poor men and women from all groups, including Dalit and Janajati. Since then, all periodic plans have emphasised women’s representation in the public sector. For example, the 11th periodic plan (2007/8-2009/10) allocated a 10 percent gender-responsive budget, which was increased to 25 percent and 27 percent in the 13th (2013/14-2015/16) and 14th (2016/17- 2018/19) periodic plans, respectively. Further, the 14th periodic plan sets out provisions for a minimum of 33 percent of female representation in the public sector.

The importance of improving women’s participation in agricultural productivity enhancement was recognised for the first time in the Agriculture Perspective Plan (1995). The National Agriculture Policy (2004) made provisions for increasing the participation and involvement of women up to 50 percent in all agricultural programmes (MoAC 2004). The latest Agriculture Development Strategy (2015-2035) also well recognise the inclusion of smallholders, women and marginalised farmers in the mainstream agriculture development. Recognising the need for gender and social inclusion, there were two full-time staff working on contributing to the implementation of the ADS from gender and social inclusion perspectives, an indication of the government starting to take these issues seriously (ADB 2013).

These policies are an indication of the increasing recognition of changing gender roles and the shifting of workloads to women in agriculture. National level stakeholders including senior government officials agree that the food security issues are now debated with a stronger connection to gender relations than they were previously, alongside debates on the feminisation of local communities. However, there is still a long way to go.

In the next section, I focus on the key actors engaged in agriculture and food security.

4.3 Contestation of Views: Actors’s Persepectives on Feminisation and Food Security

Actors engaged in agriculture and food security shared their perspectives on the issues of the feminisation of local communities and food security. These actors from local, provincial and national levels play significant roles and influence the agenda of feminisation and food security in different capacities ranging from policy formulation, programme design and implementation including extension services.

4.3.1 Contestation at the national level

Actors from both the government and non-government sectors, directly and indirectly influence the issues related to feminisation and food security. The key governmental actors at the national level include the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development (MoAD), Department of Agriculture (DoA), Department of Livestock Service (DoLP), and the National Agriculture Research Council (NARC). The non- governmental actors include non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) including donor organisations and farmer’s federations and their networks.

The representative actors I interviewed at the national level expressed diverse views on the issues, challenges and opportunities of food security in Nepal. Most of the respondents were aware of the changing roles of women. Majority of the respondents largely agreed that the change in the roles and the situation of feminised communities were mainly caused by male out-migration and remittance income and chiefly occurring in rural villages. Respondents believed that the low profit on the investment in the

agriculture sector and labour shortage in the village contributed to the abandonment or underutilisation of agricultural land.

In general, respondents were largely in agreement with the changing scenario. However, their emphasis on the primary causes was different. The officials from Department of Agriculture and Department of Livestock Development, who were in the position of programme and policy formulation, stated that the policies and programmes were well informed of the ongoing changes. They mentioned that the programmes they have developed and were on implementation have considered promotion of small mechanisation such as the use of hand tractors, tillers, threshers, and combined harvesters in addressing the issues of increasing labour shortage and expanding the roles of women in farming. A senior officer during an interview in the Department of Agriculture shared: We have been providing 50 percent subsidy on the small and medium agricultural tools and machines so that ongoing labour shortage could be addressed (NG/1).

Another official at agriculture policy unit, a subunit of Agriculture Planning Directorate expressed a similar view: The Agriculture Development Strategy (ADS) document has recognised the ongoing socio-economic changes in the rural villages. Therefore, it has emphasised the role of women farmers and mechanisation in agriculture development. Similarly, food security is the major concern raised by the ADS which focuses on value chain development strategy in agriculture (NG/2).

During interviews, senior officials from the Department of Agriculture and Post-harvest Directorate were also of the view of promoting small machines to deal with labour shortages in farming. They shared that a number of programmes have been specifically designed and implemented with the aim of addressing the issue of labour shortage and changes in gender roles. Programmes include the Women’s Agriculture Entrepreneurship Plan (Mahila krishi uddhami yojana), Nepal Agriculture Food

Security and Programme (NAFSP)29, and the Prime Minister’s Agriculture Modernisation Programme.

The planning head of the Livestock Development Department stated: The increased abandonment of agricultural land from cultivation has given the opportunities for agroforestry development. Planting fodder trees in these fields can improve livestock development. We are importing a huge amount of meat from India. If we can plant grass and fodder trees in these underutilised lands, we can promote goat farming, which is like a cash machine for farmers in the rural villages (NG/3).

These statements show that there is agreement amongst government officials that the underutilised agricultural land is not only a problem but also an opportunity for farmers.

The officials of both agriculture and livestock departments emphasised their efforts in providing improved seeds, seedlings, fertilisers, as well as subsidies on establishing nurseries, improving cattle sheds, growing vegetables including mushrooms, fish farming, and small livestock (goat, pig and poultry) with the aim of increasing local production. They believed that such initiatives would address the issues of local food production and food security and also promote the use of land in the context of increasing underutilisation of land.

The representatives of the non-government organisations (NGOs) held views that were different from those of government officials. Their primary concern was the need for policy response on the increasing distraction of youths on farming as well as rising labour shortage and land underutilisation. As the chairperson of the National Farmer Groups Federation (NFGF) stated in an interview: Our agricultural practices at the ground level are shaped by the policies and programmes of the Ministry of Agriculture. Therefore, it is the policy that addresses the issues of feminisation and food security (FG/1).

Several NGOs are engaged in the issues of gender and natural resource management in Nepal. The Himalayan Grassroots Women’s Natural Resource Management Association

29 It is a national programme of Global Agriculture and Food Security Programme (GAFSP). 82

(HIMAWANTI) works with female farmers and forestry user groups. One of the senior activists shared: At the local level, women are coming up as champions in the increased absence of males. They are contributing a lot to natural resource management sectors particularly agriculture and forestry. However, these days they are in time poverty as they have to play multiple roles. They are equally rich in knowledge, but we have been unable to use their expertise and contribution properly (NGO/1).

Irrespective of women’s roles from households to the wider community and social affairs such as natural resource management, women face difficulties in fully participating and contributing due to their multiple roles and the inadequate time they have that is free from other responsibilities.

The activists related to human rights to food, from Right to Food Network (RtFN30) and Food-first Information and Action Network (FIAN)31 were mainly concerned with basic human rights and judicial rights that can be addressed through national policies firstly before knowing how much can be done in practice. They argue that many policies on rights are already in place, but the issue is how to maximise food production at the local level and how everyone can access it.

An activist from RtFN said: The food rights, food security, and food sovereignty have been included in the Constitution of Nepal 2015 as the fundamental human rights of the citizens of Nepal, which makes the government of Nepal obliged to ensure these rights (FG/2).

I also conducted interviews with representatives of the international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) working in the field of food security and sustainable agriculture. One organisations interviewed was Oxfam Nepal, which supports saving credit groups and cooperatives and emphasises equal access to production resources, including agricultural land. A program manager on livelihoods and food security of Oxfam Nepal

30 RtFN is a loose network of likeminded working in the promotion of human rights to food. 31 FIAN is a member-based organisation promoting and advocating for human rights to food. 83

noted that providing skill training, social awarness as well as supporting in cooperatives was aimed for economic empowerment of farmers particularly of women.

Similarly, the chairperson of National Farmer Groups Federation was of the view that women’s contribution to farming has not yet been recognised. According to the central member of the Federation: We are encouraging and are also experiencing increased and active engagement of women in the federation at all levels: village, district, regional, and national. We have tried to incorporate engagement of women farmers as much as possible. More than 60 percent at the village, 40 percent at the VDC, and 50 percent at the national level committees are women (FG/1).

Another representative of the farmer’s association shared: Generally, people perceive as if feminisation causes low production, but in fact, feminisation process maintains some balance in food production. Without females taking over the roles, the situation would have been worse and production would have decreased (FG/3).

This comment suggests that the roles women are playing in filling the gap of the labour supply and demand underestimated and barely noticed that they are taking extra roles due to the prior engagement of women in agricultural works.

The respondents I interviewed also had diverse views on the use and ownership of land in Nepal particularly in relation to women’s ownership over lands. The director of Community Self-Reliance Centre (CSRC)32 sees land redistribution as a solution to the ongoing problem of land use. He said: Without solving the land reform issue, we cannot think about increasing local production and food security (NGO/2).

He further added: Traditional roles of women are diminishing, while they are taking new roles which are in fact creating a mismatch and making women the scapegoat. They are the one who is working hard but without any recognition of their hard work

32 Community Self-Reliance Centre (CSRC) is a leading NGO working on the land rights issue. Along with others, CSRC is promoting joint ownership of the agriculture land. 84

(even without having ownership over land). The state’s policies have failed in addressing such issues (NGO/2).

Starting from the Sixth Periodic Plan (1980-1985) that included gender for the first time, the National Agriculture Policy (2004) and recent Agriculture Development Strategy (2015-2035), gender issues in relation to land ownership have been a major concern. As the comment made by the respondent suggests, the government policies despite having good intentions and provisions, have failed to address gender issues – i.e., women’s changing roles and the feminisation of local communities.

My research highlights the need for increasing women’s land ownership. The ownership of land is one of the important factors that enhances women's control over the land and its use which ultimately motivates them to farm. Such motivation is crucial as women are taking over the sole responsibilities of farming in the context of male out-migration.

The existing policies highlight the unequal land ownership among men and women. In this situation, joint ownership may be an appropriate response to addressing unequal distribution of land. Joint ownership of land was found to be increasingly preferred by the villagers in both case study sites, Nalma and Piprahar (presented in Chapters Five and Six) compared to single ownership either by male or female.

Overall, perspectives of the national actors provided some insights on the issues of the feminisation of local communities and the associated issues of changing gender roles, labour shortages, underutilisation of land, food security, right to food, and land ownership. In the next section, I present the provincial as well as local actors’ perspective on the issue.

4.3.2 Contestation of actors at the provincial and local levels

I interviewed representatives of district level actors of the the Nawalparasi and Lamjung: District Agriculture Development Office (DADO), District Development Committee (DDC), District Women Development Office (DWDO), District Livestock Services Office (DLSO), and District Forest Office (DFO), non-government organisations (international and national). In addition, community and private sectors including farmers’ federations and networks were consulted and interviewed for their views. Interviews were based on the checklists related to out-migration, remittance,

changing women’s roles, changes in land use and food security. Since December 2017, the local level services are provided from the municipality or VDC offices at the local level. The previous District Development Committee is replaced by the District Coordination Committee (DCC) that is responsible for coordinating all district-level government offices. The previously centralised offices became decentralised and work as local government. At the provincial level, there are the same structures as the national levels such as the Department of Agriculture and Agricultural Research Stations.

The three tiers of government – national, provincial and local – have clear mandates and responsibilities along with opportunities to enhance agriculture and the food security of the country. Particularly, the provincial and local levels can significantly contribute to resolving acute problems of food security. There are good provisions for delegated power and authority, enthusiasm and willingness among the newly elected leaders at local and provincial levels. However, there are many challenges of conflicting and overlapping authorities, available resources and leadership skills to effectively bring about the positive social changes and enhanced food security required. There is also growing confusions among these governmental bodies (central, provincial and local) in collecting taxes and financing development projects (NPC 2019).

Though out-migration of males was not a new phenomenon for case study site districts (particularly for Lamjung), the huge number of male out-migration was unprecedented. In Lamjung, almost all of the actors consulted agreed on the fact that increasing out- migration of males, and ultimately increased remittance, was causing the mobility of families from villages to cities mainly district headquarter (Besisahar) and cities in neighbouring districts, both temporarily and permanently. During the field visit, I observed and participants also confirmed that often families permanently move to cities if they have enough income from remittance for buying or building a house. If the remittance income is not enough for buying or building a house in the cities, they temporarily move to cities for their children’s education and/or other facilities/services.

Interviews with actors in district headquarter of Nawalparasi revealed that mobility to district centres was not the main concern. Rather, being in the Terai district, which was receiving more migrants from other hilly districts, was of concern. Though out- migration of females was not significant in the field site village of Piprahar of 86

Nawalparasi, according to the programme officer of a project working in safer migration run by a local NGO in Nawalparsi district, the number of female out-migrants were increasing in the overall district. She added: More than 10 percent of the out-migrants were females based on official permits. But, besides official permits, there are some especially females who use Indian route for out-migration which is illegal and is not recorded (DNGO/N1).

The programme officer believed the number of female out-migrants could be even higher. The restrictions for women to go for domestic work in Gulf countries have made some women taking risk of illegal routs. During the interview, both District Agriculture Development Officer (DADO) and District Livestock Services Officer (DLSO) in Lamjung agreed that the out-migration of youths is causing changes in the socioeconomic conditions of the villages. The DLSO said: It will further shift the roles to women. Labour shortage and land underutilisation are already major issues in this district, which will favour import of the food (DG/L1).

However, both officers had different perspectives on the use of underutilised land. DLSO considered increased underutilised land as an opportunity to grow grass and fodder, while DADO considered it a challenge for local food security.

The perspective of the DADO of Nawalparasi on these issues differed from that of Lamjung, as highlighted by the following comments by DADO of Nawalparasi: There is migration of males, but it does not affect much on agriculture activities here in Nawalparasi. We are supporting farmers with subsidies to buy small- scale machinery such as hand tractors, threshers and water-pumping sets. These types of equipment reduce both labour demand and production costs (DG/N1).

In terms of gender, DLSO of Lamjung stated that increasingly women were coming forward and participating in every aspect of the social arena including agriculture. He mentioned: It is both due to the women-focused programmes such as provision of minimum women participation in any programme and also increasing absence of male members at home (DG/L1).

Similarly, the DLSO of Nawalparasi shared a story of increasing participation of women as service recipient from their office. During my consultation with this DLSO, there was an ongoing training programme for farmers which enabled me to engage in a short discussion with programme participants, most of whom were women. During a discussion, women participants shared that their workloads of both household chores as well as work outside of the home had increased. They also mentioned that women were encouraged to move forward and engage in outside activities, irrespective of whether a male member was at home or abroad. This discussion highlighted the way in which women’s participation in these activities often comes without support and a sharing of their workload. If a woman decides to participate in these programmes, she has to complete all the household chores, including feeds for livestock, before participating in such outside activities.

My interview with representatives from the DDC of both districts –a female from DDC Nawalparasi and a male from DDC Lamjung – had quite similar views on women’s participation. A female respondent of DDC stated: Women are increasingly included in the committees but mostly on the positions such as secretary, treasurer and member. Villagers often say that it is hard for women to manage funds (DG/N2).

Both the respondents of DDC shared that although the participation of women at the local level is increasing, it is not well-reflected in the development programmes run by the DDC. They highlighted that it is a requirement that there needs to be a user committee to mobilise the development fund of the DDC. However, very often only men are represented in such user committees justifying that men often fulfil the leadership as well as financial management roles to lead the programme and mobilise the fund.

In contrast, the district forest officer (a male) of Nawalparasi considered women are empowered along with increasing roles they are taking as a result not only of male out- migration but of social awareness programmes. At the same time, he also gave opinion that women are only been able to get limited opportunities. He said: Women are more empowered now due to increased knowledge not only because of not having males in the village but also due to their participation in different programmes such as CFUG management committee. Although women’s 88

participation is increasing, they are mostly limited in mandatory positions. Nawalparasi being resourceful in terms of forest resources, being in CFUG committee is quite competitive (DG/N3).

Despite increased social awareness and decision-making power of women as positive impact of absence of males, they were also worried about family disputes after husband and wife living separately for a longer period. The District Women Development Officer-DWDO (a female) of Lamjung was concerned about increasing family disputes caused by husbands being abroad, and wives either having or being accused of having affairs with other males, sometimes resulting in family breakups. DWDO shared: We are increasingly handling cases of family issues such as extramarital affairs, second marriage during husband is absent or after he comes back. Sometimes it could be women’s physical need and also men trying to help women, while sometimes, we found women were just accused of having affair. However, a positive outcome is mostly in Gurung communities, in which we found women making decisions by themselves too. However, it is less within Brahmin/Chhetri communities33 (DG/L2).

These comments raise a number of effects caused by the out-migration of men to foreign countries for employment. Further, this scenario was frequently reported in other villages, as well as in the district and national media. However, I did not come across such cases in the village, either because participants did not share with me these societal issues or because such incidents did not occur in Nalma village.

4.4 Summary

This chapter provided an overview of Nepal in terms of ecology and geography, people, and the recent range of political upheavals. Further, this chapter set the context of the issues under investigation, positioning the issues of feminisation and food security within the broader agrarian context both in the national and local levels.

Nepal has huge ecological as well as social diversity. The majority of the area is mountainous as well as fragile, and needs a more conservative approach to farming

33 Gender norms and gender relations are different for different communities in Nepal – it is less hierarchical in ethnic groups than among other caste groups such as Brahmins and Chhetris (Bennett 2008). 89

system. In the social arena, the hierarchial caste systems and disparities in wealth status mainly due to unequal distribution of resources among the diverse social and economic groups remains. Moreover, the subsistance and labour-intensive nature of farming along with changing scenario of absenct men requires women to play more roles in agricultural practices.

The review of the policies and programmes provided insights into the orientation and framework of these policies, strategic directions and action plans to achieve different sectoral and aggregated goals. There are inconsistencies as well as contradictions in policy provisions. At the same time, there are changes in government structures, delegation of power and the authority held by different structures and institutions. Notably, the local development roles and responsibilities have been shifted to local government. Despite good provisions for delegating power and authority, and clarity regarding the delegation of authorities; resource mobilisation and revenue collection is still unclear at the local level under the new federal governance system. The actors' perspectives, which were drawn from interviews at different levels, highlight that the good level of understanding about the context. These interviews further demonstrate the need for a response from government as well as development organisations on social, political, environmental and agrarian changes that are being experienced by rural communities. However, as the actors’ comments emphasise, plans and programmes are not well articulated and implementation is weak.

Based on my study findings, I argue that one of the reasons for this lies in the failure for policy makers to fully appreciate these broader agrarian, social, political and environmental contexts. I maintain that without a critical outlook on these issues, the policy orientation could further worsen the situation of labour shortages, increase the workload of women and exacerbate the underutilisation of agricultural land that is crucial for local food security. In the chapter that follows I present the findings from case study I – the village of Nalma of Besisahar Municipality, Lamjung. This is followed by a similar review of the second case study setting.

CHAPTER FIVE: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN NALMA, LAMJUNG

5.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings of the field research carried out in Case Study I – Nalma village of the Besisahar Municipality, Lamjung. The findings relate to the research question: ‘how and why is feminisation occurring and what are its impacts on food security among different social and economic groups’.

This chapter is divided into five sections. The introductory section provides the context of this research by providing a brief overview of socio-economic and geographical profile of the Case Study I site and by highlighting its relevance to the study of feminisation and food security. The second section demonstrates that the feminisation of local communities is driven principally by out-migration. It highlights the trends, patterns and reasons for out-migration in this context. The third section provides evidence and insights regarding how women participate in decision-making at the household, community, and and local politics and the way this has changed over time. The fourth section examines how and why women’s access to and control over resources, mainly agricultural land, remittances, and agricultural labour, has changed. It also presents findings that show how labour shortage and access to remittance income has changed the use of land, notably toward land underutilisation. Additional findings show that remittance inflow to the village and labour shortage have had an impact on local food production and the import of food to the village from outside producers. In the fifth section, key findings are summarised and synthesised.

The evidence presented in this chapter is derived through applying an actor-oriented approach and feminist political ecology (Biggs and Matsaert 1999; Rocheleau 2008). This approach is useful to analyse the distribution, pattern and trends in feminisation of local communities and its ramifications for food security across different social and economic groups. A mixed methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative methods, was used to collect data from the fieldsite. As described in Chapter Three, 125 sample households were randomly selected using stratified random sampling, and surveyed using a structured survey questionnaire. Six focus group discussions, 13 key informant interviews and participant observations were also undertaken in Nalma. I

critically analysed the triangulated data from these methods to demonstrate the nexus between feminisation of local communities and food security. My reflections on these findings provide important insights into the way in which the male out-migration, remittance, labour force availability, feminisation of local communities, and local food production are interconnected and impacting food security at the local level.

Situating Nalma village

Nalma village is situated in the mid-hills of Western Nepal, 170 kilometres west of Kathmandu. At the time of the research Nalma encompassed four wards; 3, 5, 7, and 8 (out of 9 wards) of Nalma Village Development Committee (VDC) of the Lamjung district. Within Nalma village, there are several small hamlets: Dada gaun, Gairi gaun, Syare, Lakuri dada. After the 2017 restructuring of Nepal into provinces, Nalma village is still in the Lamjhung district, however it now falls under Besisahar Municipality34, Wards 15 and 16 within Province 4, Gandaki Pradesh. Nalma village is northwest of the district headquarters, Besisahar. The village is connected by a muddy, unpaved seasonal road from Besisahar, a five- to six-hour one-way journey by foot – which is how most villagers travel – or a two and a half hour drive.

34 Named under the district headquarters, Besisahar, of Lamjung district. 92

Figure 5.1 Map of Lamjung district showing Nalma village (Case Study I) (Source: Author 2018)

At the time of the research the total population of Nalma was 1,779 people with 438 households, a relatively small number within the total population of Lamjung district (167,724) (DADO-Lamjung 2015).

In terms of caste and ethnicity, Nalma village is dominated by an ethnic community, Gurungs, followed by Dalits and small numbers of Tamang and Magar (see Table 5.1). In Table 5.1, households are also classified by wealth category. Among them, Gurungs, Tamangs and Magars belong to the hill indigenous groups of Nepal, while Dalits who are known as an occupational caste belong to the Hindu caste group, but are considered a lower caste, and are also referred to as untouchables.

The household survey comprised 125 households out of the total 438 households. The details on the selection of households was presented in Section 3.4.3. Based on the operational plan of Community Forest User Group (CFUG), wealth groups are categorised as rich, medium, poor and very poor. The category was determined using key criteria, including landholding, food sufficiency, and the income source of households. According to the CFUG categorisations, rich wealth groups hold more than 10 Ropanis35 of agricultural land, experience food sufficiency round the year through their own production and have a job or pension or business or any other income sources of more than two lakhs (AUD 2500) annually. Likewise, families who hold 5-10 Ropanis of agricultural land, are food sufficient for six months from their own production and have an annual income of one to two lakhs (AUD 1250) are categorised as belonging to the medium wealth group. The poor group holds 1-5 Ropanis of agricultural land, only three months of food sufficiency and an annual income of less than one lakh (AUD 1250). Those who are landless and mainly depend on wage labour belong to the very poor group. For the purpose of analysis I have combined poor and very poor families in one group as there were not much diffferences.

Based on the wealth ranking of CFUG and the household survey, the majority of the Gurungs (71 out of 83) belong to the rich and medium wealth categories, while Dalits (23 of 34) belong mainly to the poor category36.

35 Ropani is widely used in Nepal for measuring land. 1 hectare = 19.9 Ropani. 36 For the purpose of analysis in the findings of Nalma, largest groups: Gurungs and Dalits are compared and analysed, as the sample population of others (Tamang and Magar) are only 8 among 125 surveyed households. 94

Table 5.1: The caste, ethnicity and wealth category composition of surveyed households:

Categories Total Total number of number Caste and Wealth Category surveyed households Ethnicity households in Nalma

Rich 7 31 Gurung Medium 64 240 (Indigenous hill) Poor 12 47

Sub-total 83 318

Rich 0 0

Dalit Medium 11 23

Poor 23 64

Sub-total 34 87

Rich 0 1 Tamang, Magar Medium 6 25 (Indigenous hill) Poor 2 7

Sub-total 33

Total 125 438

(Source: HHS 2016)

According to the household survey data, more than 82 percent of households indicated that farming was their primary occupation. Traditional subsistence and terrace farming is the major system of land use. Khet (irrigated lowlands), Bari (rainfed uplands) and Khar Bari (rainfed grasslands) are the three categories of land. The paddy-based

cropping system is dominant in Khet, while the maize-based cropping system (including potato, millet, beans and vegetables) is common in Bari.

Acording to the villagers, traditionally, Gurungs were Mukhiya37 of the area. Dalits provide labour to Gurungs both as sharecroppers and wage labourers for farming. Hence, Gurungs hold the majority of lands in the village while Dalits have very little landholdings. Based on the household survey, the average landholding of Gurungs is 2.87 hectares of Khet and 1.00 hectare of Bari, while the average landholdings of Dalits is significantly low, 1.42 hectares of Khet and 0.61 hectares of Bari. Most of the Khets are in 0.5-6 km distance of the settlements and adjoin forests. Usually, Bari is attached to or near the settlements. The village is close to both government and community forests. The villagers are members/users of three CFUGs; Langdi Hariyali, Kagrodevi Hariyali, and Khundu Devi.

The respondents during interview reported that during the civil war (1996-2006), many youths from Nalma village joined the Maoist fighters, some willingly and some by force. Due to threats and the fear of being taken to the battlefields, some villagers moved to Besisahar (the district headquarter) because it was comparatively safer with government security in place. Many of them settled there and some male members migrated for foreign employment. As highlighted in Chapter two, the political volatality and uncertaintly was the impetus for youths to look for employment abroad.

During the data collection in 2016, the two major parties, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) and Nepali Congress (NC), were active in Nalma village. In the local election of 2017, the Nepali Congress party secured the majority of seats in Nalma, however, none from the village were able to get representation in the provincial government of Province 4.

5.2 Feminisation of Local Community in Nalma

The socio-political changes in the village, particularly after the political movement 1990 (Jana Andolan I) for multi-party democracy, played a significant role in increasing

37 Mukhiya is usually head of the village. In Nalma, it is used for male of extended Mukhiya families or landowners. Generally, in Nalma Dalits were found calling Mukhiya to almost every elderly Gurungs.

involvement of citizens, including women, in multi-party politics. Such changes helped to raise awareness as well as the participation of villagers in the development process. Around the same time, increased male out-migration followed by political instability in the country and Maoist insurgency also contributed to the feminisation of local communities.

Primarily, the feminisation is directly linked with an unprecedented level of male out- migration from Nalma village. Along with the decreased number of men in households and the community, women have substantially (if not entirely) shifted their gendered responsibilities in both those arenas. At the household level, women’s engagement has changed in the operational management of the household, including agricultural activities and partly in strategic decision-making (see Section 5.3.1). Since the majority of men are not in the village, the household workload and community responsibilities have shifted to the remaining family members – predominantly women. Shifted workloads and responsibilities include all the household and farm works that were usually taken care of by male members (with the exception of ploughing), and the participation in community initiatives such as jhara (communal work), perma38 (labour exchange) and other civic activities where households need to be represented, for example community forest management, school management, development activities. Such shifts in responsibility and participation have had a substantial impact on women and further, on family members and the communities more broadly. A key question arises: what, then, are the causes and consequences of feminisation? My study revealed three major inter-related causes in Nalma village: a) out-migration of men, b) the remittance economy, and c) labour shortages. All of these affected the roles and responsibilities of women in the household as well as in the wider social sphere. The case studies that highlight these findings are presented in the sections below.

5.2.1 Male out-migration

One of the major influential drivers of the feminisation of local communities in Nalma is the unprecedented out-migration of males for foreign employment. Among the 125 surveyed households, 83 male members had migrated out of 75 households (60 percent

38 Perma is a traditional labour exchange system in farming families, where members of the neighbouring family work in fellow farmers’ farms and in return they receive the same support to carry out farm activities. 97

of the total surveyed households). Table 5.2 shows that it is mainly females that have remained out of the total working-age family members. Among the remaining working- age members, youths, in particular, are also studying in the village or in nearby cities.

Table 5.2: Absence of working-age male members

Working-age family Total Remaining working- members (between 18-65 Migrated family age family members age) males members Male Female Male Female

64739 128 112 83 46 112 (Source: HHS 2016)

The majority of the participants of three Focus Group Discussions40 with community leaders, mixed caste males and Gurung females agreed that the extent of male migration from the village was unprecedented. One participant of the FGD stated: Almost every house has one member abroad; some houses even have more than one. No one wants to stay here [village]. Those remained in the village have something to keep them here, such as teaching in the village (FGD/CL/N1).

Young people, in particular, were greatly attracted to foreign employment as found in one of the hamlets in the case study site: Syare hamlet. Syare is a small hamlet of Nalma village, situated 30 minutes walking distance from the village centre. Unlike the Nalma village, Syare is still not connected by a seasonal road. The settlement consists of 20 households. Focus group discussions were conducted during a meeting when all the village members were gathered for a community forestry meeting. The 15 participants were divided into two focus groups based on gender. Among the seven women in the women-only FGD, six had a son or husband abroad41. A participant reported: Its mostly us [elerly people] remained in the village (FGD/GF/N4).

39 This includes other members: children, elder population above 70 and working age youth who are either studying within the village or city or doing other jobs, so they do not contribute much to farming. 40 FGD/CL/N1, FGD/MM/N2, FGD/GF/N4 41 The remaining participant did not have any children. 98

The result showed that in addition to the newer forms of Lahure as migrant workers in the Gulf countries, Nalma has a history of traditional forms of foreign employment to serve in the army in the UK and India following World War II, locally known as Lahure.

Lahure: Out-migration in the past

During World Wars I and II, in addition to farming, many Gurung youths accessed foreign employment as soldiers in the British or Indian armies. They were locally called Lahure42 - who are also known as Gurkhas. The term Lahure came into use between 1814 and 1816, when males from the hills of Nepal started to go to Lahore (now a city in Pakistan), where they were recruited as army personnel under the British East India Company (Thieme and Wyss 2005; Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2001). In 1947 A.D., after the end of the war, Nepali males (Gurkhas) were recruited into the British Army and later into the Indian Army (Rathaur 2001). Such recruitment was considered attractive due to the higher salary and long-term benefits, including pension, medical and welfare support and resettlement scheme to Hong Kong and UK. Gurkhas, are renowned for their bravery in World War I and World War 1143. Moreover, the word ‘Lahure’ is now commonly used to refer to all workers who go overseas for any type of work.

According to the villagers, Gurung and other males started to migrate to Gulf countries and Malaysia for employment from the late 1980s and early 1990s. Consequently, Nalma village has witnessed unprecedented male out-migration in recent decades (see section 5.2.1), significantly impacting the agriculture-based livelihoods. The out- migration and its impact on local communities is discussed below.

The practice of Lahure was particularly attractive to some ethnic groups such as Gurungs and Magars because historically, the youths of these groups were seen to have performed very well during the World Wars. Since then, the culture of Lahure has prevailed in the hills of Nepal, including Nalma.

42 Those youths recruited under British Army in Lahore at the beginning, were called Lahure. Since then, Lahure is a widely used term and generally refers to the British Army, Singapore Police, and the Indian Army. They are also known as Gurkhas. 43 The bravery of the Gurkhas and their remarkable performance is well known and widely recognised since World War I (Caplan 1991). 99

A participant in the FGD with community leaders indicated that those engaged with British army (Lahure) would receive at least NRs.150,000 (AUD1,819) 44 salary per month during their service. Shrestha (2011) estimated a Nepali Lahure (Gurkha in the British Army) earns around AUD 29,000 (as salary in service) and AUD 20,000 (as the pension in retirement) annually. Although the value of pensions differs among the Indian and British armies, and the amount also varies according to the position held during service; a considerable amount was received by retired officers and their families. Out of the 125 households surveyed, ten had average AUD370 (NRs. 30,000) pension monthly. Further, they mentioned the pension as an exclusive income-source for their livelihoods. However, many of the retired and in-service Lahures and their families have permanently settled in the UK, as they are entitled to settlement rights after the return of Hong Kong to China by Britain in 1997. Thus, besides the income of Indian Lahure and pensions of the few remaining British Lahure in the village, and support to extended family and relatives, there was not much remittance from Lahure in the village. Indeed, traditional Lahure income in the village has shrunk considerably in recent years.

Due to the legacy of Lahure culture, Gurung young males were under pressure from their peers as well as families and relatives to become a Lahure. Aspirations are fuelled by the good salaries and benefits and the social status related to becoming Lahure, which is considered to be quite an achievement. Gurung communities, in particular, give an extremely high social value to Lahure (Gurung 2011) which determines economic and social status in the community, including status relating to marriage prospects. The salary and pension of Lahure are enough to support all immediate family members and sometimes other relatives as well, compared to other community members working in agriculture or other jobs. In the household survey, nine households stated the monetary support from their Lahure relatives as a source of income, indicating a high degree of social capital45 and reciprocity. One of the participants of FGD with community leaders said:

44 During field work approximately 1 Australian Dollar (AUD) = 82 Nepalese Rupees (NRs.) and 1 American Dollar (USD) = 100 Nepalese Rupees. This rate will be used throughout the thesis. 45 The ‘social capital’ concept is developed by Pierre Bourdieu. He defines social capital as: ‘the sum of resources acquired by an individual or a group by virtue of possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalised relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition’ (Bourdieu 1986: p.251).

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When one becomes Lahure, he supports families and close relatives. Usually, they bring money, clothes and souvenirs to the siblings, in-laws and relatives. We even did not buy these clothes we are wearing, these were gifted by a Lahure (FGD/CL/N1).

The financial capacity of family members or relatives as an important source of social capital aspires young males to prioritise to get recruited as a Lahure. Failure in the recruiting process is often perceived as a major failure. However, the recruitment process of Lahure has become very competitive as the UK Government has reduced the defence spending and also started selection based on education and other factors, unlike previously, when the sole emphasis was on physical strength and fitness (Shrestha 2011).

After failing to become Lahure, males choose other countries to migrate to for employment, such as European countries, South Korea, and Japan, which are considered better than the Gulf countries in terms of income. Gulf countries and Malaysia are the least prioritised. A young male respondent highlighted the pressure young males experience to become a Lahure, and failing in this, the pressure to seek employment abroad. He stated: My dad being a high ranking India Lahure was able to invest in me to be trained in Pokhara46 to compete in the Lahure recruitment process. The training disturbed my study, though I was good at studies. But, I could not succeed in recruitment, returned home, and got married. Now everyone in the family including my wife and relatives expect me to go abroad and earn. I have been trying for some European countries [Portugal and Denmark] for two years but have not been able to get the visa yet (KII/GM/N3).

The historical background of Lahure culture has stimulated peer pressure as well as raised the aspirations of family members for migration, even to the Gulf countries. The opening up of employment opportunities in the Gulf countries, particularly after 1990, accelerated the migration of large numbers of males from the village.

46 Pokhara is the second largest city in Nepal, after Kathmandu. It is located in a neighbouring district where youths take trainings to prepare themselves for the selection process, which takes place in Pokhara annually. 101

Out-migration in the Gulf countries: A new Lahure culture

The perception of Lahure has changed considerably over time. The ‘New Lahure’, as described by (Seddon, Adhikari and Gurung 2001), has become prominent in Nepali villages, including Nalma. The villagers considered Lahure as anyone who migrates to foreign countries for employment and sends money back home. The title has been modified and added to the country where they have migrated to. It was observed that those males were addressed as ‘Malaysia ko Lahure’ (Lahure of Malaysia), ‘Arab ko Lahure’ (Lahure of Arab, referring to the Gulf countries generally); the title changes depending on which country they have migrated to.

Despite significant numbers of men continuing to migrate, respondents still considered their livelihoods as largely dependent on agriculture. However, they also considered that the income from agriculture is not making enough money. Although the income from remittance is not lucrative, individuals still opt to migrate to run the household economy. Hence, the attraction of youths to agriculture has dramatically decreased. A Gurung woman stated: People work hard on their farms but not enough to feed themselves and cannot afford to buy even nice clothes. While those who go abroad send money and family members can keep changing new clothes and mobile phones. Young ones want to wear nice clothes and listen to music from mobile phone instead of working on farms (KII/GF/N8).

The dramatic loss of interest in agriculture by youths is also caused by the attractive remittance though not lucrative, they would potentially earn compared to what they would otherwise back home in agriculture (contribution of remittance is presented below in section 5.4.2). Along with employment opportunities abroad that opened up after the 1980s, access to information and communication, exposure to modernity as part of globalisation as well as the 1990 democratic movement (jana andolan I), opened up more opportunities for youths to out-migrate (Sijapati and Limbu 2012). Since then, the number of out-migrants is continually increasing in Nepal.

The civil war (1996-2006) was a significant push factor for male out-migration. The conflict often forced many youths to be recruited by the Maoists amidst the deteriorating security situation in the village. Most respondents shared that due to the

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fear of being forced to join the rebels or being attacked by rebels, some youths from Nalma out-migrated to cities or foreign countries. A one FGD participant stated: Many of the young males went to Besisahar, Pokhara and Kathmandu during Maoist time due to fear of being abducted. Some of them studied there, but some of them went abroad from there (FGD/CL/N1).

The worsening security during the conflict made foreign employment an attractive escape and gave youths extra motivation to choose out-migration.

Differential access to out-migration

While both Gurung and Dalit47 males have migrated from Nalma, they have had differentiated access to foreign employment and there were differences in their priority destinations and incomes earned.

Firstly, Lahure culture was limited to Gurungs in Nalma village. During the early recruitment for Lahures by the East India Company, prior to the direct rule by the British crown, mostly Gurung and Magar youths from the western hills of Nepal were recruited, followed by Limbu and Rai from the eastern hills of Nepal (Caplan 1991). Therefore, Dalits from Nalma were not able to get opportunity to become Lahure. Similarly, with the special arrangement-entitlement of identity card for the descendants of British military and those born in Hong Kong while a Lahure father was stationed there were entitled to an identity card to work and settle in Hong Kong (Thieme and Wyss 2005). Hence, several Lahures and their immediate families from Nalma went to Hong Kong, where they were able to access paid jobs and better life opportunities.

Secondly, the opportunity of employment in Gulf countries was determined by wealth status - landholding size of the family, due to the high cost of the process of obtaining a work permit in those countries. The lack of financial resources required for migration prevented many villagers, especially Dalits, from migrating to Gulf countries. Most of the Dalit families are either landless or have low landholding in comparison to the Gurung families (see Figure 5.5 in section 5.4.1). Many Dalits did not have land that could be used as collateral to access bank loans or in garnering the trust of informal

47 In the case of Nalma, most of the comparison and differentiation is presented among two largest groups of the village: Gurung and Dalit only, as the number of households belonging to other groups that participated in the survey is quite small. However, whenever possible, other groups are also included. 103

money lenders. Some Dalit families who did manage to raise funds went to the Gulf countries, however they could not go to countries with better income opportunities such as Portugal or Japan due to the limited financial capacity and social network they hold.

The study data shows that youths from Nalma started to out-migrate to Gulf countries from 1996/97, but fewer Dalit males migrated compared to Gurung males. As shown in Figure 5.2, out-migration of Gurung males substantially increased after 2001/2002. By contrast, out-migration of Dalit males, which started in 2002, slightly increased only after 2005.

Gurung Dalit Total 18 16 14 migrants migrants - 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

Number of male out male of Number 1996-1997 2001-2002 2006-2007 2011-2012 Year

Figure 5.2 Scale of out-migration of Gurung and Dalit youths of Nalma village to Gulf countries (Source: HHS 2016)

In addition to financial ability, the process of taking up foreign employment depends on a range of factors, including access to networks, information, intermediary agencies and agents to connect with overseas employers. There is also access to expertise required in the preparation of documents, including passports and visas, negotiating employment contracts, organising medical clearance and insurance, and air tickets for flights.

Officially only up to AUD 1100 can be charged to a migrant worker as a service and miscellaneous fee (Kern and Müller-Böker 2015). Those with less or lack of networks, information and prior exposures are likely to get higher charge by the recruiting agents.

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The high cost of processing adds financial pressure on individuals who are already struggling financially.

Typically, Dalits are deprived of access and opportunity to earn money to buy food and secure landownership, as they have low existing landholding. Also, the recruiting agents are often inaccessible or exploitative of marginal groups such as Dalits. A Dalit respondent during FGD gave the following insight: The agents are often biased to us [Dalits] and overcharge as we do not have any previous relations as well as relatives who know the process well (FGD/DMF/N2).

The HHS data indicates that at the time of the study, the most common destinations were Malaysia, Qatar, UAE (Dubai), and Saudi Arabia. However, the preference of destinations varied among Gurungs and Dalits. Most of the Dalit males migrated to Malaysia and Gulf countries whereas Gurung males migrated to European countries.

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Table 5.3: Processing cost for different destination countries

Destination country Average cost (AUD)

Malaysia 1,300-1,400

South Korea48 1,300-1,400

Dubai 1,300-1,500

Qatar 1,300-1,700

Europe (Portugal)49 18,000-20,000

(Source: FGD/CL/N1 2016)

Table 5.3 presented the average processing cost (the total amount is paid after the visa is arranged) for each country.

The processing costs for Malaysia, Dubai, and Qatar are relatively cheaper, but salaries in these countries are also very low, sometimes too low that some people prefer to return. However, the processing fees for better-paying countries such as those in Europe, South Korea, and Japan are costly and often take a long time. These countries are also accessible only to people with strong networks and high social and economic status.

This process is costly and time-consuming that involves at least two trips to Kathmandu for processing, medical checks, interviews and flights if the visa is approved. HHS data highlights the differential access to the opportunity for foreign employment among Gurung and Dalit males (see Figure 5.3 below). Out of 83 migrants from the surveyed

48 This is skill-based migration. Those who can get through language and skills tests do not need to pay much in addition to fees for registrations and their expenses during their stays and travel in Kathmandu for processing. It often takes longer.

49 According to key informant interviewee (KII/GM/N3), for Portugal, formal employment is not yet open. However, the agency and the agents often manage to issue tourist visas and encourage the migrants to over- stay their visas and apply for asylum, often resulting in gaining a permanent residency card which is valid throughout the European Union. Therefore, the processing cost is higher, as it is not easy to get visas for European countries. This cost excludes the several trips required to Kathmandu.

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households, the majority (53) were Gurungs, followed by 20 Dalits and 10 from other groups.

Gurung Dalit Others

40 migrants, n=83migrants, - 30

10 Number of out of Number 0 Rich Medium Poor and very poor Total

Wealth group

Figure 5.3 Out-migration by caste, ethnicity and wealth group (Source: HHS 2016)

The research reveals the way in which out-migration is gendered in Nalma village: almost no women have migrated. Out of a total 125 households surveyed, only one woman had migrated. By comparison, 83 males had migrated. However, through participant observation, it was recognised that a few females had migrated as members of the families to Hong Kong, as part of the UK Government Resettlement Programme which provided Hong Kong identity cards (residence right) to retired British servicemen50 and immediate family members.

Along with differential access to opportunities of the different groups, the unprecedented and massive scale of male migration associated with the historical legacy of migration continues to distract youths from agriculture and emerging opportunities from local off-farm industry such as working as carpenter or driver. This shortfall in the

50 Those living in Hong Kong and settled in UK are not considered migrants in this research. 107

workforce is one of the major causes of declining food production and increasing food insecurity.

5.2.2 Shortage of male workforce

The massive scale of male migration has caused an acute shortage of workers for households, farms and community activities. The situation has left many of the remaining women not only with additional household responsibilities but also unable to continue the cultivation of all their productive land. Even if they were able to hire labourers, there are often few if any readily available labourers willing to work in agriculture.

Labour wage levels in the village are revised annually by a committee at hamlet level in Nalma village. The wage rate per day was only NRs 100 (AUD 1.2) in 2008, NRs 125 (AUD 1.5) in 2012 and NRs 225 (AUD 3) in 2016. It suggests that there are increases in labour costs, while at the same time, finding labourers has become difficult. Even when labourers are found, the costs are not offset by the increase in production. This has, as a result, forced many households to leave their productive land fallow or abandoned, thus reducing local production levels and negatively impacting food security.

Traditionally, men were absent from sharing household activities such as cooking, cleaning, taking care of children and the elderly, which was largely considered the responsibility of women. However, sometimes men would take on some of the household chores if they were at home. Women living in nuclear families51 typically have no one to share the burden of household chores, as a female respondent noted: Sometimes if I am sick or having periods or need to go to a programme [training, meeting], there is no one I can ask to share my work or do for me. Previously, when he [husband] was at home, he used to share work sometimes and at least when I am sick (KII/GF/N12).

However, women living in a joint family52, are likely to have other family members to assist with chores as required. A Gurung woman from a joint family shared:

51 Nuclear family refers to a couple and their children living in one household. 52 Joint family is extended family of more than two generations in same household. 108

In our family my in-laws are young and manage everything at home. I have not felt much changes on workload when he [husband] is not here. My in-laws share works with me (KII/GF/N12).

Within the household survey, there were a greater number of nuclear households. Out of 125 surveyed households, 69 households were nuclear families and 56 were joint families. Further, only seven households were headed by women: six widows and one woman was separated. While there were a total of 11 widows, four of them had their son as the head of the household.

While women have traditionally been solely responsible for most household and reproductive labour, the management of some household responsibilities, such as finances and dealing with administrative processes53 (i.e., birth registration - a basis of getting citizenship and citizenship for children, paying tax for land), was typically exclusive to men. However, with the out-migration of males from the village these responsibilities have shifted to women (see Section 5.2.3). It is important to note that this is more the case for nuclear families. In a joint family other male members (e.g., father-in-law and brother-in-law) usually undertake these roles.

In terms of agricultural activities, including planting, preparing the fields (mainly ploughing), manuring, weeding, sowing, and harvesting, shared among both male and female members of the family (but mainly done by men). Ploughing, however, was done exclusively by men though there were only a few men available for ploughing. Similarly, there was a shortage of men in the village to hire as labourers. The following comments from a Gurung respondent highlights the severity of this labour shortage: Yesterday I went to Dalit hamlet and confirmed for five wage labourers for my paddy harvesting and also paid in advance. But this morning they came to my home and told me that only three of them could come for work and wish to return the advance for the other two. They said they needed to go to another family too who also paid them (FGD/CL/N1).

53 Administrative works are also known as the official processes that need to be undertaken with service provider offices in the district headquarters. The service recipients (villagers) need to travel to the district headquarter to access these services. 109

The HHS further underscores the extent of the issue of labour shortage. The response to the household survey question about labour availability had four option: a) whether labour force is easily available, b) it is hard to find, c) it is very hard to find, and d) not hard but expensive. 83 percent of respondents mentioned that ‘it is hard to find’ labourers in the village, which indicates an acute labour shortage. However, the survey also revealed the way in which the villagers had developed strategies to compensate for this shortage. Respondents shared that each family made sure that their plans for farm work fell on different days to one another so that the number of labourers available in the village could be managed accordingly and it is continuing.

Alternatively, some families were managing agricultural labour by ‘Perma’, a traditional practice of exchanging labour with neighbours and relatives. However, Perma was also going through some changes in the absence of males. For example, sometimes a male comes on Perma, but a woman goes in return in the place of her absent husband. This can often be seen as an unacceptable trade for some as they expect a male family in return as it is generally considered that males are able to work physically demanding tasks than females. As a woman shared: They [neighbours/relatives] do not complain directly but sometimes the way they express makes us uncomfortable of not being able to send the male in return (KII/GF/N7).

This response reveals the way in which households headed by women due to an absence of male family members are under pressure to arrange males in return or to be able to pay the amount equivalent for engaging a male labourer. In particular, those from poor and very poor families with less remittance (mostly Dalits) were the ones who needed to manage greater workloads as a result of absent men. However, this was not the case for all women across the wealth categories. Gurungs who belonged to well-off families with a good amount of remittance and who had left the land underutilised did not need to take on farm work, therefore leaving only other household responsibilities to manage. Thus, the extent to which a female-headed household felt under pressure in relation to farm work depended on her socio-economic status.

The shortage of male workers was visible in other communal works as well, for example, Jhara (communal work) which is organised to repair and maintain community irrigation canals, walking trails, drinking water systems and the management of the 110

forest. Traditionally, Jhara used to be performed by men as it involves physically demanding work. Nevertheless, the absence of male members in several houses has caused a shortage of males able to participate in Jhara, and has increased women’s participation in Jhara (discussed in depth in Section 5.3). Women who can afford to, hire other males (if available) to participate in Jhara, but those with limited funds have to participate themselves.

Participant observation confirmed that there were only a few (mostly Dalit) males available for wage labour and they were also looking for opportunities elsewhere, not in agriculture. Agriculture was not considered as a decent job or a rewarding profession in the village, particularly for youths. Rather, being a farmer is socially devalued as it is seen as a failure. A young Dalit male, who was hired by a Gurung woman for ploughing land noted: My brother and a few of my relatives are already working as drivers in Besisahar and Pokhara [urban centres]. I would have loved to go abroad, but I cannot afford. I also prefer to go to cities rather than working as agricultural labourers here (KII/DM/N11).

Attraction to employment outside of agriculture and the mismatch between the interest of the available workforce and the type of jobs available within farming in the village is also indicated in the above narrative.

Women of different wealth category were affected differently by the shortage of male labourers. Those women who belong to rich and medium wealth categories –mostly Gurungs, who are often dependent on hired labour were mostly affected by the shortage of male labourers in the village. However, they still had sufficient resources to purchase food from the market and to improve their food security. Those women who belong to medium or poorer families and with less income – mostly Dalits remained with the choice either to take on extra workloads or leave agricultural land underutilised in the absence of male members and the inability and unavailability of hiring labourers. As a strategy to cope with labour shortages, besides leaving land underutilised, women have also changed cropping patterns such as planting single crops (monoculture), cash crops and trees (fodder and fruits), which are less labour-intensive. They have also reduced the cropping pattern, for example from three crops to two crops per year in an effort to reduce the labour requirements. However, it was observed that the reduced cropping 111

pattern was not entirely because of labour shortage. It was partly because of the choices of crops and also weather condition. More than 90 percent of the household survey respondents stated that a change in cropping patterns had been occurring in the last 15- 20 years. However, respondents also mentioned that the reduced cropping pattern was not caused entirely by the increase in workload, but also because of factors such as the change in rainfall patterns, availability of inputs (seed, fertiliser) and services.

Access to a labour force for agriculture is critical for the food security of those who lack the purchasing capacity to buy imported food. In the absence of male members, women were struggling to access required labour, as the village is going through a shortage of male workers. However, such changes were impacting women of nuclear and joint families differently. There was no apparent variation among Gurung and Dalit women. Rather, changes can be attributed to gender norms, which consider household chores as the sole responsibility of women and house management primarily the responsibility of men of any caste. On the one hand, the labour shortage has affected the demand and supply of the labour force in farming. More demand and less supply has increased the wage of farm labourers in the villages, which impacts families continuing to farm. The high cost of labour demotivates farming families, which has led to less local food production in the village. On the other hand, it has caused the shift of the workload on to women, which is presented in the next section.

5.2.3 Shifting workload to women

The findings indicated, that after out-migration and the absence of men in the village, workloads related to agricultural and household management have almost entirely shifted to women. However, there was no perceived notable changes on the amount of household chores, because these are considered to be within the usual responsibilities for women. To fill the gap in labour supply, women were initially taking up the extra work themselves as one woman shared: ‘I tried to work myself as much as possible because it is hard to find labour. And it is costly too’ (KII/GF/N12). This situation has created greater workloads for women, some of which is shared by the children and elderly members of the family.

In addition, as presented in Section 5.2.2, some families have reduced the area for farming or underutilise their agricultural land. The survey data shows that 32 out of 75

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households with migrant males were farming the same area of land where women and other family members were forced to fulfil the workforce gap, which means more work for women. Occasionally, some families hired or exchanged labour with the remaining workforce in the village, but this is an exception rather than a norm. The HHS data showed that among 125 households, 32 households hired or exchanged labourers and it was mostly for ploughing and heavy physical work.

When I went to interview one of the key informants, she was repairing old grain storage containers (Bhakari) made of bamboo. It was rice harvesting season, and she was preparing for harvest day. She said: ‘These works used to be done by male [her husband]. But he has been away for long, so I have to do it myself’ (KII/DF/N4). This is not an exception, reveals how responsibilities have shifted. The wife of a migrant either has to learn to do this kind of agriculture-related work or has to ask for outside help, which is costly or unavailable.

Although there was a shortage of male family members to share household chores, the women respondents (wives of migrants) considered household chores to be exclusively their sole responsibility regardless of caste and wealth group. A Dalit female noted: Sometimes though we feel male should also do household work, we do not expect them to do much. We have been doing these kinds of works for long and, we can do it ourselves (KII/DF/N2).

In general, traditional practices of looking after the household chores mostly by women alone mostly did not allow them to realise the subtle shift of all of the household chores entirely on them. Also, they do have realised this but do not have the capacity (voice, decision-making role, able to speak up to husband) to do anything about it. However, the shift to women of managing the mainly handling official works such as paying tax or obtaining citizenship for children above 16 years age was realised, as they discussed their obligations to travel to district headquarter and deal with officials. The women respondents considered such work as “not easy work” and did not prefer it. The participants of the FGDs54 were of the view that other tasks were manageable but going

54 FGD/GF/N4; FGD/DF/N5. 113

to Besisahar for children’s citizenship was difficult though they are compelled to do so. This suggests that there are multiple roles of women, some of which are burden to them.

Women’s perceptions and experiences of such official tasks being difficult is linked to their limited education and exposure in comparison to their male counterparts. In 2014, the literacy rate of male and female was 75.1 percent and 57.1 percent, respectively (CBS 2014)(CBS, 2014).

A local Gurung female who is considered as women leader of the village said: Although we have to take all responsibilities of managing agriculture, families and community works including politics is really a being burden for now but this will enrich us building confidence to handle all these together. That’s how our fellow women are in leadership positions such as president and chief justice (KII/GF/N1).

Nevertheless, the shift of these responsibilities to women gives them exposure to community and official works and builds their confidence. This can eventually increase their influence and control at home and over resources (including money and land).

As presented in Section 5.2.2 on shortage of labour, another area of workload shift is in agricultural activities and in community work such as Jhara (communal work). Except for those families who had already left or reduced farming, most of the agricultural work has shifted to women with the exclusion of ploughing, as ploughing by women is related to the caste-based taboo of purity, and not accepted in the village. As an elderly Gurung female farmer explained: There are not many males in the village as they went abroad. In our time [when she was young], few used to go and there used to be other males at home. Now women are doing men’s works except ploughing (KII/GF/N2).

As presented in Section 5.2.2, there was shortage of male labour force on communal work as well for example for jhara. The shortage of male labour force has required women to participate in Jhara too, which often involves physical and heavy works such as digging, carrying stones, sand, and mud. It is expected that one household member (preferably a male) should participate, therefore a woman with an absent husband is left with the responsibility to contribute. One of the KII participants shared:

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We need to work as much as men, for example, if they carry stone and cement we have to carry the same. Male members who often say that they have paid equivalent amount for the same work so need to work as men. Sometimes, men indirectly tease us of not being able to lift up bigger stones. (KII/DF/N3).

However, a woman unable to work at the same level of male contributors often received negative comments as they can not perform as men. Hence, women were not only required to take on the work, they were also subjected to negative comments from other participants.

Irrespective of the wealth category, all women are required to bear the additional workload or to manage it with reduced personal time with families and community engagement. As presented in previous section, depending on the type of families, there are varied shift of workload on women and coping strategies. Not all women can afford to reduce farming or hire labourers or leave the land underutilised. Therefore, in Nalma village, more than 80 percent of the underutilised land belongs to Gurungs families. As a result of many women leaving agricultural land abandoned and underused, local food production has decreased further impacting food production and food security in the village.

5.3 Women’s Participation in Decision-making

The feminisation of local communities has far-reaching consequences. The section above highlights that there are mixed consequences for women so not all changes are positive. On a positive note, it has brought some changes to women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and local government level. The focus in this section is on the changes in relation to decisions concerning food and agriculture, both of which form a crucial dimension of people’s livelihoods in Nalma. Within the socio-economic changes including out-migration the type of decisions and the level of participation differ among women from different social and economic groups. The participation of women in decision-making was increased but mostly on an operational day-to-day level. For example, women were able to decide on a range of activities such as what food to buy, which clothes to buy and where to go (or not go) in the community, which was not necessarily in the decision-making domain of women in the past. However, it is not the same as the women of all categories of social and economic

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groups. For example, the high-caste women have less freedom (although higher social status) in the public sphere than women from ethnic groups.

However, strategic decisions such as buying land or houses are still made by men, often when they return home on annual leave. Moreover, women’s participation in decision- making remains tokenistic, as they are still required to ask for the over-riding permission from their men by phone or other means. This is consistent with Agarwal (2001) who claim that male dominance persists wherever possible. It also concurs with Holmes and Slater (2008), who argues that men continue to define the type and boundary of women’s participation. Nevertheless, the changes are still significant, affording women the capacity (albeit limited) to participate in decision-making roles within the household, community and political affairs.

5.3.1 Household level

In Nalma village there were mainly two types of decisions made at the household level; a) strategic decisions, such as buying or selling land, building a house, migrating for foreign employment, using and investing money either remittance or earned at home; and b) operational decisions, such as managing everyday food, planting or harvesting crops, managing (hiring or exchanging) labour. Most of these decisions were still made by the heads of households – typically men, even via phone or internet-based call – however, there are some decisions where women are consulted and also allowed to make decisions, for example, use of money in terms of the operational decisions such as buying food and paying children's school fees.

The traditional social structure and family relations remain hierarchical (male favoured), giving family members differential power. This plays a vital role in determining the level of participation of women in decision-making. In this regard, father/husband/son (male) as the head of the household, has the dominant role in the decision-making of households in Nalma. In most of the surveyed households, except those headed by women (6 widows and one separated woman), the father/husband was in the highest position to make decisions. There are, however, gradual changes in these hierachical relations within families in Nalma.

One of the participants of the FGD with Gurung women confirmed the practice of male domination of decision-making in the households: 116

Earlier when my husband was in India, father-in-law was with us, and he used to make decisions. I never participated in decision-making related to money and land and never said anything even if I did not like. Nowadays husband is at home and makes most of the decisions usually consulting son and sometimes me. At least these days I can tell if I do not like the decision (FGD/GF/N4).

Despite strong traditional practices of men making most decisions within the household, after the migration of male members, some of the operational decision-making was given to women by necessity as acting de facto household heads. As one woman said: I could not report and consult small things related to household or agriculture, but whenever I need to make some important decisions regarding investment or use of money, I always ask my husband over the phone. At the same time, I also consult with my father (KII/DF/N2).

This statement indicates a new trend of women becoming acting de facto household heads with the capacity to make some decisions, although mostly operational. However, strategic decisions are still controlled by men, even from abroad and mostly without consultation with women. Thus, while the extent of consultation for operational decisions has increased in the absence of men and women’s capacity to make decisions has increased, it is largely in terms of operational decisions, and overall, decision- making largely remains controlled by men.

Some women living in joint families did not experience much change in participation in decision-making, even after their husband‘s migration because father-in-law would mostly make decisions. For operational decisions, women in joint families had less influence as they were under the everyday supervision of their in-laws. A Gurung woman respondent shared: Since we got married, I have been living together with his [husband’s] family. My father-in-law makes all the decision including managing the money my husband sends to him. Sometimes he [husband] separately sends some money to me for my expenses. But at least I do not have to worry about anything as in- laws take care (KII/GF/N12).

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It shows that while women’s capacity to make decisions is very limited in the joint households, there are advantages insofar as joint households can offer women protection and security.

Women in the medium wealth category families have experienced an increase in participation in decision-making in operational decisions at the household level. This is largely because most of the men in this category have migrated. Among the families with migrants, the majority (53 out of 75 households) were from medium wealth group. Nevertheless, there were continuous changes at the societal level with increased awareness of the roles and responsibilities of men and women influenced by markets, social media, efforts of the government and non-government sectors that have impacted the households. These changes were more visible in households with a migrant male. However, the level of women’s participation in decision-making has not substantially changed among rich households, in which long-term strategic decisions are made by men. Because only a few numbers of males from wealthier groups are out-migrated. In general, the increased access to participation in the decision-making for women: mainly of medium wealth group whose male counterparts are migrated, offers opportunities for them to mobilise livelihood resources. Once they have more access to resources, their feeling of possession as well as power, and freedom to mobilise such resources also increases, which can have a significant contribution to the food security of the household.

5.3.2 Community level

There are several collective decisions and actions at the community level where women have participated and are represented. However, they were often unable to voice their concerns on many of the strategic and wider social issues. This has been observed by a male participant of a FGD who said: It is true that women’s participation in the meeting of community affairs, discussions have increased. But, usually either they are shy or not capable enough of putting their thoughts on decision-making. Often, except for the decisions related to the mother’s group, elderly males have to make decisions. For example, women did not make any decisions on this event [an event on the village where chief district officer and other key stakeholders came to declare an

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open defecation free village], but once the decisions are made they are the one working hard. Just need to tell them what needs to be done (FGD/CL/N1).

This statement corresponds with the fact that the increased participation of women in the community sphere has not been equally reflected in their participation and contribution in decision-making processes. Nevertheless, there is increasing attendance and participation of women in community activities although this does not appear to have significantly changed their decision-making; despite the government’s policy of at least 33 per cent female participation officially endorsed by the earlier Local Self Governance Act (LSGA, 1999) as well as provisioned by the Constitution Assembly 2008. In this regards, a woman stated: These days women are participating in every community activities because of both the government policies on ensuring women's participation in users groups as well as political representation. This is an opportunity to women going out of the confined household activities. However, very few women put up their opinion during community events. Usually, I am the only woman putting my thoughts in our village (KII/GF/N1).

This provides an account of the participation of the women in community decisions. It shows that policy decisions and formal provisions are important considerations that are required in order to provide opportunites for women to enhance their active participation in collective actions and decision-making. Such provisions also offer opportunities for exposure to outside environments, enabling them to understand the social reality of the collectiove actions and decisions. Among others, the acceptance of the husband and other family members are important aspects of women's participation in these community activities. The situation was further enhanced by the absence of male members in the household as there is no option of escaping from engagement with the community particularly, in the areas of volunteer contributions.

During the informal discussions, field observations, FGDs and KIIs different perceptions of participation in collective actions as well as decision-making were shared. There are differentiated perceptions as well as perspective of the participants in community works and decision-making based on their experiences, social power, position, costs and benefits.

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Poor and marginalised communities perceive participation in community works as mere physical presence and attendance rather than vocal contribution to the decision-making processes. A Dalit woman stated: Being a Dalit woman, I need to participate in almost all events organised in the village. Though I did not ask questions, I used to be so eager to all the meetings. But, nowadays I am getting tired. There are so many responsibilities, hence participation in these community level programs and meetings is not always feasible. I will stop going for such events once my husband returns (KII/DF/N9).

She further said: ‘…first few times I even shook while introducing myself but now at least I do not feel so while introducing or sharing my experience’ and she believed that she was actively participating in community meetings and discussions and was exposed to the wider social arena. She might not be able to significantly influence decision- making at the community level, but representation can be considered as an opportunity for awareness and to enhance personal confidence.

But for the women in higher socio-economic groups, these community activities are the opportunities to symbolise their power and authority as well as influence through the mobilisation of the communities.

A few women indicated in FGDs, that they find the community works are burden for them. In particular, they felt it was hard to arrange the time for community engagement and to manage their households simultaneously. For example, one woman was a member of at least three community groups – a mothers group, farmer’s group, and cooperatives, among others – was required to attend on average at least two-three meetings a month. Indeed, women’s participation and representation has increased among several social and community forums, such as community forest users group, irrigation management committee, cooperatives, and saving and credit groups. A woman who was the secretary of a community forestry executive committee shared: When our forest user group was started, elders said there were only men. Now, we are three out of nine within committee (KII/GF/N12).

However, just because a woman was in a decision-making role did not mean that she felt able to speak up or make decisions. As an executive member of a community forest users group stated:

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Sometimes they ask me whether I agree with the proposed decisions. I often do not understand the topics fully. Additionally, all of them are either my Jethaju [elder brother-in-law] or Sasura [father-in-law], so I hesitate to put my voice. I mostly agree with what they decide (KII/GF/N12).

The statement indicates not only the issue of tokenism but also the difficulties women face in relation to the power dynamics inherent in gender relations resulting in a lack of voice and agency as well as limited knowledge. All these experiences of the women in the village suggests that women’s participation still seemed to be guided by the mandatory and minimum provision of female participation rather than the felt need of empowering women or the opportunities for women because of the absence of men in the village. Therefore, women’s contributions to decision-making are rarely acknowledged. However, with the increased membership and positions in executive committees, women have increased their access to decision-making. It has also improved women’s access to common resources such as forest products, irrigation, and credits from the villager’s cooperative. The access to decision-making forums and resources not only provides economic benefit but also makes women more confident, as interviews and FGDs with women highlight. However, access to decision-making alone does not give them confidence to voice. It needs a more enabling environment and capacity building approach to participation in decision-making.

These are some representative voices of the women who are on the executive committees of the community level institutions, demonstrating some cases where women were able to voice their opinions. During an interview, a Dalit woman whose husband was abroad – an executive committee member of a community forest users group noted: I regularly participate in meetings and listen to others. I believe that I am building my confidence to raise questions. Sometimes, I put my arguments even if some of them [males] ignore me (KII/DF/N9).

Her comment suggests that continuous exposure, physical presence and engagement is gradually improving women’s participation in decision-making. However, due to provisions aimed mainly at the increased participation of women, whereby the manifestation remains mainly as physical participation and representation, there is a misinformed legitimising of the decision-making process which is counterproductive, 121

reflecting only on the increase in women’s presence rather than any productive or active contribution. The provisions have given a window of opportunity for women to put their voices forward and expand their broader participation in other sectors, including access to resources (land, remittance, labour) but still with limited capacity. This could be seen as first step, however many factors mainly social that have positioned women differently needs to be considered.

5.3.3 Politics and local government

Women’s participation in politics and local government affairs has gone through some changes in the village. This was reflected by their increased engagement in community groups, local government and political parties, as well as by legislative requirements where 33 percent of women are required to be represented in elected positions across the governments. As discussed in the previous section, a woman could be a member of at least 2-3 community groups including a political party of her choice. One woman participant stated: In earlier days, we were not allowed even if interested in attending any political programmes happening in the village. But nowadays, sometimes elders ask to participate, and women are also not much shy. So more women are engaged in political parties, including me, I am a member of the district committee of Congress [one of the major parties] (KII/GF/N1).

This shows that women in politics are more elite groups and they find themselves representing all other women in the community. However, it is true that only a few of the participating women were actually contributing to political and state affairs. It was observed that those who were active and engaged in politics for long have developed their capacities to engage actively in mainstream party politics.

At the time of data collection, there had been no local election for over 18 years, resulting in a lack of locally elected representatives in the village. The local government was run by state administrators supported by an all political party mechanism, in which all political parties were represented on the one-party-one-member basis. The

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administrative process was supported by Wada Nagarik Manch55 (Ward Citizen Forum), which comprised of representatives from all of the village social groups, including political parties. The major roles of such forums were to identify and prioritise local development issues, allocate development funds and implement development plans. There was only one woman representative in this all-party mechanism.

However, after the local election in mid-2017, more women members are representing the local government and councils (a detailed discussion on women’s representation in the political and state affairs will be discussed in Chapter 7). While this is a positive development, it is still the case that most elected women hold the role of either deputy or member, not the key decision-making positions.

In summary, the participation and representation of women in decision-making in politics and local government has been increasing. Factors including the provisional arrangement increased awareness and willingness of women, and absence of males in the families and communities have supported women in expanding their representation in political affairs. However, representation does not necessarily mean that women’s presence is acknowledged.

The participation of women in political and local government affairs can contribute to shaping the agendas and priorities of the community, particularly the use of forests, land and other common resources (Nightingale 2002). It can also contribute to developing the plans and programmes for the community. When women have more representation and participation, the plans and programmes are also more likely to be supportive of women (Kabeer 1999; Cornwall 2003).

5.4 Women’s Access to and Control over Resources for Food Security

The consequences of the feminisation of local communities on women’s access to and control over resources are linked to food security. Therefore, the question of if and how

55 Each VDC has nine wards and each ward forms a citizen forum, which consists of 25 members representing all sectors of a ward. This was introduced by Local Governance and Community Development Program. The forum held an annual meeting to decide development programs and the budget for the ward. 123

women’s access to and control over resources – land and remittance has changed and implications for food security is analysed below.

5.4.1 Agricultural land and food security

Gurungs held significant areas of land and therefore have more access to use compared to Dalits in Nalma. In terms of gender, however, women of both caste groups owned less land compared to men. Nevertheless, this study found that there have been some changes compared to the past because of male out-migration. As a result of Gurungs leaving agricultural land underutilised and moving to cities, Dalits have been able to increase their access to sharecrop and buying of land. Likewise, despite social practices of favouring men, women’s ownership of land has increased, particularly land being purchased using the money form remittance.

As presented in Section 5.1, on average Gurungs held higher landholding compared to Dalits. Similarly, landless families are more among Dalits. Among 83 Gurungs who participated in the HHS, only two families (one headed by a widow) did not own any Khet or Bari except for the piece of land they were residing on. In contrast, 6 out of 34 Dalits who participated in HHS were landless and living on the land allowed for them to use and build house by Gurung families. Figure 5.4 below indicates the differences in land ownership across the different wealth groups of both Dalits and Gurungs.

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Gurung Dalit 7 5.9 6

4 2.87 3 2.8

2 1.64 1.72 1.31.28 1.42 1 1 0.72 Landholding (hectare) 1 0.630.53 0.61 0 0 0 Khet Bari Khet Bari Khet Bari Khet Bari Rich Medium Poor/very poor All wealth category Wealth group

Figure 5.4 Average land ownership by different caste, ethnicity and wealth groups (Source: HHS 2016)

The differentiated ownership of land has a historical link. Historically, less landholding of Dalits was linked with the feudal and semi-feudal agricultural production system of Nepal (Acharya and Bennett 1981; Regmi 1999). Various occupational caste groups (Dalits) needed to contribute to agricultural production (making agricultural tools and working as labourers) and get grains and other foods annually from other groups (i.e Gurungs in Nalma) under Balighar (labour and food exchange) system. It was guided by earlier Civil Code 1854 and handled by village chief called Mukhiya or Jamindar (landlord) of the village.

Balighar is a traditional exchange system where any group but mostly Dalits (blacksmiths, goldsmith, tailors) used to get grains and food items annually in exchange for their skill-based services – making tools and utensils, sewing clothes, and working in farming. Therefore, Dalits were not involved much on either growing their own food or accumulating land for cultivation. Besides the traditional Balighar system, other factors have contributed to the lesser landholding of Dalits, including lack of access to employment, such as Lahure and foreign employment (as discussed in Section 5.2.1) and social discrimination based on the caste system (DFID and Bank 2006). Therefore, earlier, Dalits worked as agricultural labourers or were under Balighar system.

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However, over the last 15-20 years Dalits access to agricultural land has increased, as sharecroppers and owners of land, thereby increasing their engagement with farming.

This has been possible because several Gurung families (mostly rich and medium wealth category) started to underutilise their land and move to cities. A Gurung woman shared: Many families already have a house in Chitwan or Pokhara, or at least they have already moved leaving lands. Usually, they ask somebody to sharecrop or sometimes sell at a low price to Dalits (KII/GF/N8).

Hence, Dalits had more choices of land for sharecropping and also to buy if they could afford it. One FGD participant, a Dalit woman, shared: These days Gurungs do not do much farming. Dalits are also not doing traditional occupations rather they sharecrop the land of Gurungs (FGD/DF/N5).

They use remittance to engage in farming either on sharecropping or owning land. However, despite data showing that three out of 22 Dalit migrants have purchased land using remittance, it is not easy for all families with remittance income to buy land. Often the financial priority in using remittance for buying food and paying back loans, rather than for purchasing land (see Section 5.4.2).

In addition to caste, ownership of land in Nalma was also determined by gender, reflecting the patrilineal inheritance system which favours males (sons) to inherit parental property and self-acquired land was also largely being registered under men’s name. My research showed that ownership of land by women was low among women of any caste. According to HHS data, the majority of land (92 percent) was owned by males, 2 percent was under joint ownership and only 6 percent of land was owned by women.

In response to the HHS question of why women do not own land, a significant number of respondents (96 percent), out of them the majority were women, mentioned ‘patrilineality’ as one of the main reasons. This was followed by ‘women coming from other families’, ‘not trusting women’, and ‘traditional practice’. The land especially inherited from the family (father) was never transferred to females (a daughter or daughter-in-law) because as a male respondent stated:

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People never give the ancestral land under a wife’s ownership. However, few have registered land under women’s ownership bought from the remittance, and they do so only if in-laws are not there or they live separately. Otherwise even in-laws do not trust woman [daughter-in-law] and say, “as long as we are still here, why should you have it?” (KII/DF/N2).

Despite firm persistence against the transfer of ownership of inherited land to women, around 30 percent of the respondents of HHS were of the view that the male dominance or patrilineal practices of land ownership were changing slowly and mostly with land purchased from the proceeds of remittance. It showed that male migration and remittance has opened up opportunities for women to own property. One of the Gurung male participants of FGD said: Ownership of land is mostly under the name [ownership] of a male in the village, but when they buy a piece of land to build a house using remittance, they register under female’s name (FGD/CL/N1).

The reluctance to transfer land ownership to women was also partly found to be guided by the fear that arose among the respondents on land ownership cases where a woman re-marries or has an extramarital affair. They thought that if a woman remarries or divorces then the wealth will go with her and to another family. A Gurung male participant of FGD raised the issue: Though land cannot be taken easily, usually villagers feel insecure to transfer to woman’s ownership thinking that if she has an affair with another man, she may take it (FGD/CL/N1).

The respondents shared, that the fear was heightened because there had been cases of extramarital affairs and remarriage by women in the village (not among surveyed households and before data collection). Family members, including husbands, were afraid that their wife might sell the land under her ownership. Notably, however, none of the respondents made any comments about men having extramarital affairs and the worry about land being sold by them. It is due to a patrilocal cultural practice that a man settles with or near his family but not with his wife’s family.

Further, several women also had feelings of insecurity around extramarital affairs and remarriage and accepted that they were fine without the burden of land ownership. This

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insecurity was fuelled by the rumours and social scrutiny they often heard from villagers and neighbours about women who have had extramarital affairs (mostly while the husband was abroad) and had taken the money and land that was under their name. They were afraid that they might be targeted by rumours in the same way, which is shameful and demoralising for women. A woman (wife of a migrant) stated: We sometimes hear few women have misused [used money and jewellery] when they had an extramarital affair. So, males are conscious before transferring properties to wives (KII/GF/N12).

Previously, even if some of the families wanted to register land under a woman’s name, the administrative process and travelling to the land revenue office in the district headquarter, discouraged families to include women in while transfers inherited land. Women’s subordinated position and lack of education to deal with government officials as well as safety of women and need to be accompanied also contributed partly to constraining women to increase their rights to the property. One Gurung woman noted: It was difficult earlier for women to visit government offices for land registration, we needed to walk five hours one way and often hard to finish and come back within a day and also needed to deal with officials, which males could do easily (KII/GF/N6).

Likewise, a FGD participant mentioned: Often someone as a guard or friend needed to go with a female if they need to go to Besisahar. Firstly they did not know much about the process, while secondly, it was also hard to go alone crossing the forest (FGD/GM/N3).

Despite the continuing dominance of men and Gurungs, mostly in the rich and medium wealth group, the land ownership for women has increased as a result of remittance income, however, it is not productive land -i.e. land that can produce an income, rather it is mainly ghaderi (to build house). Moreover, the increased access to land of Dalits to sharecropping and/or purchasing of agricultural land has increased, which in turn can open of opportunities for Dalit women for land ownership.

The limited access to agricultural land results in women and Dalits not being able to fully utilise land for production and thus make a living from it. Land ownership by

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women is not a sufficient condition for food security; other factors such as access to finance, inputs and services are also important. Producing food by women themselves is the primary source of accessing food for agriculture-dependent families. However, the lack of ownership adversely affects women’s self-confidence and decision-making capacity, in terms of how to use the land and the produce from it. Because women without ownership cannot make decisions regarding how to use the land for production. At the same time, they also look for advise from other family members including absent male members. a) Land use

There have been significant changes in the pattern of land use in Nalma. The study revealed the way in which some of these changes were based on ethnicity. Underutilisation of land was increasing tremendously in among Gurungs, while the majority of the Dalits were sharecropping the land of Gurungs. Out of 125 surveyed households, 17 households have left the land (mostly Khet) underutilised ranging in areas of 0.1 hectares to 0.5 hectares per family. The respondents from the families who have left land underutilised noted: ‘I wish to do farming, but wage rate is getting higher while the return is too low’ (KII/GF/N8) and ‘The land where we used to grow paddy has now turned into a jungle. Only monkeys are roaming around while our youths are looking for foreign employment’ (FGD/CL/N1).

The data of the household survey further showed changes related to wealth category. The majority of Gurung families who had left land underutilised (15 out of 17) were in the medium wealth category. The trend indicates that Gurungs who have bigger landholding than Dalits were leaving agricultural land underutilised. But in contrast, most of the Dalits; 27 among 33 Dalits that participated in the household survey, were sharecropping land of Gurungs, compared to only two Gurung families. Hence, it can be argued that the extent of land underutilisation would have been more significant if Dalits were not sharecropping the lands of Gurung families. According to Table 5.4, Dalits are mainly sharecropping while Gurungs are underutilising the land. It shows that the poorest people are sharecropping while the wealthier Gurung families are landlords.

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Table 5.4: Households leaving underutilised land and sharecropping by caste and wealth category

Caste Group

Gurung Dalit Wealth Group Sharecropping Underutilising Sharecropping Underutilising (n = 3) (n = 15) (n = 26) (n = 2)

Rich (%) 0 28 0 0

Medium (%) 6 20 36 1

Poor and very 25 0 96 4 poor (%) (n = total number) (Source: HHS 2016)

The major reasons for land underutilisation were a shortage of workers, remittance income due to massive male out-migration (presented in Section 5.2.2), decreased attraction to farming and less income from the farming. The decreased interest in farming was both among landowners (Gurungs) and sharecroppers (Dalits). Their unwillingness was expressed during a discussion, as one participant of the FGD of Dalit women shared: Mukhiyas [landowners] often ask us to sharecrop distant land. We have to work hard for more than a month, have to arrange either ox for ploughing or labour. But at the end, half of the produce after sharing with the landowners is nothing compared to our hard work. We do not have other things to do except farming, otherwise would have left this hard works [farming/sharecropping] (FGD/DF/N5).

Similarly, another participant of the FGD stated: We need ox and labours for farming. We are a six-membered family, four capable members are abroad, and it’s only me an elderly and daughter-in-law are here in the village. Even if they were here, they would not have continued farming as no one wants to work and the income is also not much from farming (FGD/CL/N1).

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However, the views of landowners and sharecroppers differed. A Gurung woman whose land was under sharecropping said: Sharecroppers often want nearest and irrigated land and also expects tri-bhagi [two-thirds] of the produces. Though even sharing half produce is not much, we let them to sharecropp rather than leaving it fallow (KII/GF/N1).

This conflict of interest and ongoing bargaining concerning sharecropping is gradually reinforcing land underutilisation instead of encouraging land use that could increase local food production.

Besides decreased interest, land underutilisation was also in part started and facilitated through the political instability during the civil conflict (1996-2006), which forced some families to move to urban areas and leave for foreign employment. Participants of the FGD recalled: During the conflict, a few families went to Besisahar. Some of their lands are still sharecropped by Dalits, but some turned abandoned (FGD/CL/N1).

As discussed above, the trend of underutilised agricultural land has, on the one hand, facilitated increased access of Dalits to land, mostly for sharecropping and partly for buying. While on the other hand, underutilisation affects local production which significantly affects the local livelihood and food security, particularly of those who have less income (remittance) to buy imported food from outside of village and district. b) Local food production

In previous sections, I have discussed issues that have substantially affected the local food system in the village, including: massive and unprecedented out-migration, decreasing attraction of farming, shortage of workers, shifting workloads, and the underutilisation of agricultural land.

Firstly, the underutilisation of agricultural land was contributing to a decrease in total local production. A Gurung male shared:

Our three children were at home. We used to have four-five Bhakaris [storage for grains] of rice. Now Khet is fallow, and Bhakaris are empty. Nothing comes from Khet except some fodder and firewood (KII/GM/N7).

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The Gurung couple were living together in their house. Their food demand had decreased compared to when their children were still living at home, but they were not able to produce enough to sustain themselves.

Secondly, the cropping pattern has also changed (presented in Section 5.2.3) to a reduced number of crops annually, or to cash crops such as vegetables, cardamom, and ginger or agro-forestry based produces such as Lapsi (Choerosondias axillaris) and Amriso (Thysanolaena maxima) (broom grass), which requires less or does not require regular care and labour. Though the income from cash or agro-forestry based produce could be used to buy foods, such crops do not directly contribute to the total production of grains and further, the production was not on a large scale.

The lack of sufficient labour and the increased cost of hiring labour has caused inadequate inputs and care of the farms. As one respondent noted: I have many things to look after, and I do not have enough time to care for and maintain farms regularly. At the same time, it is costly to ask for labour to do so (KII/GF/N12).

Another respondent spoke of other changes: Earlier we used to raise lots of animals (cow/buffalo/goats) and used to apply enough manure in the field. But these days people raise fewer animals and manure is also less, and how can we get good produce (FGD/CL/N1).

These comments suggest that due to the labour shortage and increasing access to remittance, villagers were also raising fewer livestock thereby producing less manure for agriculture. In turn, this reduces the agricultural production as it substantially depends on external inputs and care.

Table 5.5 summarises the discussion of the FGD on local food production, which indicates the decreased average agricultural production in the last ten years from data collection year (2016). The data from ten years ago on production presented in the table is based on the memory of the FGD participants.

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Table 5.5: Local food production in the village

Average Major food Average production: During production/household: Before crops (Unit) fieldwork (2016) 10 years (2006)

Paddy/rice 40 9-10 (Muri56)

Maize (Muri) 40 40

Millet (Muri) 15 10

Buffalo/cow 4-5 0-1 (Number)

Goat (Number) 12-15 15

(Source: FGD/GM/N3 2016)

The table shows that the level of production is drastically reduced. The most significantly reduced was rice production, and livestock production was reduced by a quarter. The production of other foods is also on a downward trend. The decreased local food production affects access to food and ultimately the livelihoods of local people, particularly those who do not have another source of income to buy imported food. The availability of local food ensures access to sustenance for those with less income and less capacity to buy imported foods. The low local production also speeds up the import of food into the village and impacts the local economy. c) Increased food import

The findings also indicated that decreased agricultural production has contributed to an increase in imported food from both aboard and other districts. Additionally, the improved purchasing capacity of some of the locals has also contributed to the increase.

56 Muri is traditional measurement in Nepal. One Muri is equal to 80 kilograms. 133

The extent of importation of food into Nalma village was expressed in the following male respondent’s statement: Earlier we did not bring much outside food [out of village] but now almost every household does. There is rarely any family who do not buy from outside mostly imported. But the land we have is fallow and we import food that we could even grow locally (KII/SK/N13).

The dependence was increased partly due to the availability of remittance along with the influence of the market and changing lifestyles of the villagers. The amount of imported food has undoubtedly risen but the import and export ratio was imbalanced in the village. Export from the village is much less, almost none, compared to the number of items imported and their cost.

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Table 5.6: Import and export of major items in the village

Import Export

Ö = YES, X = NO, Ö = YES, X = NO, Items Before 10 Before 10 years Now Now years

Rice X Ö X X

X (consumed Meat X Ö (chicken) within the Ö (Goat) village)

Ö (only for Ö (only for Daal (lentils) X Ö relatives in relatives in cities) cities)

Ö (for Ö (as flour for Ö (as flour for Millet X alcohol) relatives) relatives)

Barley Flour X Ö X X

X (some are Vegetables and producing but X Ö X fruits mostly sold within village)

Chilli X Ö X X

Onion X Ö X X

Others (fast food and X Ö X X confectionaries) (Source: FGD/CL/N1 2016)

Notably, the data shows that villagers were importing daal (lentils), which is one of the main crops of the area. Further, they were importing meat, both chicken and buffalo. Whereas in the past, every family had chickens and many families used to also raise buffalo. According to a local shopkeeper: 135

As per the demand, I have to bring everything in my shop. They come looking for daal and dried chilli, which could be easily produced and stored. But nothing goes from here except some local daal and flour (millet) in winter to Besisahar, Pokhara, Chitwan [nearby cities] as a souvenir to relatives in small amount (KII/SK/N13).

Both Gurungs and Dalits of rich, medium or poor categories depend on imported food in Nalma. But those who do not receive remittance and earn less in the village struggle the most in affording imported food, as one of the Dalit wage labourers shared during a FGD: Though we sharecrop, in the end, we have to share half with the landowner. Thus, it is not enough for us for the entire twelve months. We always buy rice from the shop as we cannot buy from the villages. Even Mukhiyas buy as the products from sharecroppers is not enough for them too. Almost, everything including Daal, soya, salt, oil, potato and onion comes from Besisahar. We work a whole day for NRs. 225 as wage labour, but the wage will be just enough to purchase two packets [half litre each packet] of oil. Everything is expensive (FGD/WL/N6).

All families and community groups "import" food, regardless of their social or economic status in the village. Whatever wealth, caste/ethnicity, or gender, access to food also depends on the purchasing capacity of the households particularly of the female members (wives) of those households with migrant males. Since the communities are being feminised women are more vulnerable to food insecurity because they not only lack the ownership of the land which is the primary means of food production, but they also lack control over other means such as finance, inputs and services that enhances the local food production. Moreover, access to financial resources and remittances could have enhanced the affordability of "imported" food but this remains difficult for those without regular sources of income or remittances.

The daily57 wage for agricultural labour is NRs. 225 (AUD 2.75) with food (snacks) provided. The imported products are expensive, which means wage labourers cannot easily afford to buy their daily needs. The price of imported food in the village is high

57 Usually 8 hours per day. 136

as it involves several associated costs, including a wholesaler, product handling and transportation.

During the fieldwork, the majority of the FGDs and KIIs participants repeatedly raised concerns about land underutilisation and the importation of food, as highlighted by the following statements: ‘…. it is a shame for us that our land is abandoned, and we are importing food from elsewhere”, and “Is there any programme that supports villagers to bring back underutilised land in to use?’

Import and export were not balanced. The village was connected only by a seasonal road with limited availability of a vehicle (one every day) – a 3-hours drive from the district headquarter, Besisahar. The village had a few shops for everyday goods where villagers could buy the food and other household items brought from Besisahar and beyond. However, there were very few local agricultural products available for sale. Nor were there enough local products to export out of the village. As a FGD participant stated: None of the villagers is producing enough for selling, even if they do, it is not easy to transport easily except for goat. For goat, buyers come up to the village themselves (FGD/CL/N1).

The respondents were found to be concerned about the increasing labour shortage, land underutilisation and food importation, which are key issues of feminisation and food security. On the one hand, youths in the village were seeking jobs and looking for opportunities for foreign employment, while on the other, they were leaving farming. As a result, the agricultural workforce is hugely reduced from underutilisation of land, thereby impacting local food production. Moreover, the villagers were also importing major food items from outside with that trend increasing. Such contradictions has created by economic globalisation around the issues of feminisation and food security in the village.

5.4.2 Remittance and food security

Both access and use of remittances between Gurungs and Dalits in Nalma was differentiated. Due to Lahure tradition, some households had received remittance income for a long time with the amounts increasing due to a higher number of males (New Lahures) migrating to Gulf countries. The majority (53 of 83) of the households 137

receiving remittance were Gurungs belonging to wealthier groups, followed by mostly poor Dalits (20 of 83) and ten others. The households with male migrants (83 out of 125 surveyed households), on average receive AUD 4000 (NRs. 328,065) remittance annually. If it is assumed there are 30 days in a month, this is the equivalent of earning AUD 333 per month, which is less than the daily agricultural wage of a labourer. However, the availability of wage labour work and the rate of the wage is a lot less in Nalma compared to the other case study site - Piprahar.

The findings also revealed similarities and differences in the pattern of use of the remittance between Gurungs and Dalits, though the main priority was on food and daily consumptions by both groups (see Figure 5.5).

Gurungs Dalits

50% 45% 45% 40% 40% 35% 30%

25% 20% 20% 20% 17% 15% 13% 12% 10% Use of remitance 8% 10% 5% 5% 5% 5% 0% Food and Education Health Saving and Loan Others household property repayment consumption accumuation

Categories

Figure 5.5 Use of remittances by Gurungs and Dalit Groups (Source: HHS 2016)

Both groups spent a similar amount on food and household consumption (40 and 45 percent) and health (13 and 12 percent). However, the pattern was different for education (20 and 10 percent), saving and property accumulation (17 and 8 percent), and loan repayment (5 and 20 percent). Dalits used a higher percentage of remittance on paying back loans of money borrowed to access foreign employment opportunities, which made it difficult to save or invest in property. By comparison, Gurungs were able to save more remittance and invest in buying land and building a house in neighbouring 138

cities, including Besisahar, Pokhara, Naranghat. It is because they were favoured to include as Lahure in world wars. The participants of FGD with Dalit women expressed Dalit’s lack of capacity in investing the remittance: Yes, with the money from abroad, at least, it is easier to look after the family and to provide education for children, but it will take longer for us to save enough money for buying land in the city (FGD/DW/N4).

This is an ironic situation for the resource-poor families mostly Dalits of the villages. It suggests that there is a very high price of affording a piece of land to build a house for them. The status of the social and economic group is guiding the remittance expenditure in the village. The historical roots based on caste system, that continue to shape the lives of the Dalit community in this village (also across Nepal). The remittance has not only made money available in the village, it has also partly given rise to the decreased dependence of households on farming. A Gurung female respondent stated: Everyone was dependent on farming before. If people did not work hard, they would have a hard life. Nowadays, when people started to go abroad, they earn double than what they could earn in the village [from farming]. Now, most of the families are receiving remittance and making the daily expenses out of it. Many of them even have left the land fallow’ (KII/GF/N8).

Remittance is opening up new ways of living and working and further shaping life in the village. There are many effects of remittance: less farming, upward mobility for marginalised groups particularly the Dalits. It has also affected food production in the village; less farming resulting in people buying imported food.

Along with the decreasing food production due to land underutilisation, there was a need for cash to acquire the remaining food requirements as well as transport, education and health. As an elderly Gurung woman noted: Every step needs cash nowadays. We need to buy food, mainly meat, spices and snacks from shops. My grandson goes to boarding school. Therefore I need to give him cash or snacks every day. At least our Khet is sharecropped, so we have some rice but not enough for the whole year. Earlier we did not have to pay for travelling [no road], but now we do [with road and one public transportation]’ (KII/GF/N7). 139

The remittance has made life easier for the families who receive it, especially when it is a good amount. The wife of a migrant, who was taking care of her three children shared that: ‘Both of us used to work before, but it was not enough to feed the whole family. Now it's only one [her husband] earning, and it is enough for the family‘ (KII/DF/N2).

However, not all of the households received remittances and those that did, not all were of an equal amount. It was mostly Dalit families who did not receive remittance or received much less. These families were struggling with everyday cash requirements. One FGD participant gave an insight into the struggle: The only source of cash we can get is from the wage. Sometimes we go to Mukhiya’s [Gurung] house and ask if they have any work and need any labour, so we can manage cash, or we can borrow cash when we are in need (FGD/WL/N6).

During my stay in a Gurung house during fieldwork, a Dalit woman, who used to work for the family, came to meet the mother of the family and requested NRs. 2000 (AUD 25). In return, she promised to bring one Muri of millet58 – worth NRs. 2000 – that would be harvested within a month. She needed to go to a district headquarter and buy medicine for her husband. She was bartering millet, not because it was in surplus but because she did not have other alternatives to arrange the cash she needed. If she wanted to arrange for the same amount, she needed to work as a wage labourer for at least eight days, if the regular wage work was available. But it is not that straight forward for those who are lower caste and disadvantaged people.

Families who receive a good amount of remittance often prioritise migrating to urban centres for better education, health systems and modern lifestyle. This was the case for both Gurungs and Dalits. One of the KII participant reported she was hoping that one of her three daughters-in-law, who was the last to remain in the village, would not move to the city. She stated: ‘everyone is leaving the village. My daughter-in-law told that she would not be staying in the village too and would bring the children with’ (KII/GF/N8). In Nalma, some of the Gurung and Dalits families have already moved to the district headquarter, Besisahar, and some were intending to move. However, fewer Dalits were moving to the cities than Gurungs because the number of Dalits receiving remittance

58 The average cost of a Muri of millet is 2000 in the village. 140

was also fewer. If families were moving from the village, Besisahar was the first choice followed by Naranghat and Pokhara in neighbouring districts.

The mobility to urban centers has also had an impact on livelihoods and farming in the villages. As presented in Section 5.4.1, Gurungs who are able to receive good amounts of remittance moved to cities, either sharecropping their land with Dalits or leaving it underutilised. However, those families without enough remittance had no choice but to stay in the village. Though most of them were poor Dalit families with fewer land resources, a few poor Gurung families also experienced similar struggles for income from other sources outside of remittance. An elderly Gurung woman from a poor family stated: We do not have a son who can go abroad and earn like our neighbour’s son is doing. If we had one, we would have been able to have some money and would have renovated this old house. But what can we do? (KII/GF/N10).

This narrative suggests that it is not only caste alone that makes a difference on accessing remittance, but the access to and control over other capital such as assets (land, house) and human capital (son, family member) also makes an impact. It is also related to social norms and gender hierarchy, the major structural factors that shape opportunities and possibilities.

The majority of women respondents mentioned that they receive remittance in their name except in joint families where remittance is received by family heads (mostly father-in-law). They also stated that they have to travel up to district headquarter to receive remittance, so for safety reasons, women either keep the cash in the bank or the migrants send a limited amount. The women noted that usually migrant males bring money when they come home. Although migrant returnees bring some money and skills when they come back home, they rarely invested in the sectors that bring profit or return of the investment such as farming. During employment abroad, migrants learn new skills, mainly related to specific industries, but they are rarely able to use those skills in the village. For example, returning migrants who worked as drivers or in restaurants have only been able to use these skills in cities. A number of the migrants who worked on farms abroad have been able to use some of those skills in farming back in the village. One of the returnees in the village, who was back for two-month break noted:

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Foreign employment is not predictable, anything could happen anytime and may need to come back. Working abroad is hard. But we do not have proper transport facilities in the village and also to get workers. Otherwise, I am interested in farming and would like to start fruit farming and poultry (KII/GM/N6).

Participants of the FGD also agreed that some returnees expressed an interest in starting up businesses in the village rather than going back, but so far none of them have done so. They said that since they have been away from the village for so long, they did not find the environment favourable to start up a small business or entrepreneurial activities.

5.5 Summary

This chapter presented key findings of the research carried out in Case Study I-Nalma of Lamjung district. The findings demonstrated that the feminisation is primarily driven by the out-migration of males and the remittance economy, thereby influencing labour shortage and a shift in gender roles and responsibilities in the changing political, social and economic context in the Nalma village. However, irrespective of mass male out- migration from the village, mainly males from the wealthier group (Gurungs) were able to migrate as it is not easy for the poorer group (mostly Dalits) to arrange the associated costs. The lack of or limited access to foreign employment in Gulf countries for Dalits indicates their landlessness and poor wealth status, and also points to the way in which they were further deprived of, or had limited access to income (remittance) that could be used to purchase land (agricultural) or buy food. This suggests that the Dalits are largely left out of the remittance boom. Few of the Dalits managed to gain foreign employment, however, they had different priorities in the spending of remittance than those of Gurungs. Besides the major spending on food, health and education of both groups, Dalits needed to spend a large amount of remittance income to pay back loans while Gurungs were able to save and use their savings to acquire properties (land and house). However, none of the groups invested remittance in productive sectors such as agriculture that could have directly helped in enhancing food security. Despite some savings, wealthier groups (mostly Gurungs) prioritised buying property (mainly ghaderi and house) in the cities.

The attraction to foreign employment and the emergence of remittance has not only fulfilled the villagers’ need for cash, but has simultaneously contributed in causing less

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interest in farming and mobility to cities, thereby affecting labour availability, gender roles and responsibilities, land use, local food production, and food security. These are now becoming the push and pull factors of the feminisation of local communities and food insecurity. At the same time, low local food production and the availability of remittance created more pressure for those who were not part of the remittance boom in being able to buy food, particularly food imported from outside of the village. The imported foods are costlier than locally produced food. The finding suggests that the average household needed to spend 40-45 percent of remittances on buying food. Out of this amount, large amounts went on other food items – cooking oil, lentils, spices, meat and rice. Among surveyed households, the average annual household spends AUD 280 on rice as a supplementary purchase to their own production, either by themselves or from sharecroppers.

The findings demonstrate that despite men being absent and the household workload of farming and community responsibilities significantly shifting to women, women’s participation in decision-making within the household, community, local politics and government are limited and changes are slow due to the remaining dominance of men. Despite women acting as de facto heads of households, the decision-making of the operational issues has mostly transferred to women, while strategic decisions were still controlled by the men in the household. Likewise, the participation of women has increased in the community and local government level due to the requirements of women’s representation and provisions of minimum participation. However, their participation is mostly tokenistic and women representatives tend to attend without contributing much with their limited voice, due to the influence and domination of men within existing power relations and also due to the limited capacity and exposure of women compared to men in decision-making. As a result, the positive changes in the gender roles of women as an outcome of feminisation is minimal.

Irrespective of traditional and historical inequality in access to and control over land and other resources, the ownership of land by women is increasing, at least on new land bought with remittance funds, although the transfer of ownership to women is largely motivated by tax exemptions and easier future transactions if needed. Women are also able to access and mobilise minor amounts of remittance. Likewise, Dalits are able to access land easier than before to sharecrop or to buy small plots due to the decreasing

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interest of the wealthier group (Gurungs) in continuing to farm, labour shortages and mobility to cities of many of the Gurung families. However, changes related to land access and control are still not significant. Although ownership of land alone does not ensure food security, it increases the accessibility by enhancing local production as well as motivating people to remain in farming. Besides the local production, access to finance can also enhance household food security. However local food production is more important and accessible for those who lack the financial resources to afford to buy imported foods.

In the situation of differential access of diverse social and economic groups and with some persistence of the dominant group (male, high caste and rich and medium wealth groups), the impact of feminisation of local communities on food security was also differentiated among them.

Finally, all these factors; massive male out-migration, lack of workforce, the influence of remittance, shifted roles of women, have resulted in underutilisation of productive resources and the importing of foods, and ultimately these factors have affected the food security of different groups differently. This represents the case of the other similar villages of Lamjung, however it can differ depending on composition of the communities. In the next chapter I present the findings from case study II – the village of Piprahar of Devchuli Municipality, Nawalparasi.

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CHAPTER SIX: FOOD SECURITY AND FEMINISATION OF COMMUNITIES IN PIPRAHAR, NAWALPARASI

6.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings of the field research conducted in Piprahar village of Rajhahar VDC59, Nawalparasi District of Province 3. The chapter addresses the question: ‘how and to what extent is feminisation occurring and what are the impacts on food security among different social and economic groups?'

The chapter consists of five sections. The first section describes the research methods and provides a brief socio-economic and geographical profile of the case study area and community. The second section presents the trends, patterns and reasons for male out- migration from Piprahar. In the third section, I discuss how and in what ways women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and local government levels have undergone changes over time. The fourth section assesses the status and changes on differentiated access to and control over productive resources, including agricultural land, remittances and labour. Finally, key findings are summarised in the conclusions.

An actor-oriented approach and feminist political ecology (Biggs and Matsaert 1999; Rocheleau 2008) has been used to analyse and present the research findings. As discussed in the Research Methods (Chapter Three), a mixed method of inquiry was used with data and information obtained from the household survey (n=125 households), 5 focus group discussions, 15 key informant interviews and field observations. The nexus between feminisation and food security is presented by triangulating of these data sources.

Situating Piprahar

Piprahar is a small village situated in Nawalparasi District in the Terai region in the southern-most part of Nepal, bordering India. Before the 2017 state restructures, Piprahar was located in Ward 3 of Rajahar VDC. However, it now falls under the

59 Piprahar village was under Rajahar VDC during data collection in 2016. Since 2017, it is included within Devchuli Municipality. 145

recently established Devchuli Municipality, which includes the previous Rajahar VDC. It is important to make this distinction because much of the statistical detail that follows is drawn from Nepal’s most recent census (2011) before the state was restructured into provinces. Nawalparasi District now falls within two provinces: Province 3, which includes the eastern part of the district; and Province 5, which includes the western area. Piprahar is located in Province 3, 160 kilometres south-west of Nepal’s capital, Kathmandu and 80 kilometres east of the district headquarters, Parasi Bazaar. (see Figure 6.1).

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Figure 6.1 Map of Nawalparasi District showing Piprahar village (Source: Author 2018)

Piprahar village has a population of 1,074 people, representing 8.6 percent of the total population (12,453) of the previous Rajahar VDC (CBS 2012b). The village level

population distribution by age group is not available, but it is available for Nawalparasi District (see Figure 6.2).

Male % Female %

13.63% 60+ 11.83%

14.55% 45-59 14.16%

13.43% 30-44 18.39% Age (Year)

22.86% 15-29 26.96%

35.53% 00-14 28.67%

-40% -30% -20% -10% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% Population structure

Figure 6.2 Age structure of the population of Nawalparasi district Source: (CBS 2012a)

As shown in Figure 6.2, the male population was substantially lower than the female population in the district in the age groups 15-29 years (representing male 22.86 percent and female 26.96 percent) and 30-44 years (representing male 13.43 percent and female 18.39 percent) respectively. These are the main working groups by age, which indicate a massive male migration from the district.

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Table 6.1: Composition of the surveyed households based on caste, ethnicity and wealth category

Wealth category Total Total number of number of Caste and Ethnicity households Rich Medium Poor sampled in households Piprahar

Caste groups

High caste/Non-Indigenous 8 14 2 24 129 (Brahmin/Chhetri/Thakuri)

Dalit (Untouchable) 0 0 6 6 28

Ethnic/Indigenous groups

Indigenous Terai 8 47 12 67 310 (Tharu/Chaudhary)

Indigenous hills (Ale 4 3 0 7 23 Magar)

Indigenous others (hills) 0 9 2 11 36 (Gurung/Kumal)

Indigenous marginalised 0 1 9 10 30 (Bote/Musahar)

Total 125 556 Source: (HHS 2016)

The caste and ethnic composition of Piprahar village is mixed. The population composition of the village based on caste and ethnic group and wealth category within each caste and ethnic group is summarised in Table 6.1. The largest group, Tharu/Chaudhary, belongs to one of the indigenous groups in Nepal. Tharu/Chaudhary

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and other Madhesi60 make up about 70 percent of the population in Terai. Most of Tharu/Chaudhary group in Piprahar falls under the medium wealth group as most of them own at least a small plot of land and have access to land to sharecropp. Musahars are considered as a marginalised Terai Dalit group, while Botes are marginalised. They live together in hamlets as they were in similar occupation of fishing and boating. However, both the Botes and Musahars in Nawalparasi district have a similar livelihood pattern, which is structured around the rivers and forests. Almost all of the Bote/Musahar families are landless and belong to the poor or very poor wealth groups.

Ale Magars belong to the wealthiest group, owning the largest landholdings among all caste and ethnic groups in the village. An Ale Magar family, who were migrants from the neighbouring hill district of Palpa, was the Jamindar (landlord) of the village – which holds significant power and status. The distribution of land in the village has historical roots. During the Rana regime (1960-1990), the majority of land was given to Ale Magar, who were residents of Palpa (Paudel 2009), as Mauja61 or Birta (land given as a reward). The Ale Magar Jamindar used to come once a year from Palpa to collect the harvests until they permanently moved to Piprahar after the 1980s.

Tharu/Chaudharys are the most longstanding inhabitants in the Terai region, which was previously malaria-infested. It is said that they came from Indus valley and settled in Chure area of Nepal. Until the 1950s, the Terai was uninhabitable due to malaria (Gartaula and Niehof 2013). Tharu/Chaudharys are believed to have some resistance to malaria (Verma 2010). Tharu/Chaudhary cleared the forest for farming and practised integrated farming, combining crop, livestock and forest (Paudel 2005). After the Tharu/Chaudhary, the Bote/Musahar group settled in the area in the late 1970s, coming to riverbanks from other neighbouring riverbank areas for fishing and ferrying purposes (Paudel 2009).

Since the eradication of malaria after the 1950s, other groups, such as high caste Brahmin, Chhetri, and Thakuri and ethnic groups, including Gurung, Tamang and

60 The Government of Nepal have made different categories of caste and ethnic groups – Madhesi are the ethnic groups categorised based on geographical region. Madhesi refers to the people originally residing in Terai/Madesh (southern part of Nepal). 61 Mauja in western Terai is known as the territory under the control of Jamindar given to them by the state government. 150

Kumal, started to migrate from the hills to the Terai (Gartaula and Niehof 2013). Notably, most of the hill migrant groups belong to the medium wealth group. The population growth, food shortage, natural disasters (flood and landslide) as well as the resettlement programme in Terai encouraged the migration from hills to Terai (Massey, Axinn and Ghimire 2010). Further, as mentioned earlier, as the result of the civil conflict (1996-2006), there has been internal displacement and migration of people to urban centres, mainly Kathmandu, and other areas in the Terai (Singh et al. 2007).

Tharu/Chaudharys are dependent on farming while for Bote/Musahar, providing ferry service, fishing in the Narayani River and gathering forest products were parts of livelihoods until the1990s (Jana 2007a; Paudel and Paudel 2007). The construction of the road and bridge replaced ghat (ferrying point), but Bote/Musahars continued fishing and collecting forest products until limited access to the national park and buffer zone was regulated after the establishment of Chitwan National Park (CNP)62 in 1973 (Jana 2007a). Before 1973, it was a conservation area for royal hunting. After the declaration of National park, some of the villages were relocated and fishing and wild food collections were restricted.

Piprahar is situated in the buffer zone of CNP, near Narayani River. There are two layers of land and settlements. Bote/Musahar families are settled in the public land adjoined to the Narayani River. However, all other castes and ethnic groups are settled in the upper layer in different hamlets, which have fertile and private lands. The livelihood of villagers is based on farming and river and forest dwelling. Other villagers who were farming, used to exchange the grains with fishes and wild foods and vegetables.

It was observed that the farming in the area is traditionally subsistence, however, as the area is flat and close to the markets to buy inputs and sell products, farming is moving towards cash crops based and intensive system. Consequently, there is increasing use of machinery and equipment (e.g., tractors, threshers and combined harvesters) for planting and harvesting. These machines and tools are used by groups and cooperatives

62 Chitwan National Park is first national park of Nepal, established in 1973. It covers the area of 932 km2 of four districts Nawalparasi, Chitwan, Parsa, Makwanpur. 151

as the farmers are smallholders. There is also increased use of improved seeds, chemical fertilisers and pesticides.

The livelihoods of Bote/Mushahar are dependent on fishing, wild food collected from the forest and wage labour. There are three tiers of land elevated from river Narayani to upland. The settlement of Bote/Mushahar is located near a river belt – the last one of Piprahar village and bordering to Narayani River which borders to Chitwan National Park, with a security post near the Piprahar village. There are several incidents of harassment by the army, such as seizing products (collected from the forest and river) and tools (including wooden boats, fishnets), physical and verbal abuse, and sometimes the sexual harassment of females (Jana 2007a). However, in discussions during field visits, respondents did not mention any sexual harassment of females of Piprahar, although incidents of seizing wild edibles, fish, fishing nets and boats by the army personnel were recounted. Further, respondents mentioned several incidents of wildlife attacking local people around the national park. For example, Bote women reported that a tiger killed a local young woman63 in 2013 while she was collecting vegetables in the buffer zone.

There are mainly two types of agricultural lands in the village: Khet (irrigated lowland) and Tadi/Bari (unirrigated upland). Traditionally, paddy cultivation was limited only to irrigated lowland (Khet), while Bari used to be planted with upland crops such as maize, millet and mustard. However, with the establishment of the deep-water bore system and availability of improved paddy seeds, villagers are cultivating paddy in Bari land as well.

Having a mixture of both indigenous people and migrants from hills and mountains, Piprahar village is rich with diverse social, cultural and economic backgrounds and livelihood practices. Traditionally, there were food exchange systems in the village. Balighar (food for labour and service) between Dalits and other farming groups of the village, and Ista (exchange of food for food) between Tharu/Chaudhary of the village and Magar from the neighbouring village of the northern hilly regions of Nawalparasi district. Ista can be referred to as best family friends.

63 One of the participants of the FGD was the mother of the victim. 152

This is a traditional system, in which one family establishes a relation with another family. For example, a Tharu family from Terai will be good friend with another Magar family from the hill. They address each other as Ista. Hence, they have a formal process of making Ista at the beginning by sharing gifts to each other and every family or clan have long-term Ista. These Ista come from the area which is not connected with roads and takes approximately one day walk to Piprahar village. Being rainfed area and largely having Bari (unirrigated upland) they produce mostly fruits (mainly banana, orange), maize and yams. The villagers in Piprahar mainly Tharu/Chaudhary living in the flat area, having Khet (irrigated lowland) produce plenty of rice and can also catch fish from the river and irrigation canal. They used to exchange these traditional foods and maintain community relations.

Tharu/Chaudhary are the most traditional groups of the area who have a rich culture; they have their own language, food and customs, which is often marketed for tourist in CNP. According to respondents, they celebrate a number of festivals every year such as Jitiya (celebrated as victory over deity), Maghi (new year of Tharu group), for which they need fruits. Just before the major festivals, Magars visit Tharu/Chaudhary Ista families in the village (Piprahar) in groups, sometimes bringing children and elderly of the family. As this system is a long-standing practice, each family has their own Ista following several generations. Hence, each Tharu/Chaudhary family and their clan have one Ista. With this contextual background of Piprahar, I now turn to focus on the way in which this community has experienced significant changes, including the feminisation of the community.

6.2 Feminisation of Local Community in Piprahar

Following the political change in 1990, there have been remarkable social and economic changes in Piprahar, particularly in the last two decades. One ramification of these changes has been the involvement of citizens, including women, in multi-party politics, which has raised awareness and contributed to the participation of villagers in the development process. Women’s participation has been encouraged in local government, buffer zone activities of CNP, community forestry, local school management and local community development activities.

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Similarly, these socio-political changes have led the government to implement policies that link Nepal with the external world in relation to migration. As a result of the policies, Nepalis had increasing opportunities overseas and many males started to migrate to the Gulf countries for employment. With limited work opportunities at home and expanding opportunities overseas, along with the political volatility in the country, male out-migration took pace rapidly across Nepal. In turn, women have remained in the village to look after children, the elderly and farming. This phenomenon has created the feminisation of local communities. This phenomenon has brought changes in women's roles and responsibilities in the household, community and local politics. In turn, livelihoods, food security, and agricultural activities have been profoundly affected. This raises a number of questions: what are the main causes of feminisation and what are the consequences?

It is important to note the impacts of critical political changes and the subsequent rapid social changes on the context of Piprahar. The civil conflict (1996-2006) had a relatively low impact on the village because most the Maoist insurgency was focussed in the hills of west and mid-west Nepal. This was compounded by the fact that government army posts of the national park were located nearby the village. The villagers noted that the presence of army posts nearby must have made the Maoists somewhat cautious to enter in and around the village. However, the civil conflict had a great effect on male youths in the area, with many choosing to travel abroad to work in Gulf countries.

As highlighted earlier, the new political environment in Nepal emerged after the 2006 Peace Agreement at the end of the civil conflict and the formation of the constituent assembly. In 2017, local, provincial and federal elections were held across the country, including in Piprahar. While the data collection for this study was conducted before elections were held in Piprahar, observations made during data collection in 2016 indicated that both major parties – Nepal Communist Party-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), now Nepal Communist Party (NCP), and Nepali Congress (NC) were the major political actors in the village.

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6.2.1 Male out-migration

Male out-migration to the Gulf countries and India for employment has played a vital role in the feminisation of local communities in Piprahar village. Male migration was found to be of two types: to India for seasonal employment and to Gulf and other countries.

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Seasonal migration to India

Prior to the opening up of employment opportunities in Gulf countries in the late 1980s, male migration to India for employment was in practice in Piprahar. Predominantly males from Bote/Musahar and poor Tharu/Chaudhary families used to seasonally migrate to India for casual work, such as factory work and agricultural labour. The migration was motivated previously by economic pressure that was further exacerbated restricted access to the river and forest from Chitwan National Park (CNP). Being dependent on the river and forest for their livelihoods, Bote/Musahars were greatly affected by the restrictions, as highlighted by the following comment. The respondent’s statement also points to the impetus for migration for work: Once park people came, we were not able to enter the forest and also go fishing, neither we were given license for fishing. Only after the protest, few Botes were given the licence64. We [license holders] can go fishing but only during certain days in a year. After such rules, some males needed to search for employment outside and started working in neighbouring city centres, while others started going to India during offseason as there were not enough job available in the village (KII/BM1).

Being near the open Indian border, many seasonal migrants prefer to migrate to cities, mainly Delhi, Gujrat, Punjab, as it does not involve a processing fee, except travel by bus and train. I was informed by participants during a FGD in a Bote/Musahar settlement that on the same day three males (including a son of one of the participants) had left for India in search of work.

Despite the affordability and accessibility to migrate for casual employment to Indian cities, it was not popular among middle-wealth group males due to the nature of work (labour) and low pay. However, it was the preferred option for the poorest families, who could not afford to go to Gulf countries. Thus, though the processing cost for Gulf countries was much higher than for India, males from wealthier families (medium

64 Due to the protest demanding livelihoods security to district authority organised by Majhi Musahar Bote Kalyan Sewa Samiti (MMBKSS), they were able to get the license of fishing for six months in a year to fisherfolks communities; mainly Bote and Musahar (Paudel and Paudel 2007; Jana 2007b). MMBKSS was established in 1994.

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wealth group) preferred to go to Gulf countries for employment due to higher income potential.

Migration for employment to Gulf countries

The village has an increasing rate of male migration. One of the interviewees shared: Men started to migrate around 20 years ago but very few. Since the last ten years, the number of migrants has increased abruptly (KII/M2).

Since 2005, the migration of males to Gulf countries from Piprahar has increased sharply. In particular, the civil conflict influenced the out-migration of youths, who sought to escape forced recruitment by the Maoists. At the same time, there was an increased demand for human resources in the Gulf countries and a proliferation of agents and agencies processing for employment. Youths from the village started migrating to countries such as Malaysia, Qatar, Dubai, and Saudi Arabia. Since then, the number has been increasing each year.

Although males from the village started to out-migrate since the early 1990s, there were only five and twelve male migrants until the year 2000 and 2005, respectively. Based on the survey data, 73 members have migrated from 125 households surveyed since 2005. The numbers of male migrants increased to 56 by 2010 and 73 by 2015. During focus group discussions, participants shared that there was less flow of out-migration in early days, largely due to a lack of awareness on process and destinations.

The study found that remittance earned from foreign employment was one of the major reasons for the increase of youth migration. Some male youths (15-29) have seen other youths earning good remittances, which influenced the rate of youth migration to snowball. As a male youth in his late 20s shared: Everyone including my friends is doing well overseas. I was also planning to go, but my wife is alone at home, so I decided not to go (KII/TM5).

This comment demonstrates the importance of family in considering migration. However, for most people, the financial returns of work abroad are very attractive, particularly as returns from farming are often inadequate, as an elderly man highlighted: Now people have built new and big houses. The money for such construction is mostly from abroad [remittance]. A few people have also used money earned

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from selling their land. Nobody has been able to build a new house doing farming in our village. Farmers do not grow much in a year to sell and consequently cannot save much as well. Therefore, no one wants to do farming here, and everyone wants to go abroad (KII/TM3).

Remittance money was contributing to the construction of new houses in the village. During data collection, there were some newly built houses, while some were under construction. The respondents of the focus group discussions confirmed that most of these houses were constructed from the money received from remittances. One Bote/Musahar woman, whose husband was earning well in Dubai, shared her happiness of being able to buy land and living well: We were able to buy a piece of land from the income of his [husband] first term abroad. We are now living well without working hard. In this time (second term abroad), we are hoping to build a house because this [pointing her current house] is a Chhapro [a hut] and it is too old now (KII/BF2).

For those families who could go to foreign employment, remittance has increased access to cash, which helps them to accumulate properties (purchasing land and building house) as well as supporting on everyday expenses and other services such as education for children and family health. However, not all families, especially poor and very poor families (e.g., Bote/Mushahars), were able to access the opportunity for foreign employment. As my research demonstrates, these families were effectively left out of the remittance economy.

Differential access to foreign employment

Although male out-migration is high and increasing in the village, different social and economic groups had differential access to out-migration opportunities. Besides men from rich and medium wealth categories migrating to Gulf countries and men from poorer wealth category migrating to India, those with less income and less landholding were found to be struggling to access foreign employment and remittance income. This was the case for Bote/Musahar and Dalit groups in particular.

Among the migrants, 15 percent belonged to the rich wealth group, 60 percent belonged to the medium wealth group and 25 percent were from the poor and very poor group. In

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terms of caste and ethnicity, migrants belonging to the medium wealth category – the largest group of migrants – were Tharu/Chaudhary, Ale Magar, Gurung, Kumal, Brahmin and Chhetri. The lower number of migrants were Bote/Musahars (4 out of 10 Bote/Musahar households surveyed) and Dalits (2 out of 6 Dalit households surveyed), respectively.

Rich Medium Poor and very poor 50 45 40 35 30 migrants (nmigrants = 73) - 25 20 15

Number of out of Number 10 5 0

Dalits Total

Musahar/bote Tharu/Chaudhary Magar/Gurung/Kumal Brahmin/Chhetri/Thakuri Caste and ethnicity

Figure 6.3 Out-migration by caste, ethnicity and wealth category (Source: HHS 2016)

Choices were determined by a household’s capacity to invest (wealth status and property holding), skills and education. The migrants mainly from Tharu/Chaudhary, Ale Magar, Kumal from the village have migrated to Gulf countries, and a few Bote/Musahar and Dalit males have gone to India and a very few Brahmin and Chhetri males (3 of 125 households surveyed) to Australia and Portugal. However, most of the Bote/Musahar and Dalit families were unable to manage the fees required to migrate to Gulf countries. These groups belonged to the poor and very poor wealth category with less or no landholding. The minimum cost for processing for any Gulf country was 159

approximately NRs. 100,000 (AUD 1220), including the a passport (AUD 122), travel costs in Kathmandu (minimum AUD 122), and agent/agency fees (minimum AUD 97665). Those who take this amount as a loan are required to pay interest – between 18- 24 percent from some money lenders. The interest rate would have been much less from a bank if one had property such as land, house, or jewellery to use as collateral. However, none of the formal institutions lend money without collateral. Hence, such policies make them rely on informal lenders, which is creating another disadvantage to poor and marginalised families.

A lack of capacity to arrange the required financial resources limited the options of many poor and very poor households (Bote/Musahar and Dalit); remain in the village or migrate to India. This suggests that the new opportunities are not available to the poorest of the poor (Dalits and Bote/Musahars); it is only accessible to those who can afford it. During interviews and discussions, many Bote/Musahar and Dalit women expressed that they wanted their family members to go to Gulf countries, but that most of them could not manage even the processing fees. As presented in the previous section, only four Bote/Musahar males migrated. The wife of one Bote/Musahar male among those four talked about the struggle to send her husband abroad: We struggled hard to arrange money to send him [husband] for the first time. First, we took NRs. 10,000 loans to get a passport. Then we struggled more again to arrange a larger amount [ NRs. 90,000] necessary for the processing (KII/BF2).

This respondent highlighted the importance of social networks in accessing funds. She explained that a Tharu/Chaudhary neighbour, who owned a hotel in the village, where she used to work, supported her by close relatives to secure a loan from his relatives, who were a local money lender. As her family did not own land to use as collateral, they would not have been able to arrange money if they did not have someone to assist for the loan. Similar stories of struggle to access required financial resources were reported during fieldwork. Financial resources emerged as a major barrier to poor households (Bote/Musahar and Dalits) accessing foreign employment. However, even when the money is secured, there can be other issues that arise which may impact on a family’s

65 Depends on the agent and agency as agents charged more than an officially recommended fee and there is no uniformity. 160

(i.e. male family member) capacity to successfully migrate. This is reflected in the following narrative.

A Bote/Musahar woman respondent told of her son's failure to migrate: We took NRs. 100,000 [AUD 1,220] loan for visa processing and paid it to an agent. Everything was going well but my son's fingerprint was not clear because he works as construction labour and his print in fingers have been erased. The process prolonged because of it. Since we already took the loan, we are on debt, its already been a few months we have been paying interest. Now we are on debt for nothing (KII/BF1).

This woman further mentioned that they were waiting to repeat the checkup and she was hopeful that her son would succeed. Low economic status and a lack of land ownership compelled this family to look to neighbours and relatives for accessing financial resources. This is a key strategy for people belonging to a low caste and low- status groups. In turn, even after successfully sourcing the money, difficulties in the administrative process, as highlighted in the above narrative, may add to a family’s debt. Regardless of the constraints, however, almost all study respondents viewed the opportunity to migrate and earn remittance as highly desirable and preferred. Indeed, this came out very clearly during the fieldwork in Piprahar village.

Similarly, in the case of Dalit families had social networks and political leverage (relatives and friends) to draw on besides being poorer most of them were migrants from other hill districts. However, such networks were critical in accessing financial resources for migration for work abroad. Nevertheless, arranging enough money for migration was beyond the capacity of many. This is highlighted by the following comments from a Dalit man, who worked as an ironsmith and hardly earned enough to feed his family: What can I do, I wanted and still want to go abroad, but I am poor. I neither have any land, nor house. Then, who is going to give me the loan? I have nothing that I can sell to pay back. All I have is my skill, and I work daily to sell my skill so that I could feed my family. I would have been able to borrow money as a loan if I had even a small piece of land (KII/DM1/P).

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This man and his family were staying in a small hut on public land. Indeed, those without land struggled the most to manage the processing fee for foreign employment. This shows that differential benefits from the remittance economy is the norm, not an exception, raising issues of social justice. Arranging a necessary amount of money for foreign employment is determined by the financial resources as well as social network people already possess. Despite these barriers, people in the village aspired to send male family members overseas for work and the remittance such work would bring.

The desire for male-migration abroad for work and the subsequent remittance was strong among women whose husband or son was not working abroad. Indeed, female respondents were desperate to find ways to send male family members overseas for employment and start receiving remittance. This was particularly the case for women from poor households. During a FGD with Bote/ Musahar women, most of the participants did not have anyone in the foreign employment and showed their eagerness to send their son or husband abroad. One participant stated: I am old now. I was married as the second wife of my husband. I have one son. My husband already died, and my son is the only one who takes care of me, as well as his wife and two children. I wish he could migrate soon and can buy a piece of land to build a house before I die (FGD/BF1).

Nevertheless, this was not the same for all women. An Ale Magar woman belonging to a wealthier– Jamindar (landlord) family, whose husband recently returned to the village from foreign employment, expressed her reluctance to send her husband abroad again. She stated during a FGD: My husband was abroad before I got married to him. But after getting married, I suggested him not to go overseas. So, he did not go. Instead, he invested in the local restaurant (FGD/FM1).

While interviewing the respondent’s husband (also one of the KII), he indicated that he is not making a lot of profit but happy with what he has been doing compared to being abroad. This is the exception rather than the rule - of the returnees from abroad, only two have invested in a local business (one was still in the planning stage). Notably, however, there were very few women who were reluctant to send their husband or son for foreign employment. Those that were reluctant were mostly from wealthy families and did not have financial worries. By contrast, women from poor and very poor 162

families saw remittance as the best way to improve their financial circumstances and improve their lives. Thus, only those who were relatively well-off were able to access the opportunity.

Despite having differential access to out-migration across different groups, good income from remittance was one of the motivational factors for male youths to out-migrate as discussed in Section 6.2.1. Access to foreign employment can be an opportunity for accumulating property, not only for many poor and very poor families but also for medium and rich families. As indicated by respondents during interviews/FGDs, it was almost impossible to accumulate property from farming income. Then, the question of what happens when so many men leave the village arises. A lack of men has become critical, shaping life within the household and the village more broadly, particularly in term of labour.

6.2.2 Shortage of male workforce in the village

The absence of male family members due to out-migration for employment for substantial periods has caused a shortage of workforce in the Piprahar village, shifting workloads onto female family members, and, in turn, affecting the food security situation of the villagers. Out of 125 surveyed households, 85 men were absent from the village; 73 in overseas employment and 12 in internal migration working in the Nepal Army). Among the 73 men who had migrated abroad, some were retired army personnel who had gained skills and experience during service and were usually recruited in the security sector during foreign employment. With the out-migration of men and the feminisation of the community, the agricultural labour shortage has become a hard reality for people living in Piprahar village.

In response to the household survey questions on ‘availability of agricultural labourers in the village’, 73 of 125 respondents said ‘it is too hard', while the remaining 28 respondents noted: ‘it is not hard but expensive'. Further, the remaining males in the village were shifting from agriculture-based employment to other sectors, such as the construction sector. Those males who used to be available for agricultural labour were moving towards carpentry, masonry and construction labour. Agriculture is the least preferred job as it is considered as low paid and irregular, as highlighted by a construction worker:

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When I used to work as a farm wage labour, I needed to wait for people to call me for work. But as I started to work as construction labour and now I am a mason, I regularly get work as there are many houses under construction and the pay is higher than working in farms (KII/TM5).

Traditionally, agricultural activities used to be performed by the household members and through exchange labour, Perma, among neighbours, same as in Nalma village of Lamjung district. The tradition of Perma has almost disappeared due to increased use of cash for labour and farm machinery. One participant of FGD of women of mixed castes and ethnic groups (Brahmin, Magar, Kumal, Gurung) said: There are fewer males in the village, and they are not interested in agricultural wage labour. They prefer to work as a carpenter or mason. It is mostly women who provide wage labour to agriculture and sometimes we exchange labour with female neighbours (FGD/FM1).

Because of the high number of male migrants and the availability of work in other sectors such as construction sector due to the rapid urbanisation in the Terai region, labour exchange was not possible for all families. The daily rate of pay for males for construction work was AUD 7.4, 12.3 and 14.8 for construction labour, mason and foreman, respectively. By contrast, the wage for agricultural labour was less at only AUD 5.9 for 8 hours a day which was mainly done by females.

Men were not only looking for employment outside farming but also were expected to go overseas for employment. Many perceived that the income from remittance would be much higher than from farming. But a comparative analysis of an average cost and income between foreign employment and labour in the village suggests that it is not significantly higher. Based on the household survey data, an average remittance income of the 73 households with migrant member was NRs. 288,662 (AUD 3520) per person annually, compared to average annual income from farming. An example of the income from foreign employment in Malaysia and income from labour work calculated by FGD participants is presented in Table 6.2 66.

66 This calculation is based on the FGD participant’s tentative calculation and also specifically to Malaysia. Depending on the country, income can differ.

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Table 6.2: Comparison between income from remittance and labour work in Piprahar of 24 months

Average income of the Average cost to go to Income from labour or surveyed HHs from Malaysia67 construction work remittance

Cost Income Income Explanation Explanation Explanation (AUD) (AUD) (AUD)

Fees to agent/agency + 1,341 passport and Average 20 days/month plus travel cost to 6,886 received in 4,680 @9.75 per day, 269 Kathmandu 24 months 195*24 months plus annual interest @ 24%

1,610 6,886

Net 5,276 4,680 saving (Source: FGD/MM1 2016)

As shown in Table 6.2, there is no significant difference in the average income from foreign employment and labour work in the village. If other opportunity costs and benefits are considered, however, the current opportunities for employment and benefits of working in the village as labour could outplay the foreign employment, even when the availability of labour or construction works in the village are temporary and long- term job security is questionable.

Three factors have contributed to encouraging males in Piprahar village to seek foreign employment. Firstly, there is no high demand for workforce within the agricultural sector, and it also not guaranteed whether the job would be available round the year. Secondly, working as a wage labourer in the village is not preferred by males,

67 Malaysia is taken as an example as it is one of the major destinations where the bigger numbers (26 of 73) of males from the village have migrated. 165

particularly youths, because it is considered a low-status job. Thirdly, wives and other members of the family also prefer their male family members to go abroad for employment. A participant pointed to a number of reasons for this preference: I like my husband being in abroad. Everyone’s husband is in abroad these days, they earn some money and also bring souvenirs. Even when he is here in the village, he hardly supports me in the household chores and does not earn regularly from working outside (KII/TF3).

The perception of foreign employment as better than working in the village despite the nature of work overseas (mostly labour works) influences family members, including wives, to prefer sending their male family members abroad. One Tharu woman, whose husband was working overseas, stated: It does not matter what he does abroad but whenever one ask what my husband does, I can simply say he is abroad. It is better than saying he mostly roam around the village or works in farms or as construction labour. He also earns and sends some money (KII/TF1).

The social and economic pressure for males to migrate has created an absence of the male workforce in the village. This absence is not only limited within a household but also within the social sphere and community affairs, thereby shifting the workload to women.

6.2.3 Shifting workload to women

The preference of men to work in other sectors than agriculture has directly affected women’s responsibilities at home and in the community. In addition to household chores and specific agricultural activities that have long been performed by women, agricultural roles that used to be shared by males have become the sole responsibility of females. For example, women were now responsible for preparing land for planting, harvesting crops, weeding crops, and managing irrigation. However, except ploughing. Because still there is influence of religious taboo that women should not plough. Females from 71 households, which had a total of 73 male out-migrant for foreign employment, were managing the same area of agricultural land, even in the absence of male members.

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Many females have coped with the shifting workloads by using various strategies to manage the household and agricultural activities. Firstly, females were managing most of the work by themselves. Female respondents shared that, except for operating tractor and ploughing, they rarely hired males for other work. Work such as sowing, planting, weeding, applying fertiliser and storing harvests were done by either female themselves or occasionally by hired female labour available in the village (mostly Bote/Musahar females on an hourly basis). Secondly, females were able to use small agricultural machines and tools (tractors, threshers and harvesters), which has substantially facilitated farming and in particular workload of females in the village. Thirdly, females were exchanging labour with other females in the neighbourhood. While managing labour exchange during the peak farming season, they make sure each farmer schedules their farm works on separate days. One of the participants in a FGD said: We often schedule planting or harvesting in a different day for each of us [neighbours], so that we can exchange labour. Sometimes, if we finish the scheduled work early in the day, then we conduct other neighbour's task (FGD/TF2).

Notably, women express their views as such they have not realised that they were taking more workloads, particularly in agricultural activities. Female respondents considered current modern farming practices easier compared to the earlier farming practices, in which most of the agricultural activities needed to be done manually. One of the FGD participants stated: … working in agriculture these days are not much difficult because there are tractors and threshers, which have made ploughing field and harvesting crop, much easier. Those used to be difficult tasks in traditional agriculture (FGD/TF2).

The fact females have not realised is that preparing fields through ploughing and harvesting crops which now has been replaced tractor and thresher, used to be primarily male’s responsibilities in the traditional gender division of agricultural labour. Both the tractor and thresher are accessible by any families. It is common for just a few families to own a tractor and thresher in the village and provide on rent. Although tractor and thresher have replaced some of the labour-intensive work, they also have new and added responsibilities such as coordinating with the tractor service provider and arrange

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the fees for the service. The cash availability by remittance money has made it easier to pay for agricultural inputs, such as the tractor fee for ploughing, chemical fertilisers and wage labour. Since Terai land is usually fertile and Piprahar is close to the market centre, females often sell surplus agricultural products, including rice, rice straw, and vegetables, which can be used to pay for farm inputs, such as use of tractors, threshers and fertilisers.

Similarly, the agricultural land in Piprahar is very fertile and is in a size manageable by women while their husbands are aboard. The data showed that the average landholding of the surveyed households was approximately 30 Kattha68 (1.014 hectares, both Khet and Bari) per family. Being in the Terai means irrigating agricultural land is relatively easy. Farmers use machinery such as tractors for cultivation (e.g., ploughing) and transportation of agricultural goods and threshers for harvesting. Females hire tractors along with a male operator on an hourly basis. Women operate threshers to harvest paddy and wheat and therefore do not need to hire male labourers for these activities. During FGD, participants shared that local farmers group purchased a thresher for which they received 50 percent subsidy from the District Agriculture Development Office (DADO). The farmers group managed the rent and shared the benefits among members of the farmers group. The villagers used a thresher, paying the rent On a rotation basis.

During data collection, female members of the farmers group were observed operating harvesters by themselves. These were mostly wives of migrant workers. Though women were able to operate a thresher, due to lack of experience in operating and maintaining such farm machinary, they were still dependent on male members for troubleshooting. As one FGD participant noted: Nowadays, we have learned how to operate thresher and we have been operating it. But when something goes wrong with it, we do not know what to do [fix]. So, we must ask other males for help (FGD/FM1).

While women were required to learn new skills for operating and maintaining new machinary, this machinery has made their work not only faster but easier to cope with

68 1 Kattha is equal to 0.0338 hectare 168

the workforce shortage. Thus women were able to manage farming even in the absence of the male workforce.

As presented in section 6.2.2, the labour shortage was due to both male out-migration and men shifting to other sectors of employment, including but not limited to, serving in the army and police force, and construction sectors. While females were taking shifted workloads, they were also learning new skills in managing farms and machinery.

6.3 Women’s Participation in Decision-making Process for Food Security

Following the massive male out-migration from Piprahar, changes in gendered roles have been occurring. Specifically, women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and local government levels is rapidly changing. However, the types of participation vary among women, depending on their caste, ethnicity and wealth category. Irrespective of the level, the participation of women was observed to be mostly tokenistic and mostly on mandatory positions in the areas of forest management and agriculture development (Agarwal 2001; Holmes and Slater 2008). Likewise, women’s capacity to decision-making was still low. At the household level, women had the capacity to make operational decisions, but still not fully able to make strategic decisions. However, at the community and local government levels, women’s participation in decision-making was nominal and passive.

6.3.1 Household level

The patriarchal family practices have provided more power to male members compared to the female members of the family. However, the family with male out-migrants has gone through some changes such as a decrease in men’s dominance in decision-making at the household level. Female respondents of KIIs shared that female’s participation in decision-making has increased and they were able to make some households decisions by themselves in the absence of male members. However, this was typically for operational decisions rather than strategic decisions, such as buying or selling land.

Increasingly, access to and use of mobile phones and the Internet has made it possible for men working abroad to influence decision-making at the home, even in their absence. However, these services have also been used by males abroad for consultation

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with women to make decisions. A female, whose husband was working overseas, shared: He (husband) knows (via mobile phone) what is happening in the home and village. Though he is not able to fully control on decisions, he tries to influence in decision-making at home (KII/TF1). Despite the domination of male members on strategic decision-making, females have also experienced de facto household head role. For example, during a KII, a young female shared: He [husband] left within a month after getting married. I don’t want to disappoint him. Thus, I often ask him for his opinion on how much I should spend on what things [e.g., how much to spend on festivals]. But he often says "I would not know everything from here. Make decisions and arrange yourself. You do not need to ask me for everything". Hence, I have to carefully organise myself (KII/MF1).

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Table 6.3: Changes in women’s participation in farming-related decision-making

Decision-making by Male (M) and Female

Farming/Farm Specific activities (F)

management related decisions Before male out- After male out- migration migration

Cultivation (what to crop and when to crop, including M+F F seed/seedling arrangement)

Harvesting (when to Minor harvest and labour M+F F decisions arrangement)

Using farm products for household F F consumption

Post-harvest and F (discussion with F storage M)

Major amount F (with Major amount (M), consultation with M) Selling farm products minor amount (F) Minor amount (F independently) Major decisions Selling or buying M (with or without M (consultation with lands consultation with F) F)

Sharecropping other’s F (consultation with M+F land M)

(Source: FGD/FM1 2016)

As shown in Table 6.3, if there is a male member (father or husband) at home, many operational decisions related to farming are jointly decided. Sometimes female members dominate such decision-making. However, strategic decisions are dominated by male 171

family members. Nevertheless, when males are aboard, females are more likely to be consulted for strategic decisions, because action needed to be taken by women at home. It suggests that in the absence of male members, the everyday operational decision- making are taken by a female family member. Therefore, female members have partly increased their stakes in farming-related decision-making, though with some domination of male members even from abroad. This suggests that women are more active and influential in decision-making at the household level particularly, in absence of men in village. However, the increase in decision-making capacity of women in the household can be attributed to pragmatic necessity and sometimes due to the enhanced capability and the stake of the women created by the socio-economic changes including out-migration of men.

There are major differences in decision-making between joint families, nuclear families, and between different social groups. In a joint family, most of the household decisions are made by household heads (father/father-in-law) and women-specific decisions, if any, are made by the mother-in-law. As a wife of an out-migrant living in a joint family noted: We live in a joint family and have not separated yet. Buwa [father-in-law] and Jethaju [brother-in-law] arrange everything, including all the decisions related to home and family (KII/TF3).

In contrast, in nuclear families, operational decisions are made by women (i.e. whose husbands are abroad), as the defacto head of the household, though males still dominate on strategic decisions. In Piprahar, nuclear families outnumber joint families: of 125 households surveyed, 77 were nuclear families and 48 joint families. Notably, 7 of 125 households were headed by women – either single or widow.

Regarding the use of remittances, according to most female respondents in Piprahar village, the male (husband and son) from abroad sends a certain amount of money and instructs what to do and how much to spend on the specific activities. For example, males send a certain amount for household expenses (includes food and utilities), children’s education, healthcare, loan repayment and buying household items (e.g., furniture), depending on the household’s need. Essentially, men maintain complete control over how to use remittances.

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In terms of land use, more than 50 percent of the household survey respondents reported that decisions are jointly made, meaning that men decide in consultation with women. The decision-making power still remains with the men. This is highlighted in following statements from respondents: representative female respondents gave such statements: For a few small things, it's not possible to ask with husband, sometimes I do not even share. But for major decisions, as he is the main earner, I always ask and do according to his suggestion (KII/TF1).

Once husband is not here, he cannot say what to do and what not to do on everyday activities, but when it comes to deciding on bigger things, males usually make decisions over the phone (KII/TF2).

Based on my fieldwork observations and informal discussion with females, wives of younger males had less influence from their husband from abroad, while wives of older women said older males were more dominating. It is due to education and awareness levels of both husband and wife.

Though female participation in decision-making is expanding, strategic decisions were still dominated by male members. However, there is change in strategic decision- making with men abroad. They are now making decisions in consultation with women at home. this is a change happening in the villages. Nevertheless, the shift in decision- making has a higher potential of opening up opportunities including learning skills for women as well as contributing to increasing their participation in community and state (local government) affairs.

6.3.2 Community level

Women’s capacity to participate in decision-making at the community level has increased. However, they have not yet been fully able to voice their concerns, making only operational decisions in relation to community events such as cultural programmes and management (logistic) of homestay guests. While women have been also well- represented and active in crucial forums at the community level, men continue to dominate on decisions that involve power and resources, including community forestry, local infrastructure (road construction) and strategic decisions related to homestay management, among others.

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The Piprahar Homestay Gram Management Committee (hereafter homestay) was one of the new forums in the village. At the time of fieldwork, villagers were learning how to manage it. The homestay was introduced in an effort to link national park, wildlife and tourism around the bufferzone areas of CNP. During fieldwork, women were well- represented and observed to be actively engaged in managing logistics at homes for guests and organising cultural functions. For example, women were responsible for welcoming guests, taking care of them at the house, and farewelling guests. The homestay management committee was chaired by a male, who belonged to a wealthy Tharu/Chaudhary family and had retired from the Nepal army. Another man was working in a staff administration role, overseeing the overall homestay. However, women occupied two of four key positions (including the chair) in the management committee. Further, among the five executive members, one was a female member. During a discussion, a female committee member talked about her responsibilities: They thought I am active and can arrange the time (since my sister-in-law helps me at home) and asked me to be in the committee. We often organise meetings, sometimes they ask for our opinion, but usually, they, especially the chair and staff, decide and I agree (KII/TF2).

These comments highlight that while women’s representation has increased at the community level, it is largely tokenistic. Men still held most of the power to make decisions, as the above statement emphasises. This reflects the general trend of community organisations. For example, males lead important community-level decision-making forums, such as the Community Forestry User and community homestay as it involves legal and financial issues (i.e. strategic decisions). In another example, four women were on the executive committee of a forestry user group, however, their inclusion was entirely motivated by the mandatory minimum provision of community forestry guidelines on gender and social inclusion (MoFSC 2007).

The majority of survey respondents – 84 out of 125 (67 percent) – perceived that there were not many changes in women’s participation in decision-making at the community level. Though the absence of males and the minimum provision for female representation have increased female participation, it has barely contributed towards women’s capacity to have a voice in decision-making. Rather, it is mostly tokenistic and often increasing women’s workload with more demands of their valuable time.

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Nevertheless, the majority of the respondent's response indicates that it has contributed to increaseing representation at the community level, and has provided exposure to women outside of the households.

6.3.3 Politics and local government

Women have experienced a shift in their participation and representation in political and state affairs. During fieldwork, there had been no local government for more than 18 years. Administrative work of the local bodies was conducted by government officials, Village Development Committee (VDC) secretary, and was supported by all party mechanism, in which representative from each political party forms a ‘ward citizen forum’ on a one-party-one-member basis.

The major roles of all-party mechanism at the VDC level were to approve the priorities of local developments, allocate resources and make decisions related to implementing plans. Within the all-party mechanism there were two women representing the communities, one from Tharu/Chaudhary and one from Brahmin communities. The Tharu/Chaudhary female representative reflected on her role: Seniors in the village said that I was a bit active in the village and also able to give time (as my daughter is already in class 4 in school) and suggested me to be in citizen forum as a member. I participate in the forum and sometimes I put my voice if I know the issue. Still, there are many things that I do not know, and I keep listening (KII/TF2).

Since the local level election in 2017, women’s participation in local government has increased. This was partly because of the provisions of minimum 33 percent participation of women in local development affairs (NPC 2013b) and partly due to increased political awareness among the women in the village. However, women were still unable to significantly influence decision-making as they were mostly offered minor positions (member or vice-chairperson) within the executive committee. Though the opportunities were mostly motivated by minimum provisions, the absence of male members at household has favoured their engagement in such committee. Such engagement has increased women's representation, however, does not necessarily mean that women's presence is regarded as valuable, particularly in decision-making.

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6.4 Women’s Access to and Control over Resources and Food Security

Women’s access to and control over resources such as agricultural land and finance are closely related to food security. Substantial differences in access to and control over resources were found among individuals and groups from different gender, caste and ethnic groups, and wealth categories. Such differences influence land use, local food production and food security of the village.

6.4.1 Agricultural land

Land ownership in Piprahar reflected the historical characteristics of semi-feudal production relations in the Nepali agrarian system, although traditional forms are diminishing throughout the country. As found elsewhere in Nepal, different groups based on gender, class, caste and ethnicity used to perform different roles and responsibilities within the agriculture system (Acharya and Bennett 1981; Regmi 1999). Traditionally, in Piprahar, there was a strong relationship between the Jamindar (landlord) and the Raitee69 (land tenant70) (Paudel 2009). This is not the case anymore, however, the reflection can be found between the relationship among previously Jamindar families who still held bigger landholdings and the Bote/Musahars, Dalit and poor Tharus/Chaudhary.

Being Jamindar of the village, the Ale Magars own the majority of land. As presented in Section 6.1.1, in the 1920s, Ale Magars, who were originally from Palpa district, were granted the land as (Mauja or Birta) as a reward for good service to the Rana regime71. Tharu/Chaudharys were the local residents of the Piprahar area and were assigned as Raitees (land tenants) to take care of the lands before Ale Magars permanently moved to Piprahar during the 1980s. One Raitee respondent described this arrangement: Jamindars used to live in Pahad [hill] and travel once or twice a year. Tharu Raitees used to look after the farms and, in return, receive few sacks of rice annually (KII/M3).

69 Raitee refers to the tenant of the Jamindar 70 Typically, from the Tharu/Chaudhary community. 71 The Rana regime ruled in Nepal between 1846-1951. 176

After the permanent settlement of Jamindar families in the village in the 1980s, the traditional semi-feudal Jamindar and Raitee relation changed significantly. It was also influenced by the changing tenure systems reinforced by land reform policies. Tharu/Chaudhary stopped working as Raitees, however as Jamindar families hold significant areas of land, Tharu/Chaudhary and Bote/Musahar families started sharecropping Jamindars’ land or working as wage labourers on their farms. Consequently, Jamindars (Ale Magars) hold a higher status as a landowner, while some of the Tharu/Chaudhary and most of the Bote/Musahar and Dalits hold a lower position as service providers or labourers, offering services to Jamindar families by sharecropping, working as labourers or making agricultural tools.

The original Ale Magar family (from the 1920s) had now expanded to eight families and lands were divided among them. But still, among the richer groups, Ale Magars own the largest areas of land (see Table 6.4 below), on average 62.5 Kattha72 Khet and 60 Kattha of Bari73. The other two wealthier groups, Tharu /Chaudhary (the earliest settlers of the area) and Brahmin/Chettri and Thakuri (high-caste hill migrants) have almost similar landholding, approximately 23 Kathha and 8 Kathha of Khet and Bari, respectively.

72 1 Kattha = 0.0338 hectare 73 Gurung and Kumal families of medium and poor wealth categories were also included within this category as they are also similar ethnic groups, which made the average landholding less than actual a single Jamindar family holds. 177

Table 6.4: Average landholding of different different caste, ethnic and wealth groups

Caste/Ethnic Group

Brahmin/Chhetri/ Bote/Musahar Tharu/Chaudhary Thakuri (Non- Ale/Gurung/Kumal (Indigenous Dalit (Untouchable) (Indigenous Terai) indigenous high (Indigenous hill) Wealth marginalised) caste) group Average Average Average Average Average landholding landholding landholding landholding landholding n n n n n (Kattha) (Kattha) (Kattha) (Kattha) (Kattha)

Khet Bari Khet Bari Khet Bari Khet Bari Khet Bari

Rich 8 22.44 9.30 8 23.50 9.80 3 62.50 60.00 0 0 0 0 0 0

Medium 47 7.98 2.76 14 8.12 6.16 12 7.36 2.40 0 0 0 0 0 0

Poor and 12 3.16 1.95 2 0 0 3 3.00 3.00 10 2.05 0.22 6 0 2.00 very poor (n = Number of households; 1 Kattha = 0.0338 hectare) (Source: HHS 2016)

Among medium wealth group, non-Indigenous (Brahmin/Chhetri/Thakuri), Indigenous Terai (Tharu/Chaudhary), and Indigenous hill (Ale Magar, Gurung and Kumal) had similar landholdings. However, marginalised Indigenous groups (Bote/Musahars and Dalit) had the lowest landholdings and many are landless.

Lack of land or small landholding of Bote/Musahar and Dalit is associated with their traditional occupation. Traditionally, Bote/Musahar, being fisherfolk and depending on the river (fishing and ferrying) and forest products (Jana 2007b), were settled on public land at the bank of Narayani River. They were still living on the same land during data collection. Among surveyed Bote/Musahar families, very few (4 of 10) held registered and fertile land for farming, as the land on which they were settled is public and unregistered.

Traditionally, Bote/Musahars used to exchange fish and forest products with grains (see Section 6.1) with the other villagers, which encouraged them to remain without accumulating agricultural land. Earlier, they did not need to worry about accumulating food or properties, as a respondent stated: Whenever we needed food, we used to go fishing or collecting Niuro (Fiddlehead fern) and other wild spinach as vegetables. For grains and spices, we used to exchange or sell fish and wild vegetables with villagers. Our storage used to be in the river and forest, whenever needed, we used to go there (KII/BM).

However, the regulation imposed by the CNP and decreased availability of fish and forest products meant that they were unable to save income and accumulate properties (land and house).

Similarly, Dalits, mainly ironsmiths and tailors, used to provide service to other villagers on Balighar system (food for labour and service) and received grains (mainly paddy) annually for their services. The traditional occupation and the grains they received and the income from selling the remaining grains income (grains) were not profitable, which kept them poor and landless. A Dalit respondent reported: In the early days, we used to collect grains more than we could consume. Thus, we used to sell the rest and get cash to meet other household needs. However, since a few years ago, most of them started giving us Katuwa [lower grade

paddy, which produces broken rice after milling]. It has a lower value in the market. Once, I hired bullock cart to take paddy to Rajahar [nearby market] to sell, but the buyer proposed a low price considering the quality. I had no choice other than either taking low price or returning paddy to home. Next day, I called a meeting with villagers and asked them to pay me in cash for my service. Nowadays, I get paid in cash (KII/DM1/P).

He further stated that he was just able to feed his family (wife and two children) from his income but was never able to save enough for buying a piece of land to build a house. It indicates that there were little chances for the poor and very poor families (Bote/ Musahar and Dalit) to be able to save enough money and buy land and/or build a house.

Regarding the land ownership of men and women, men dominated the ownership as a continuation of favouring men for family property inheritance. However, some changes and an increase in female ownership were occurring. Among 125 households surveyed, including 5 percent landless, the majority (77 percent) of the households had land registered under male members, most of which was inherited land. Only 9 percent of households had land registered under females while the remaining 9 percent was jointly owned. Further, of the 125 surveyed households, 28 bought land using remittance. In turn, 12 of the 28 households (40 percent) registered the land under the ownership of men, 8 (30 percent) registered under the ownership of women and the remaining 30 percent was registered under joint ownership. One of the female Tharu/Chaudhary participants of the FGD stated the following regarding land ownership in terms of gender: Nowadays, women also know about their rights. We also get a discount [tax exemption] if we registered under woman’s name. At least, when someone buy new land, women ask to pass [register] under joint ownership. We [she and her husband] have also registered newly bought land under joint ownership (FGD/TFM1).

The increasing trend in the ownership of land by women was not only the case of Piprahar but was happening in many parts of the country. Despite a low average land ownership of women at the national level, which was 10.8 percent in 2001 (IOM 2016) and 19.7 percent in 2011 (CBS 2012a), and male’s dominance in ancestral land, 180

increased land ownership of females, especially on the newly-bought land (in both single and joint ownership) was notable in the village. The increase in women’s land ownership was found to be motivated by a number of factors, including: an increase in women’s awareness of their rights, government policy of 25 percent tax exemption if land is registered under women’s ownership (GoN 2015a), and partly by the motivation to make future transactions, such as a loan from the bank when male members are abroad working. A female participant stated: Few of the women in the village have registered land on their name. Husbands are usually out of the village and if needed to get the loan from the bank using the land as collateral or selling land, it will be easier to do so if the land is registered under women's name (FGD/TF2).

Regardless of any motivating factors, the increased ownership gave women the confidence to make use of land as well as access to other benefits, for example, bank loans, subsidies and services that come with the entitlement of the land.

As presented in Section 6.2.3, women were taking care of the land and farming in the absence of men. The majority of the operational decisions, such as what to crop and when to crop and harvest, were entirely taken by women. As a respondent shared: When he [husband] was here, I used to ask him which variety of paddy to plant or when to plant and harvest, and I used to do according to his suggestion. Now, he does not care much about it and even when he makes phone calls every few days, we end up talking about other important issues. But I do not make bigger decisions such as selling land (KII/TF3).

While there was a shift in decision-making regarding the use of land for agricultural purposes and women were able to make operational decisions without consulting with their migrant husbands, the strategic decisions were made by men – with or without consultation with women. Nevertheless, it was not always the case that men were not involved in operational decisions at home. A small number of women participants74 shared that males with access to the Internet exerted influence on operational decisions as well (see Section 6.3.1). However, those males who did not have Internet access and were required to use regular phones to call home had less chance to influence

74 KII/TF1, KII/TF2 181

operational decisions as it is costly to make a call without the Internet. Those who have access to the internet are able to engage in frequent conversations and have more opportunity to stay in touch exert their power and influence in the power of decisions.

All Ale Jamindar (landlord) families and a small number (less than five) of Tharu/Chaudhary, Brahmin, Chhetri, and Thakuri families had given their land for sharecropping, though they were farming in some areas by themselves. Of 125 surveyed households, 20 (Tharu/Chaudhary, Bote/Musahar, Kumal, Gurung) were sharecropping along with farming on their own land.

The research revealed that there has only been a slight change in the use of land in Piprahar. As discussed in Section 6.2.1, male out-migration and the absence of male workforces was high, and there had been a shift or work preference from the agricultural sector to other sectors. However, unlike Nalma village (see Chapter 5), these changes have not resulted in underutilisation of land in the village. Instead, intensive farming was in practice. The use of machines for cropping and availability of irrigation facilities, improved seeds and chemical fertilisers were facilitating intensive farming system. Further, intensive farming was also possible due to the manageable size of the farmlands. As one KII participant stated: Though males are leaving the village, the area of land per family is not too big. So, no one has left the land underutilised until now (KII/M1).

Due to an increasing number of households and the distribution of family land among siblings, the size of land per family was getting smaller and manageable. However, intensive farming has promoted the use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides. A male respondent who was doing vegetable farming said: Everything is bikase [developed/improved/modern] now. It is hard to produce crops without using chemical fertilisers. People are using chemical fertiliser and pesticides without knowing that the soil is getting worse though it makes quite a good production (KII/M3).

It suggests that farmers are not adequately aware of the effects of chemicals and pesticides on health. Besides the use of land for farming, land plotting to sell as ghaderi (land assigned for constructing a house) by an individual and real estate company has widely spread in the neighbouring villages and market centres of Piprahar, especially

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near the east-west highway. Though no one had sold land yet in Piprahar, some respondents during discussions shared there were some people interested to buy for the same reason, but nobody sold the land. Nevertheless, due to the real estate business nearby, the price of land in Piprahar village has increased.

In summary, despite the historical privilege on Jamindar family and the structural privilege on men on ownership of the land, there were not much changes on ownership of the land of poor families (Bote/Musahar and Dalit), while ownership of women was increasing both in joint and single ownership. In settings where traditionally most resources were owned by men, their absence (through migration) has led to increasing ownership by women of land and can have a positive impact on food security. This may operate in a number of ways. First, women can access food easily if they produce it themselves and secondly they are more motivated to farm the land if they benefit from and own or co-own it. This is an important structural issue which if addressed would facilitate equal engagement of men and women in farming while also securing food for the households. Notably, there has been an increase in female ownership of land, both on single and joint ownership. Access to sharecropping had increased for poor families (Bote/Musahar and Dalit). Further, while male migration and the absence of a male workforce and shift from farming to other sectors, intensive farming was practised and none of the land was abandoned. Though, those poor families were able to access more on sharecropping. Likewise, irrespective of male migration and absence of male workforce and shift of males from farming to other sectors, intensive farming based on the use of machines are being practised and none of the land was abandoned. However, the intensive nature of farming increased production costs, which impacts sharecroppers as well as landowners and in the long run on food security as well.

6.4.2 Remittances

Despite being dependent on farming and continuing farming without abandoning any plot of agricultural land, remittances have been one of the major sources of income in Piprahar. However, the study found differences in the access to and use of remittance between social groups. There was a perception among participants that demand for cash had increased, as one Tharu/Chaudhary male respondent noted: It was until last 15-20 years that cash was not that valuable. Now cash is needed for children’s education, healthcare and even for foods. Earlier, we used to 183

produce grains and milk and other animal products from livestock on our own. Ista [family friend] used to bring banana and orange to exchange with paddy. We needed money only to buy some clothes, salt and kerosene (KII/M3).

As a major income source, remittance was meeting the demand for cash. The need for cas and dependence on remittance was emphasised by a FGD participant: We need cash mainly for children's fees [school/college], clothes and snacks for them. Sometimes they get sick too. Most of us now receive cash from abroad within every two to three months, sometimes even every month (FGD/FM2).

Most of the households receiving remittance were from the medium wealth group (see Section 6.2.1), due to high migration rates. Among the households receiving remittance, each household receives on average AUD 3,520 annually. By contrast, more than 42 percent of the surveyed households were not able to migrate and thus did not receive any remittance. This has made arranging the cash needed for their livelihood (including for food) difficult.

Among the women from the surveyed households, 65 percent received remittance. However, some women were of the view that they did not have much control over the total remittance received at home. As discussed previously in Section 6.3.1, women were following the decisions made by men, thereby they were still dependent on the decision-making of male members to use the remittance money.

Use of remittance money within the village was based on the priorities of the recipient households. As shown below in Figure 6.4, remittance was mainly spent on building houses followed by educating children, health care of family members and other household expenses. It shows that, except for investing in children’s education, the remittance has been used mostly in the unproductive sector.

As demonstrated in Figure 6.4, expense on agricultural inputs, including tractor and labour charges and installing a boring system for irrigation, accounting for very little of the 5 percent remittance spent under the heading ‘Others’. Figure 6.4 shows that remittance has not been used in any productive sectors except for investment in children's education. The use of remittance in the non-productive sector is likely to increase household dependency on the remittance economy for livelihoods. A

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respondent’s statement highlights the way in which the use of remittance for house construction is prioritised: After they receive money from abroad, first they build a house or buy land, spend on children's education and household expenses. Not much remittance has been spent on business except very few (two) buying tractor (KII/M2).

45% 40% 40%

35%

30%

25% 20% 20% 16% 14% 15% Share of the total remittance 10% 5% 5% 5% 3%

0% Household Education House Health Saving others Loan pay back expenses (inc construction food) Categories

Figure 6.4 Use of remittance among the surveyed households

(Source: HHS 2016)

This was observed during data collection, where several newly-built concrete houses were replacing the traditional houses made of mud, wood and thatch.

The lack of remittance money being invested into businesses was emphasised by the fact that only two of the returnees from foreign employment have invested in business in the village; one invested in a restaurant and the other invested in a fish farm. Since both of them were from the Jamindar family, the investments were mainly from their family property rather than from remittance as one returnee shared: Me and my cousin invested money of family to start restaurant in our own land. Money, we earned abroad finishes soon after we came back. Though the income is not much after paying staff, at least we do not need to worry about paying rent of the building and land or interest on the invested money (KII/M7).

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Another returnee, who used to work as a cook in Bahrain and earn more than AUD 700 per month, shared that his decision to return to the village was mainly due to security concerns in his workplace in Bahrain and his desire to live with his family. At the time of fieldwork, he was planning to start a catering delivery business. He shared his enthusiasm; ‘now I have the skill, and I can cook at home and deliver food to their [potential customers] places. I have already brought the necessary basic tools with me’ (KII/MR1).

The migration to urban centres after receiving the remittance is not a significant case in Piprahar. Among the surveyed households only two families have bought land in the nearby city centre. The geographical location of the village is one of the reasons for this. Piprahar is nearby to Rajahar markets, which can be reached easily by foot or bicycle, and only 2.5 kilometres from the highway and public transport. Further, it is not far from big cities such as Kawasoti and Narayanghat, a bigger city in the neighbouring district of Chitwan, which are within the periphery of 20-25 kilometres and can be reached within an hour or less from the village. This easy access to the cities is the reason for not migrating from the village to urban centres. For example, school buses come to the village to pick up and drop off children. Similarly, some government office and other factory vehicles also come to pick up and drop off the employee and workers in the village.

The villagers are still dependent on produce from their farms; however, their food sources have broadened. A number of factors account for this. Firstly, imported food items that used to be only available in the markets in nearby Rajahar, were now available in the village. Secondly, traditional food exchange systems, such as the exchange of labour for food between Bote/Musahars and villagers (mostly with Tharu/Chaudhary groups); the exchange between Dalits and all villagers; and, the exchange of food among Tharu/Chaudhary and Magar Ista have almost has highly reduced. For example, as river dwellers and fisherfolk, Bote/Musahar families used to collect plenty of fish from the Narayani River and other forest products, mostly vegetables from the forest (now CNP), as their main sources of livelihood. Those fish and forest products used to be exchanged with the villagers for food (cereals) and sometimes for money. Due to limited access to the river and forest as well as a decreased availability of fish in the river, Bote/Musahars collect fewer products than

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before. Further, with increased access to the market, Bote/Musahars have started to sell their catches in the market for cash. With this money they can buy their necessities, including food, from the market. An elderly Ale Magar man noted: Earlier we used to exchange fish with dhan/chamal [paddy/rice]. But Botes started to ask for cash. If they take their fish to the market, they can get cash and buy rice and everything. So, nowadays, they directly take fish to Rajahar [nearby local market] (KII/M1).

Exchange practices between Dalits and villagers entailed the exchange of labour and food through occupational services. For example, Dalits would prepare agriculture tools for farming and farmers would give grains in return through Balighar system –food for labour and service– (see Chapter 5 Section 5.4.1), which prevailed in the hills and mountains of Nepal and was subsequently brought by migrants to the Terai (including Piprahar).

Another food exchange system between Magar and Tharu/Chaudhary communities has long been practised. Magar Ista comes with the whole basket of food, mostly fruits and yam, depending on the season. Besides for exchanging with paddy, they offer some of the food as a souvenir to Tharu/Chaudhary Ista. In return, Tharu/Chaudhary Ista also serves them with good food (mainly rice and fish) and accommodation. The next day, Magar Ista exchanges the rest of the food (other than the souvenir) with paddy and dry fish. During the next days, Magar Ista take rice to the local rice mill for milling and return back home with rice. The event used to be like a festival for the villagers, as one respondent shared: Earlier, it used to be like a festival. Everyone's Ista used to come with wife and children. In the evening, we used to gather together and sing and dance. Next day, we used to exchange food. They used to go to rice mill to process paddy to rice to take to their home. And next day, they used to return back home (KII/M4).

During my fieldwork, I had an opportunity to observe and celebrate Jitiya with my host family. For Jitiya, Magar Ista came with banana as Tharu/Chaudhary families need the banana to eat with beaten rice (rice flakes) for their feast of Jitiya. Based on my observations and talking with both Magar and Tharu/Chaudhary Istas, this food exchange system was continuing as a tradition, and in turn, continuing their long-tied 187

family legacy. Due to access to the market, Tharu/Chaudhary can easily buy fruits and Magars can easily sell their products in the market, which comes before Piprahar. The non-material benefit to both parties is that they get local produces compared to the one they buy from the market.

Some of the families sent their surplus cereals (rice), oil-seeds (mustard) and seasonal vegetables to local markets. In the meantime, some families bought all or most of food items – rice, vegetables, meat, oil, snacks, fruits – from the market. Further, the majority of people belonging to the medium wealth category did not import much grain compared to poor and very poor families (Bote/Musahar).

It was observed in the village that import of packaged foods, such as biscuits, noodles and potato chips were common. The respondents shared that villagers were not raising many animals except ducks, which started to get a reasonable price after the opening up of restaurants in the village and the popularity of duck on the menu. This indicates that remittance has indirectly impacted the local food system and food security in the village in two ways: first, access to cash has increased the affordability of buying food from the market; and second, the use of cash is replacing the traditional food exchange systems among villagers.

6.5 Summary

This chapter presented the findings on key drivers and dynamics of the feminisation of local communities in relation to food security in Case Study-II Piprahar. The analysis and presentation of the findings is guided by the question: ‘how and why is feminisation occurring and what are its impacts on food security among different social and economic groups’. The findings demonstrated that the out-migration of males abroad for employed and the subsequent remittance and male labour shortage has caused the feminisation of local communities, which has had an impact on the gender roles in the changing political, social and economic context in the village. There has been some changes but mainly the practice of intensive agriculture.

To situate the broader context of the research, the first section presented the profile of the site. Then it presented the cause and consequences of the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security by presenting the differential impacts on different groups focusing on participation in decision-making and access to and control 188

over livelihoods and food security resources. The finding showed that food security impacts are both direct and indirect but differentiate on different social and economic groups.

The findings also demonstrated that the absence of male members from the household and community has shifted the workloads of household and farming on to women. Nevertheless, this has increased women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and local government levels. Notably, however, women’s capacity to make decisions was limited at all levels – household, community and local government alike. Men continued to make important strategic decisions related to finance (e.g., buying and selling of land), suggesting that changes in gender relations are incremental. Such changes ultimately impact on decision-making regarding mobilisation and uses of resources such as land, remittance and labour that is, directly and indirectly, related to food security.

Though there is an extensive male migration from the Piprahar village, mostly to Gulf countries for employment, several males from poor and marginalised families are not able to migrate due to lack of financial capital. The findings showed that due to differentiated access to migration and remittance, those already poor and marginalised (Bote/Musahars and Dalits) were left out of the opportunity to earn and to be able to buy land and build a house. However, for the few who had the social networks, such as support from friends and relatives, it was possible to migrate for work (albeit to lesser- paid destinations), earn remittance and contributes to the livelihoods of families back home.

The findings also suggested that the preference of out-migration is not solely based on economic imperatives but it is also influenced by peer pressure. In many cases it is not economically profitable for those who need to take loans to migrate and are subsequently paid less because they are unskilled labourers. However, youths and their family members often preferred working overseas because of the widely-held perception within Piprahar, and Nepal more broadly, that working abroad – irrespective of the type of work – is better than working as farmer in the village.

The use of remittance is also another area where different priorities were found. From the remittance amount coming into the village, the majority was used on the

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construction of houses followed by household expenses and paying back loans. Rarely was any amount used on productive sectors such as farming, except for some amount on purchasing small machines and installing the boring system for irrigation.

There are changes in accessing property including land. Some property has been owned by women and lands are in joint ownership resulted from the remittance. The absence of the male-workforce was visible in the workloads that were shifted to women but not necessarily in farming and land use practices. Women have adopted intensive farming system practices, capitalising on the fertile and small-sized landholdings and access to agriculture inputs such as chemical fertilisers and pesticides, improved and hybrid seeds, and small farm machinery.

Women’s participation in decision-making at the household, community and local government levels has changed, albeit not in terms of strategic decisions, which are still dominated by men. However, there is increased capacity to make operational decisions within the household and increased participation and representation at the community and local government levels are still tokenistic to influence in the decision-making process. The access to agricultural land is a major issue in this village but not the underutilisation as in Nalma. The land use is intensive apart from some cases of use of land for other purposes such as real-estate business.

The major factors; massive male out-migration, shortage of male workforce, the influence of remittance, shift on gender roles, changes on use of land, imports of foods were ultimately linked to each other and were impacting the food security of different groups differently.

In the next chapter I critically discuss the findings from the two case studies – Nalma and Piprahar, and explore the implications for policy, including suggestions for how food security in local communities can be strengthened and improved.

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CHAPTER SEVEN: FOOD SECURITY IN NEPAL’S FEMINISING RURAL COMMUNITIES

7.1 Introduction

In this chapter, I address the study aims through a critical discussion of the findings from the two case study sites, presented in Chapters Five and Six. I set out the implications of the findings for policy with suggestions for how local communities can become more food secure. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section presents an overview of the socio-political changes in Nepal underpinning the feminisation of local communities and the implications for food security. This section is structured into the following nine themes: a) male out-migration; b) differential access to migration; c) remittance economy; d) shortage of labour and shifting responsibilities; e) land use and the effects on food production f) access to and control over resources; and, g) gender and decision-making roles; h) gendered access to and control over land and remittance; and, i) caste and ethnicity in feminisation and food insecurity. The second section suggests ways in which local communities can become more food secure, as outlined in a framework to enhance food security. Lastly, the chapter concludes with a synthesis of the key contributions of the research.

7.2 Persistence and Change in Nepal

7.2.1 Out-migration of males

Out-migration for employment has been a long-established practice in Nepal. Since the establishment of democracy in 1951, Nepalis – chiefly men – have seasonally migrated to India for work. Migrant numbers grew in the 1980s, increasing substantially during the 1990s, particularly as a result of the civil war (1996-2006) but also because of ongoing political instability and economic pressures to maintain the household economy. Government status reports on labour migration for employment show that migration numbers are high and continue toward an increasing trend (MoLE 2015, 2018). My research resonates with this national trend, demonstrating that there has been unprecedented out-migration of men from the study sites in the last two decades. In particular, the out-migration of male youths is a growing trend in the villages that

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feature in my study. I now turn to present the study findings on the social, economic and political changes that have triggered male out-migration.

The demand for cash in the household has increased, mainly for purchasing food, educating children, paying for health and communication (mobile and internet) services, and transport costs. The study showed that previously, market influences and the cost of health, education and travel were minimal and therefore, less cash was needed. The household economy was sufficiently fulfilled by farm production. However, the increasing demand for cash over the last two decades cannot be fulfilled by the subsistence agriculture-based household economy. At the same time, there has been a changing perception of farming as a less-respected occupation in comparison to working abroad, in part due to the perceived inadequate income from farming. This situation has contributed to an increasing number of out-migration of males from the villages.

In light of the increased demand for cash and the low income and decreased interest in farming, male out-migration for foreign employment has been a key strategy of households in the villages for diversifying and enhancing livelihoods and food security. Similarly, Adhikari and Hobley (2011), in their examination of migration and labour shortage, found that foreign employment is one of the diversified livelihood strategies of farming households in Khotang of eastern Nepal. Moreover, other studies conducted in different parts of Nepal also found that low and inadequate incomes from farming and less interest in farming of the younger generation were the major push factors for male out-migration (Lokshin and Glinskaya 2009; Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010; Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr 2012; Jaquet et al. 2016). Further, another motivating factor for male out-migration is peer pressure. My study showed that males are influenced by comparatively a good income earned by other males in the village (see Section 6.2.1).

Additionally, the political unrest and conflict, particularly during the civil conflict (1996-2006) influenced the out-migration of males from the villages. The study found that families and male youths were forced to flee the villages to urban centres and abroad in search of life security. This resonates with the study by Seddon and Hussein (2002), which also found that male migration and displacement were induced by Nepal’s civil war. The authors conclude that the migration of male youth from villages both to cities and abroad has remained one of the preferred options for coping with both 192

socioeconomic transition and the volatile political situation. In terms of my study, this trend was visible in Nalma. However, migration or displacement from the village for security was not the case in Piprahar, largely because the village is located near the Chitwan National Park security post.

The findings show that male out-migration is outstripping female out-migration; less than one percent of the total migrants were female in both study sites. Gender norms account for such a low percentage, wherein traditionally women are responsible for caregiving and household work while men are expected to earn income for the family. Further, the number of female migrants in the study was less than the national average of 4.28 percent (MoLE 2015). This indicates that female migrants mainly come from urban areas, Kathmandu and nearby districts75, that makes accessible for female migrants to travel up to Kathmandu for processing and accessing services. There also legal and social constraints at play. In 2017, the government imposed a legal ban on females migrating to Gulf countries for domestic work to reduce the risk of violence and discrimination (Pyakurel 2018). Such restrictive rules encourage some women to look for alternative and even illegal routes (ibid). For example, this trend was mentioned by key informant interview participants during field study that some females were migrating to Gulf countries using the Indian route (see Section 4.3.2).

The questions of whether such a ban is required, or if females have the right, agency and power to make such decisions themselves, and if socio-cultural norms require flexibility, are important. As Bhadra (2007) argued, there are structural as well as cultural practices that restrict the mobility of women and make it more difficult for them to migrate than males. Legal prohibitions are framed in ways that resonate with socio- cultural norms. It is important to note that females required the consent of their guardian to travel abroad until 1998. Likewise, complete and partial bans on female migration to Gulf countries for domestic work have been in place since 1998. Though there were some revisions on the ban, from 2015 restrictions on female migration have tightened for their personal safety including sexual violence in the formal sectors (MoLE 2015). However, such ban neither have been able to stop female migration (albeit fewer in number than males) nor have been able to provide security for them (Siddiqui 2008).

75 Top 5 origin districts of female migrants are: Jhapa, Sindhupalchowk, Morang, Makwanpur and Kathmandu (MoLE 2015). 193

Thus, structural and cultural factors and restricted permits for foreign employment in Gulf countries has meant that fewer women have migrated abroad for work. Hence, male out-migration and feminisation of communities should not be seen as women being unwilling or incapable of pursuing overseas employment but rather primarily as a case of unequal access to migration opportunities, reinforced by legal and other constraints that reduce women's information about the migration processing system, knowledge about different destinations and government provisions for foreign employment.

7.2.2. Differential access to migration

The study found that the opportunity of foreign employment was not equally accessible to all social and economic groups. In both villages, most migrants belonged to the medium wealth category. Over 60 percent of men from the medium wealth group were in foreign employment while the poorest families found it very difficult to access foreign employment opportunities. This suggests that access to employment abroad is closely related to economic status. The differential access to foreign employment relates to the lack of both financial capital (low economic status and landlessness) and social networks (support from friends and relatives) among poor families.

My findings showed that it is almost impossible for the poorest and disadvantaged families to obtain loans from banks or cooperatives without resources and social networks. Having only small holdings of land, or no land, was the main reason for not being able to obtain loans from financial institutions. Participants also struggled to secure loans from informal sources such as local money lenders or relatives. When they did secure a loan, they were often charged with extremely high-interest rates (see Sections 5.2.1 and 6.2.1). Typically, the only option for the poorest families was through informal money lenders, which leads to a significant proportion of remittance income (20 percent in Nalma) being spent on paying back the loan. This compares with only 5 percent of remittance income spent by wealthier migrant families on loan repayments (see Sections 5.4.2 and 6.4.2).

Various studies have argued that access to financial and social resources, education, and information determined who was able to go overseas for employment (Thieme and Wyss 2005; Sunam and McCarthy 2016). My study found that wealthier groups seek to

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migrate to higher income countries and if possible, bring families to settle. Males from the medium wealth class are most attracted to employment in Gulf countries. They are able to access such opportunities as they hold land that can be used as collateral in securing loans. With the exception of one family in Piprahar, which needed to pay interest on a loan for a longer period than expected due to a lengthy processing time, no family was found to be losing their land due to failure to secure employment or sometimes health issues – sickness or accidents. The lower proportion of the wealthier respondents (12 percent76) that migrated to Gulf countries suggests that this group tends to not migrate abroad as they have more diversified income opportunities. For example, they have land to invest on business ventures, such as restaurants (see Section 6.4.2).

By contrast, the poorer groups in my study – Dalits, Bote/Musahar – struggled to access employment abroad, largely due to a lack of financial capacity and social networks. These constraints also meant that destinations offering higher salaried work were out of reach. Thus, males from these groups tend to go to India for casual employment, which is less expensive in terms of processing costs, but the wages are typically lower compared to other destinations. This finding resonates with other studies, which found that the poorest of the poor (e.g., Dalits) have not been able to access remittance opportunities, however when they do get the opportunities, they are not able to secure higher salaried jobs in foreign employment (Sunam and McCarthy 2016; Sijapati et al. 2017). Notably, for participants in my study, the social networks – despite being much narrower network that wealthier groups – particularly the strong support of friends and relatives, were the most important determinant of mobility overseas for work.

The inequitable distribution of opportunities can further widen the income gap and entrench the poorest in a vicious cycle of poverty. Those people who are already poor and marginalised have limited opportunities to earn remittances, failing to enhance food security by using money to buy food or acquiring land for farming. However, the existing policies focus on those who are able to go overseas for jobs and the welfare of those migrant workers, not on those who cannot go.

The policy analysis (Section 4.2) demonstrates that the priority has been placed on the safety of migrants. While this is important, the policies neglect the disparities and

76 Combined data for both sites (Nalma and Piprahar). 195

discrepancies faced by poor and marginalised groups in accessing foreign employment in the first place. There are no provisions for either subsidising the processing fees or facilitating access to loans from financial institutions, such as branches of cooperatives in Nalma and branches of national (government and private) banks and cooperatives in Piprahar. The government should support rural communities to find alternative income- generating and livelihood options instead of focusing primarily on encouraging only foreign employment. Hence, differential access to foreign employment needs critical attention from government agencies.

The findings demonstrate that the poor and disadvantaged people who do manage to secure overseas employment are more likely to be exploited, both at home and abroad, than other migrants. For example, they are required to pay higher processing fees for foreign employment. As described in Sections 5.2.1 and 6.2.1, the exploitation of aspiring migrants is happening because of their lack of information and weak social networks. A similar situation was also found by Kern and Müller-Böker (2015) while studying the role and practices of brokerage and recruitment agencies in Nepal. Here they found that mostly the poor are vulnerable to exploitation as they need to get the support of brokers to access information and bureaucratic processes. This situation is discouraging to those foreign employment seekers who have less financial and social resources but are keen to migrate for work. There is also a lack of strong policy guidelines to facilitate, regulate and monitor recruitment agencies and reduce exploitation.

7.2.3. Remittance economy

As a result of increased out-migration, remittance is becoming the major source of income for many families in both study sites. Remittances were identified as the primary income source for migrant workers for 58 percent of households surveyed in Nalma and 42 percent in Piprahar (Sections 5.4.2 and 6.4.2). This is in line with the national average of 55 percent (ADB 2013). In Nalma, the average annual income per person from remittance was AUD 4,000 and slightly less in Piprahar at AUD 3,445. The significance of remittances has also been shown at the national level. A study by Sijapati et al. (2017) found that more than 70 percent of households are benefiting from

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remittance income in other districts of Nepal77. However, as mentioned, access to remittance varies among different social and economic groups. Those who are unable to access the remittance opportunities are left out of the remittance boom.

Remittance income has resulted in some families being able to improve purchasing capacity, including affordability of education and health services and improved livelihoods and food security. At the same time, remittances have also increased dependence on market and imported food from outside of the village (see Sections 5.4.1 and 6.4.2). Indeed, in both study sites, a significant amount of remittance money (40-45 percent) was being spent on buying food, mostly imported food (see Sections 5.4.2 and 6.4.2).

The combination of those families, along with remittance income and availability of food in the market, has reduced farming and the production food locally. Remittance has thereby resulted in the local economy becoming more dependent on income outside of farming and village sources, impacting on a previously self-subsistence village economy by subjecting it to external pressures and market fluctuation. This higher dependence on remittance and imported food is precarious as remittance income can be easily affected by economic recession in the host countries. Therefore, Nepal’s economy can suffer from the problems of high unemployment and lack of cash flow in households, given that opportunities of foreign employment and remittance is not a permanent source, particularly for those who are in unskilled labour work (Thagunna and Acharya 2013).

The study found that remittance is being used mostly in the consumable items, rather than in productive sectors such as agriculture (Sections 5.4.2 and 6.4.2). A significant portion of the investment has been reported to be on constructing or buying a house, often in urban centres. Previous studies such as Maharjan, Bauer and Knerr (2012) also observed a similar trend in Syangja of mid-western Nepal, whereby remittance is rarely invested in productivity-enhancing farming such as buying fertiliser and concluded that remittance is not contributing toward a move to commercial agriculture for better income from farming. While studying the perception of food security in Jhapa Nepal,

77 The study was conducted in ten different sites of five districts: Panchthar, Dhanusha, Nawalparasi, Kaski and Kailali. 197

Gartaula, Niehof and Visser (2012a) found that the younger generation, especially younger migrants, do not prioritise investing in agricultural land, but only in buying residential land (ghaderi). The investment in residential land was found to be both for prestige and for on-sale profit, rather than increasing agricultural production.

Use of remittances in less productive areas, such as daily consumable foods, indicates that local food production is not the priority for many people, given that foods are readily available to buy from the markets. This can impact on the national economy by creating trade imbalance and affect local food production due to the increased dependence on imported food. Dahal (2014) and Pant (2011) show some negative impacts of remittances on international trade as remittance is not invested in the productive sector and the majority of income is spent on imported items.

Moreover, remittance economy affects social groups differently depending on the destinations a migrant is able to access and the remittance amount. High-remittance countries are out of reach for low caste and marginalised ethnic groups. My study found that Dalits and Bote/Musahars were either left out of the remittance economy or migrated to destinations with lower paying jobs, such as India. Further, the remittance economy has had implications for gender relations. It has opened up opportunities for women in terms of ownership of land and decision-making roles – however, again, these opportunities are shaped by caste, ethnicity and wealth status. This will be discussed in more detail in the sections below.

7.2.4. Shortage of labour and shifting responsibilities

The study findings highlight that the fewer the number of males living in the villages, the greater the shortage of male labour for agriculture and other household and community activities. In addition to male out-migration, many men have opted to work in higher-wage sectors such as construction and factory work in Nawalparasi (see Section 6.3.2), or have sought other jobs, such as drivers, in the cities (see Section 5.2.2). Additionally, the seasonal nature of agricultural labour and lower wages are responsible for creating labour shortages, thereby shifting the preference of available labourers to other sectors, as people consider themselves underemployed if only engaged in agriculture. Compounded with the low interest of male youths in farming, this shortage of agricultural labour has become a major concern.

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An effect of the reduced numbers of male labourers has been that females have been required to take on more responsibilities within the household and outside of it, including work usually undertaken by men (see Sections 5.2.3 and 6.2.3). In effect, many households have become female-headed households, which has had implications for agriculture. For example, families have needed to do one or more of the following: reduced their cropping pattern, cultivated fewer crops, changed into different crops or abandoned agricultural lands altogether (see Section 7.2.5). The extent of the workload shift to females was more visible in Nalma compared to Piprahar because some of the farming work in Piprahar was replaced by farm equipment such as tractors due to the flat landscape of the plains.

Labour availability in the villages has been reshaped in two important ways: a) having fewer workers available; and b) shifting the preferences of the available workforce. Fewer men are now available for hire in the villages, thereby creating difficulty in sourcing labour when needed (see Sections 5.2.2 and 6.2.2). If men are available, the cost of their labour is now significantly higher. The additional effort and cash required to employ men in the village demotivated women to continue farming. Women needed to hire men for ploughing as ploughing by women is restricted by social norms. Women also struggled to find men to participate in perma (labour exchange) where men are expected in return of labour exchange. Similarly, men are expected to participate in jhara (communal work) as mostly it involves physical work. Failure to participate in both perma and jhara are socially humiliating. The study found that women (mostly wives of migrants) were not accepted in perma and jhara. The dilemma in perma and jhara has had an impact on the local practice of labour exchange, which has implications for local food production and availability.

Wives of migrated men coped with the labour shortage by using different strategies. These include taking on more responsibilities themselves (Section 5.4.3), paying higher wages to hire labour, perma (exchanging labour with friends and relatives), paying hourly and daily wages (Section 6.3.3), leaving fields under-utilised or abandoning them altogether. In Piprahar, access to small machinery has enabled land cultivation for some women farmers and helped reduce the impact of labour shortages (see Section 7.2.5), but this incurs more costs to buy the equipment.

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My study suggests that the government agriculture offices at district and national levels are aware of the changing situation of farming in the villages. Officers recognise the feminisation of local communities and the labour shortage and are promoting access to small-scale machines to address these issues (see Section 4.3). As a result, soft loans are available and also subsidies to farmers including women’s groups, to buy small scale machines and encourage sharing these machines among the members. Promotion of such small-scale machines plays a vital role in addressing labour shortages as well as increasing women’s capability. Women operate and maintain these machines in a group, thereby developing skills of record-keeping and maintaining and handling machines such as paddle threshers and water pumps.

Farnworth et al. (2018) found in their study of wheat farming in the Terai of Nepal, that women were able to expand their managerial skills and enhance their capacity to handle machines (tractor) in the absence of men. The authors suggest that having access to small machines easily operable by women is an important dimension of any attempt for agricultural mechanisation in feminising communities. However, mechanisation is dependent on terrain, and therefore hardly possible in hilly Nalma but it was operating in Piprahar, in the flat Terai region. It was observed that women have not been able to independently operate these machines, with the exception of threshers.

Likewise, it remains questionable whether subsidies designated for smallholder farmers actually end up in the hands of powerful and wealthier farmers. The access to subsidies is not straightforward and the lengthy bureaucratic procedures, in turn, resulted very few women being able to access such services from government providers in district headquarter and nearby service centres in both sites. However, a farmer’s group including women farmers were able to access subsidies on machineries in Piprahar. Even though women have expanded and increased their roles and responsibilities, they still have limited opportunities in accessing available services due to rigid social norms and lengthy administrative processes. Thus, unless policies and programmes focus on gender-sensitive institutions and technologies, it will be challenging to improve farming in the current context of feminised local communities.

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7.2.5. Land use and the effects on food production

There are demonstrable changes in the use of agricultural land across the two case study sites. However, these changes are distinct in each village and are therefore I considered separately.

Nalma village

Nalma has experienced underutilisation and abandonment of land and reduction on the cropping cycles (three or two to even one crop annually, or not having any crop altogether), or changing the pattern of cropping (staples to cash crops). Due to the out- migration of men and labour shortage followed by increased access to remittances, families with good remittance incomes are either reducing or abandoning farming, even if they remain in the village, or are moving to cities.

The tendency to underutilise or abandon agricultural land in Nalma mainly occurs on more marginal, less productive land, such as Bari, and land that is far from the settlement and close to the forest, but also the irrigated and fertile Khets. The household surveyed showed that in more than 13 percent of households, up to 0.5 hectares per family has been underutilised in Nalma (Sections 5.4.1 and 5.4.2). This finding is similar to the finding of a study conducted between 2012-2014 in the same site, which reported an average of 0.72 hectares of land underutilised per family (Malla et al. 2014). This study, which was conducted among larger sample households, shows that the increasing trend of land underutilisation was already in existence in the village.

My study corresponds with those of Ojha et al. (2017), who found that remittances have an impact on the use of land directly, by decreasing labour supply, and indirectly, by creating an opportunity for families to leave farming, leave farming and move to cities. Jaquet et al. (2016) also found a similar scenario in Kaski district (a neighbouring district to Lamjung) where they observed land abandonment due to decreased population in the village, followed by increased invasive plant species that are harmful to livestock and linked to decreased soil fertility in uphill areas. By contrast, in the downhill areas near cities, there is intensive use of land followed by less vegetation due to increased population. Further, in Nalma the cropping preferences have changed from traditional crops to agro-forestry and cash crops, however not yet in a larger scale. The

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study found that the volume of production was not large and there was poor road access for exporting the products.

However, those with access to lower levels of remittances, or none at all, may continue to farm either by taking additional work themselves or struggling to pay cash for hired labourers. Hence, women who are receiving low remittance from migrant men are burdened with both physical and financial pressure as well as taking on acting head of household roles. Landless poor, mainly Dalits and women farmers who do not have access to remittances or who receive lower amounts of remittance remain in the village and continue farming as it is not easy to leave farming without supplementary income.

Piprahar village

In contrast to the underutilisation and abandonment of land in Nalma, farming of agricultural land in Piprahar was becoming intensive. The cropping patterns have shifted in Piprahar from grains to cash crops. Although such shifts, particularly growing vegetables, have yielded well in terms of income in Piprahar due to easy access to the market, such changes in the use of technologies are the result of changes brought on by male out-migration and labour shortage, which in turn was made possible due to remittance income. It was initially a coping strategy to address labour shortage and later it helped enhance agricultural production as families could afford it by using remittance income. This has positive impacts on local production, thereby on local food security. I now turn to discuss local food production and the effects of increased food imports in both study sites: Nalma and Piprahar.

Despite labour shortages in Piprahar, as a result of male out-migration and the remittance economy, access to modern technologies and mechanised farm equipment (tractors, threshers) have enabled families, including women as de facto household heads, to continue farming (see Section 6.2.3). This suggests that technology can help some women undertaking farming. Besides small-scale mechanisation, use of inputs and technology (chemical fertilisers, pesticides and irrigation) is spreading across the Terai region, including Piprahar. As a result, farming is becoming intensive in Piprahar. This, however, incurs costs and not all families are able to afford it.

A range of machinery was used in Piprahar, including water pumping sets for accessing groundwater (also known as deep water boring systems for irrigation), tractors for 202

ploughing and transportation, and harvesters. Unlike the hilly terrain of Nalma, the use of such machinery is viable in Piprahar, due to its location in the flat Terai and near markets. Most of these machines were operated by men, who have the required skills, and because these machines are often too heavy for women to use. However, women were able to operate threshers and were also learning to maintain and operate other equipment, such as tractors (hand) and pump sets. Moreover, women were able to access such services through hire. It suggests that if women are able to handle such machines or able to access these services, it can reduce their physical workload and they do not need to depend on male labourers, whose wages are increasing as a result of the male labour shortage. It is also important for women to have access to farm-related skills, inputs and services in order to build their confidence in farming, leading to entrepreneurship.

The study found that access to small mechanisation, including technologies and inputs, has improved local production and productivity in Piprahar (see Section 6.2.3). The increase in production of certain crops (e.g., rice and vegetables) was due to this improved access and hybrid seeds, as well as irrigation, fertilisers and pesticides. For example, the improvement in rice seeds means that the crop can be planted twice a year instead of the once it was previously (see Section 6.4.1). Increased production supports in securing food either by consuming it or by generating income by selling the surplus. However, excessive and improper use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides can result in soil degradation, water pollution (surface and ground) and greenhouse gas emission (Raut, Sitaula and Bajracharya 2010; Schwab, Schickhoff and Fischer 2015).

Declining local food production

Nalma has experienced a decline in local food production, particularly over the last 10 years, which has seen a significant reduction in the local production of grains (rice, maize, millet) and livestock (goat, buffalo) (see Section 5.4.1). Production has decreased due to reduced farming, including livestock, followed by underutilisation of agricultural land due to labour shortages. Further, traditional and subsistence nature of farming, distant proximity to services and markets and limited access to improved technologies and inputs (seeds, fertilisers) has also contributed to a decline in production. Another study conducted in Nalma also found out-migration is, directly and indirectly related to a decline in local production (Paudel, Tamang and Shrestha 2014).

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This has not been the case in Piprahar, where production has remained similar or increased due to access to machinery, technology and inputs (discussed in Section 7.2.5). Diversifying livelihood options including migrating for foreign employment and other works, as well as changing farming practices towards cash crops, indicates farmers’ adaption for the farming.

These changes in farming practices have significant implication for food security in these villages. The stability of sustainable food production is an important aspect of local livelihoods. Fresh, healthy and nutritious food comes from local production, which directly and indirectly enhances the local economy. Local production means that it is also within the control of local people and provides employment opportunities to villagers. More importantly, local food production increases the access of food to poor and marginalised groups. Nevertheless, my findings highlight another issue, increasing imports of food, to which I now turn my attention.

Local food production has implications for the poor and marginalised groups as observed in both sites (Nalma and Piprahar). In Nalma, a family (mostly Dalits) can go to Gurung families and can easily ask to borrow grains and can repay the loan either in the form of wage labour or in grain itself after harvesting. Likewise, in Piprahar either people (mostly Bote/Musahar) can barter fish and wild vegetables for grains or they can go to Jamindar and Tharu families to ask for grains and return it with wage labour or fish or wild vegetables. Such borrowing and bartering are possible when local production is occurring but is not possible in the more formal structures of commercial shops and the markets.

Increasing food import

Less local food production and increased purchasing capacity of some of the families from remittance income in Nalma has led to higher levels of imported food from outside the village (see Section 5.4.1a). In Piprahar, despite stable local food production of some items such as rice, mustard and vegetables, foods are still imported because not every family produces enough or produces all the required food items.

There is a market influence on the consumption, selling and buying of agricultural products. including foods. In Piprahar, where there are surplus agricultural products, the products are sold in nearby markets instead of selling to the villagers. Selling in nearby

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markets means better profits as they mostly sell raw grains (rice and mustard) and buy ready to cook rice and cooking oil (see Section 6.4.2). For vegetables, sellers get cash and more customers in the nearby markets. Additionally, food imports are increased due to access to money that is mainly from remittance (discussed previously in Section 7.3), resulting in families spending more than 45 percent of remittance income on buying foods which are mainly imported from outside of the village and district (discussed in Section 7.3.2).

Despite the availability of imported food locally, the poorest families who have limited and unequal access to income sources, including remittance, and depend on wage labour or construction work (mainly Dalits and Bote/Musahars), struggle to earn enough money to buy the often-expensive imported foods. In comparison to the income of the families, the cost of food and other household commodities are increasing and the income from local wages is not enough to buy food and maintain a household economy. In Piprahar, due to casual work opportunities in construction and manufacturing, and a relatively higher wage rate for agricultural labour compared to Nalma, an individual can earn on average AUD 5.9 to 14.8 daily (see Section 6.2.2).

Hence, families in Piprahar can afford to buy food from the market. While in Nalma, due to less availability of other casual work within the village and lower wage rates, AUD 2.75 for agricultural labour (see Section 5.4.1), families without other income sources cannot easily afford to buy imported food. The dependence on imported food is varied based on the income of the families. Furthermore, although Piprahar produces higher and even surplus amounts of some items (rice, mustard, lentils), the import of food is also higher there than in Nalma. Hence, those with low incomes have to enhance their purchasing capacity which entirely depends on the type of work an individual can get in the village.

In Nalma, the export of food and other commodities from the village to district headquarter or other districts is minimal. Only some goats for meat and a small amount of lentils and millet flour are sent as gifts to relatives in cities (Section 5.4.2.). In Piprahar, only a few selected products (rice, millet, vegetables) are sold in markets (Section 6.4.2). Such imbalance between imports and exports in the village is taking money from the villages and further, leading to the decline of local food production particularly in Nalma. 205

The local production and food import scenarios in both sites suggest that until there is abundant food production at local level, resource-poor mainly landless poor and marginalised people are always deprived of access to food due to their inadequate income to buy imported food. Hence, production of local food is an important aspect of food security.

Due to access to imported food, and exposure life outside of the village (e.g., through the Internet), food habits are also changing. Many families with remittances are not even producing crops such as vegetables that can be readily grown in their kitchen gardens. They rather opt to buy them. Similarly, the consumption of ready-made (packaged) food is becoming common in both sites (see Sections 5.4.1 and 6.4.2) which is replacing local food varieties and tastes. This replacement of local food by imported food not only has consequences for food price instability but also on the value given by people to local foods. The market and purchasing capacity can cause price instability, while the social value of imported food as better than local products, can cause local food to be undervalued and wasted.

Local food exchange systems such as food for work (notably Balighar), and food for food among villagers in both sites, and between Tharu and Magar’s Ista in Piprahar have almost disappeared (Section 6.4.1). Bote/Musahars, who used to exchange food collected from rivers and forests with grains, now preferred to sell for cash. Further, Dalits, who used to work for villagers in return for food (grain) in Balighar system, also prefer to receive cash (Section 6.4.1). Similarly, easy access to food in the nearby market is discouraging Magar Ista from the hills to travel up to Piprahar to exchange food with Tharu Ista.

The study found that while the traditional exchange system of food in the village still exists, it is changing rapidly along with the availability of foods in the market. Such change to the exchange system will further increase the dependence on imported food, particularly the poorest of the poor, thereby diminishing their overall access to food as the price of imported food is often higher. Further, the social values and social relations that Ista carries will be weakened.

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7.2.6. Gender and decision-making roles

There are some changes in traditional gender roles, but the key features of gender relations are still intact. The absence of men due to out-migration for employment has resulted in some changes in decision-making roles in both case study field sites. It has provided women with the opportunity for making some decisions within their households and communities. This is a double-edged sword, however. Depending on the type of family (e.g., joint or nuclear), some women have become the de facto household head and have had an increased capacity to make decision (albeit operational decisions). Notably, such opportunities were not readily available before the migration boom. Women have partly enhanced their capacity and confidence to undertake additional tasks in their households and communities. Yet, these shifts are mostly in relation to operational decisions and those involving lesser amounts of money instead of major (strategic) decisions involving larger portions of the family’s resources (see Sections 5.3.1 and 6.3.1). This is consistent with (Gartaula, Visser and Niehof 2010) who argued that the major decisions were still controlled by men even if they are working overseas, despite the absorption of many ‘male’ tasks and roles by their female family members. This represents some change in household gender relations where women are now in a position to make at least minor decisions.

On the other hand, women are not able to use these opportunities effectively because most strategic decisions are controlled by men. Some women hold greater power as head of the household depending on the structure of the family – joint or nuclear (see Sections 5.3.1 and 6.3.1). This is consistent with the findings of Giri and Darnhofer (2010) and Gartaula, Visser and Niehof (2010) who found that women from nuclear families are likely to have more autonomy in everyday decisions and exposure compared to women from a joint family. However, (Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017) found a mixed experience of women having greater autonomy but increased workload and stress in nuclear families. When the roles and responsibilities shift to women, depending on the amount of remittance a household receives, a woman can either reduce farming or hire labourers, or move to cities leaving farming behind (see Sections 5.2.3 and 6.2.3). Lahiri-Dutt and Adhikari (2015) argued that women’s work burdens were increased in the absence of a male family member. However, my study found that

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those who receive sufficient and regular remittance income and hold large areas of agricultural land were abandoning farming and thus, the work burden was not increased.

Scholarship highlights that unless social norms and cultural practices undermining women’s contributions are addressed, effective participation of women in decision- making will not be (Nightingale 2006; Sijapati et al. 2017; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017). In terms of my study, women have become only ‘acting household heads’ with little recognition of their contributions and increased capabilities in any meaningful sense. Indeed, women’s additional workload and contributions have not been sufficiently recognised because these roles do not generate as much cash income as the male family member working abroad.

The findings from the study further suggest that the role of women as acting household heads is temporary because as soon as their husband returns, normative gender roles are resumed. This suggests that the out-migration of men is less likely to bring long-lasting impacts on women within the context of the dominant patriarchal social system prevalent in Nepali villages. It was found that decisions were often controlled by men via phone or Skype. Or women might wait for the men to return on holidays to get approval for major decisions. In such situations where the men are earning the money, women tend to have limited say as to how that money can be mobilised. As such, women’s responsibilities have increased substantially, however not the capacities to make decisions. These findings are consistent with scholars (Giri and Darnhofer 2010; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017) who have argued that male migration had limited impacts for women's capability enhancement. Hence, the out-migration of men and feminisation of local communities should not be assumed to have positive outcomes for women’s capability enhancement. Instead, women now have additional responsibilities with little recognition of their additional contributions. Women's capability enhancement needs to be recognised as a priority in this changing context.

Because of the shift in the roles and responsibilities at household and community levels, socio-economic conditions and the out-migration of male youth from the villages, the nature and extent of women’s participation has been affected. This research found that women’s participation in decision-making is largely tokenistic in all domains: household, community and representation in local politics.

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Besides women having significant responsibilities in the absence of men, especially in household chores and farm labour, their attendance across community platforms has increased. However, the findings demonstrate that women’s participation is often largely tokenistic and their input and influence in decision-making is minor (see Sections 5.3.2 and 6.3.2). Women still remain subordinate due to existing gender norms and power structures. This is consistent with the findings of previous studies (Buchy and Rai 2008; Lama, Kharel and Ghale 2017) that looked at gender roles and natural resources management in Nepal, reporting that women who have already been within the executive committee of community institutions have not been able to influence decisions and make their voices heard.

Given women are actively engaged in the household and in the community in the absence of men, the question emerges: why does women’s participation remain at such a superficial level?

My findings revealed the way in which normative gender roles, wherein women hold a subordinate position, remained intact at the community level. When women were required to share a platform with their relatives, especially with older and respected male relatives such as father-in-law or brother-in-law (see Section 5.3.2), they hesitated to speak up against them. Chhetri et al. (2008) and Buchy and Rai (2008) explained a similar situation showing a lack of influence of women executive committee members of community forestry groups when they shared a platform with male relatives. Low education attainment and exposure in comparison to men make women less confident in giving their opinions and making decisions, thus they are less assertive in their positions. While provisions for a minimum requirement of participation of women, including a minimum 33 percent of representation, are required in the public sector by the 14th periodic plan in 2016, women’s roles remain tokenistic. Notably, how women are positioned, in terms of age, caste, ethnicity and wealth status, will influence their ability to raise public concerns and the extent to which they are provided a platform to contribute to decision-making. This resonates with the finding of Agarwal (2001) and Nightingale (2011) that the women's positioning is an important factor that determines the participation in decision-making of the women of different social and wealth groups.

My study also found that women were unable to meaningfully engage outside of the home because of their reproductive and household responsibilities (see Sections 5.3.2 209

and 6.3.3). Lama, Kharel and Ghale (2017) reported that women were experiencing ‘time poverty’ given how much time they spend in the domestic sphere. Very few women perceived expanding their participation outside of the home by the minimum provision of women's participation assigned for community institutions as well as politics as enhancing their capacity, rather most of the women participants in the study sites were overloaded given that they needed to take multiple responsibilities both in the household and community.

Therefore, as Agarwal (2001) argued in her study of participatory exclusion in community forestry, such a situation of provisional participation in the public sphere can be counterproductive for women. Tokenistic participation is a burden to women and counterproductive. While on paper, women are now in positions to influence decision- making, in practice women do not have the capacity to meaningfully contribute; typically, they are less educated than men, lack the necessary skills, and they are subordinate to men. Thus, my research reveals that very little has changed in terms of decision-making roles in the public sphere. Factors such as gender, caste, ethnicity, economic status, as well as geographical location all are influential to women’s capacities in decision-making roles.

It is apparent that these structural, cultural as well as policy gaps need to be addressed to empower women. More specifically, an emphasis on women’s education, skills enhancement, and awareness by families and communities will be of value. For this, a more favourable policy environment and assurance of the implementation of progressive policies, would be crucial.

7.2.7. Gendered access to and control over land and remittance

Women’s access to and control over land and financial resources is important in empowering women and enhancing their role in food security in the context of a feminised society. With an increase in remittances, households are buying land with the land titles to be placed, more likely in the name of women because they are living in the country. However, this is not the case. The finding demonstrates that women do not have control over land and remittances because they are not seen as the legitimate owners of such resources, reinforcing pre-existing gender relations and subordinate

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women’s status. Overcoming this is vital for women’s role in food security to be enhanced.

Gender and land ownership

Despite the transfer of many responsibilities and the role of de facto household headship shifting to women, the study found that land entitlement is still controlled by men, reflecting the patrilineal inheritance system and unequal ownership (see Sections 5.4.1 and 6.4.1). While legal changes have granted women inheritance rights to property in Nepal, this has not been the case in practice in the two study sites.

My research reveals that a shift in the registration of land has occurred, particularly land purchases using remittance income. 30 percent of newly bought land by surveyed households in Nalma (Section 5.4.1) and a few plots (5 families) of land in Piprahar (Section 6.4.1) were registered under a woman’ or joint ownership. Notably, however, this shift was not necessitated to increase women’s access to and control over land. Rather, it was primarily motivated by the Financial Act (2015-2016), wherein a tax exemption of up to 25 percent is given if the land is registered in a woman’s name (GoN 2015a). Similarly, a cheaper and easier procedure for women is provided to transfer existing land ownership (either husband or wife) to joint ownership for only NRs. 100 (around AUD 1.2) fee. It is done partly for the convenience of future transactions, such as using land as collateral to take loans from the bank if needed when the husband is still abroad. Adhikari and Hobley (2011) also found registering land in women’s names for the sake of financial purposes and convenience, increased land transactions (30 percent in urban and 20 percent in rural areas) in Khotang Nepal, motivated by the tax subsidy and the absence of male family members.

Likewise, Gartaula, Visser and Niehof (2010) concluded that the higher percentage of women landowners (20 percent) in the migrant families is due to the higher possibility of registering plots in woman’s names when the husband is absent. Irrespective of such factors, the increasing trend of registering land under women’s names is encouraging women to use their rights of ownership over land. However, this practice is limited to newly-bought lands, not inherited land.

The access to and control over productive resources, particularly land plays an important role in supporting or hindering women’s involvement in economic activities. 211

However, women are still largely far behind in land ownership compared to men, even in the context of feminised communities. Other studies, for example, Sunam and McCarthy (2016) and Sijapati et al. (2017) also found that the increase in landholding and male migration are correlated, but the correlation is not significant. Often those with fewer assets secure loans through selling their land to pay for foreign employment and they are not necessarily able to buy land once they commence the employment.

This thesis argues that remittance has not been able to significantly contribute to increasing land ownership or holdings by many households who access the remittance. There are some cases however of Dalits who could buy a piece of land. The cases are few but are important milestones for changing relations among landholders with bigger areas of lands and those with no or less landholding.

The differential access in women’s ownership of land is not distinct based on their social or economic status, but rather due to the patrilineal system of inheritance wherein women are excluded from owning land. Moreover, unequal land ownership among different caste and ethnic groups is related to the historical feudal and semi-feudal agriculture and land distribution system in Nepal that is most distinct among wealthier and poorer groups. Such historical allocation of land has a direct impact on food production as well as food security. On the one hand, some groups have excess land and are unable to cultivate, while others have no lands for cultivation. In this situation, tenure arrangements are the only way for landless people to access land for production. Such arrangements, however, have operated historically in favour of the landlords with tenants having to share crops and are still unable to generate much disposable income from their tenured farming activities and sometimes even not sufficient for entire year.

Although land ownership does not guarantee the use and control over that land, women have been able to make use of the land and are able to dispose of or sell the produce from the land in the absence of men in both Sites. The sale of land itself is not in women’s control as they lack ownership.

The lack of access to productive land resources hinders other opportunities and can also result in having low self-confidence of women, particularly women from poor and marginalised groups. Additionally, due to the lack of control in using and mobilising such resources, the food production and food security of the family is affected. In the

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village, it is observed that the lack of access to and control over productive resources is deterring certain individuals or groups, particularly smallholders and resource-poor farmers, from farming, and they tend to look for other livelihood options (Sections 5.2.2 and 6.2.2).

Gender and remittance

Access to financial resources is important to enhance livelihoods, and it also determines social prestige and status in Nepali society. Though women’s access to cash due to migration and remittance has increased, the extent of access varies among different social and economic groups. Particularly, women of low socio-economic status have less access to cash as their male counterparts have either limited access to migration or when they are able to migrate, it is often for low-income positions. As the finding indicates, women’s access to remittance is increased particularly for a woman in a nuclear family, as they have to take responsibilities as the de facto household head, which includes managing household finances (see Sections 5.2.1 and 6.2.1).

However, access to and management of the money from remittance was mainly limited to the costs related to household expenditure, such as buying food, paying for children's education or health services for family members. In such situations, limited access to money becomes a hindering factor for women to access other opportunities such as capital for investment, acquiring property or buying agricultural land for livelihood enhancement and food security. This implies that some women have more financial resources than ever before for household expenses, but the wider uses of remittances are largely determined either jointly, or by men alone, depending on the type of society and family hierarchy.

7.2.8 Caste and ethnicity in feminisation and food insecurity

The study findings highlight the way in which the feminisation of the villages has had differential impacts on local communities due to the different capacities amongst social groups to respond to changes. For example, in Piprahar, marginalised groups such as Bote/Musahars needed to maintain their livelihoods as they shifted from the forest and river-based activities to cash-based ones (see Section 6.1). Further, they have limited

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income from remittances due to lack of or less capacity in accessing foreign employment (refer to Section 6.2.1). Thus, earning less and saving less impedes Bote/Musahars from improving livelihoods through purchasing land (agricultural) or investing in agricultural activities or any other income generating activities.

Research in Piprahar village revealed that the traditional bartering practice of exchanging fish and wild vegetables for grains with other villagers has almost disappeared (see Section 6.4.1). These community members have limited access to rivers and forests so opt to directly sell the fish and wild vegetables in markets when they have the products. These groups have been struggling due to the restriction imposed by the Chitwan National Park on collecting resources, which has an impact on livelihoods. Moreover, Bote/Musahars have been not only struggling to adjust their traditional livelihoods but also to find other income sources to meet the cash demand for everyday living.

Dalits from both study sites, whether landless or holding very little land, have limited opportunity to migrate compared to other caste and ethnic groups (Gurungs, Ale Magar, Tharu/Chaudhary). Traditionally, besides their occupational roles, which was working for Gurungs in Nalma and for Ale Magar and Tharu/Chaudhary in Piprahar, Dalits have been providing their services as wage labourers, sharecroppers and household helpers.

Dalits and Bote/Musahars used to be dependent on other groups (Gurungs, Ale Magars and Tharu/Chaudhary) for their day-to-day livelihoods activities such as receiving in return for their services. However, such patron-client relations have changed over time along with the phenomena of urbanisation, modernity, migration and labour shortage. Despite limited access to foreign employment, a few Dalits have been able to reduce their dependence on wealthier groups in the village as they also earn some remittance. it suggests that there has been some change, albeit very minor.

Despite unequal land distribution among several groups being an issue in Nepal for a long time, the policies are confined within dealing with tenant rights and distributing land to the landless. Although the Constitution of Nepal in Article 40 (5) recognises the access to land of marginalised groups including the mainly landless Dalit as a basic right (GoN 2015b: 24), it fails to implement fair distribution. For example,

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Musahar/Bote of Piprahar who have been displaced from their livelihood bases (river and forest) are not given priority for solving their issues of land distribution. These groups were marginalised due to the caste system and occupational practices which caused them either to remain landless or hold fewer landholdings. As a consequence, even in the new phenomena of male migration and access to cash through remittance, marginalised groups only get partial help to purchase land and build a house and improve their lives.

The increased availability of land for sharecropping due to the labour (wage and exchange) shortage and increasing underutilisation of land has changed relations between Gurungs and Dalits in Nalma. Similarly, in Piprahar, having other off-farm opportunities such as construction and factory work particularly for males, allows families to avoid extreme dependence on working as agricultural wage labourers and sharecroppers for the Jamindar (Ale Magars). Although few Bote/Musahar women are still continuing to work as wage labourers for Jamindar families, decreased dependence on Jamindars may contribute to a decrease in ownership/entitlement and help to change the production relationships between Jamindars/Mukhiyas and the sharecroppers/wage labourers. Sunam and McCarthy (2016) and Sijapati et al. (2017) also found changing and diminishing patron and client relations in other districts of Nepal.

Two issues emerging from the historical background of the two villages are that a) feudal and semi-feudal practices allowed some groups (Ale Magar) to hold larger plots of land which were obtained as Mauja; and, b) Gurungs traditionally being a dominant group and having access to income were able to have bigger landholdings. Dalits and Bote/Musahar remained deprived of either landholding or bigger areas of land due to their traditional low income (based on Balighar) and limited-opportunity occupations based on their skills (tailoring, ironsmith, ferrying and fishing). Thus, a further research question emerges, such as how and to what extent their economic status and historical position have impacted their existing position (more discussion in Section 8.4).

Tharu/Chaudhary, a dominant group of the area and one of the indigenous habitants of Piprahar, have gone through some historical marginalisation (Paudel 2009). They were made Raitees for new immigrants (Ale Magars) from the hilly areas. However, compared to Bote/Musahar, Tharu/Chaudhary had livelihoods based on farming and securing land, and thus have managed to have land ownership. Hence, the 215

Tharu/Chaudhary were less dependent on the Ale Magars compared to the Bote/Musahars and the Dalits (case of Piprahar).

Depending on the access to assets (land) or other sources of income (remittance), which also has historical and traditional links, families have to deal with different degrees of food insecurity.

7.3 Enhancing Food Security in Rural Nepal: Some Ways Forward

Given the findings and discussions above, the research raises an important question: how can Nepal’s rural communities become more food secure? At least two considerations must be attended to: a) solutions that work for families and society as a whole require public policies to address underlying reasons of feminisation and food security at the local level; and b) a genuine attempt to develop capabilities of women must be at the centre of the food security debate.

This section discusses what can be done to enhance local food security, capturing the insights from the field and associated debates. Based on this research, I propose a framework to enhance food security that has four interconnected elements: a) better utilisation of agricultural land and creation of farmers; b) investment of remittance into agriculture; c) capacity building of women; and d) repositioning farming. These are illustrated in Figure 7.1.

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Figure 7.1. A framework to increase food security in rural Nepal

These four dimensions of enhanced food production and food security are interconnected and need to take into account how this is happening in the local context. In the following sections the key issues around these dimensions and the processes of strengthening food security are discussed.

7.3.1 Better utilisation of agricultural land and creation of farmers

Considering that agricultural land is an integral part of the lives and livelihoods of the people of rural Nepal, and the increasing trend of abandonment and underutilisation of this resource, novel approaches to addressing this challenge is crucial in the context of the increasing trend of abandonment and underutilisation of agricultural land. This is particularly important in the hills and mountains where livelihoods of the people depend

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entirely on land-based activities. Likewise, the uncertainty of foreign employment makes it more sensible to maximise the use of agricultural land to produce food locally and contribute to food security in a sustainable way.

Furthermore, new thinking is required in relation to both the traditional fragmentation of land for family members as well as the high input production system; these are inappropriate particularly in the hills and mountains. In this context, agricultural land should be consolidated, better utilised and used collectively. For this, classification of different types of land and plans around their legitimate use would be important steps forward.

The decreased interest of youth in farming and less availability of a rural labour force, posed additional concerns and anxieties about underutilised land on the elderly and families, especially those in receipt of low or no remittances. They were found to be worried about underutilised land and were eager to explore ways to better utilise those lands, and raised the following options: a) adoption of less labour-intensive farming practices such as tree-based farming, horticulture and agro-forestry. b) encouraging youths to remain in farming as entrepreneurs and agri-business promoters.

Less labour-intensive farming can be well supported by the use of small-scale mechanisation as already experienced by families in Piprahar. Likewise, young people’s attraction can be increased by creating links with the market (more discussion in Section 7.9.4), as well as by providing services including better rewards and subsidies. The practices mostly based on agroforestry such as Lapsi (Choerosondias axillaris) and Amriso (broom grass) and cash crops such as cardamom, ginger and vegetables, were preferred by respondents in Nalma. In some cases, it might require a similar amount of labour, however, due to the type of products (cash crops), perennial nature of plants (fruit trees) and not requiring regular care, agroforestry-based practices can be attractive farming options for farmers, in particular youth.

Irrespective of good production of crops due to intensive use of inputs (chemical fertilisers and pesticides) in Piprahar, the viability of such inputs and commercial agriculture in the context of Nepal is debatable. Firstly, intensive agriculture may have

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negative consequences such as soil nutrition depletion, soil erosion, and soil acidification (Raut, Sitaula and Bajracharya 2010). Secondly, high inputs increase the cost of production. Practising less intensive farming can reduce the cost of production as local resources (local seeds, compost and farmyard manure) can be utilised, rather than inputs that need to be imported from outside the village.

Additionally, the increased commodification of agricultural land as Ghaderi (residential purpose) in Terai is expanding quickly and happening in nearby areas of Piprahar. Such practice has promoted changes on land use by a) using agricultural land for residential purposes and b) leaving Ghaderi abandoned until a house is built. Piprahar is likely to be impacted by such a trend as it is not far from the highway and market centre. In these settings, the local government can play an important role in discouraging such practices and promoting sustainable farming systems appropriate to the local context.

The promotion of sustainable agriculture begins with changing farming practices particularly, the use of local seeds, organic fertilisers and pesticides. To promote these adaptations, the government should devise mechanisms to regulate aspects of the trade of these inputs as well as encouraging farmers by providing subsidies and supports to practice organic agriculture.

Encouragement to farmers to better use of their land is important aspect. The underutilisation of agricultural land in Nalma was mostly due to richer families abandoning agriculture, some of whom have migrated to cities. Mostly poorer and landless groups remain in the village and continue to look after farms. The groups remaining in the village could contribute more to utilising agricultural land by providing labour either as wage labourers or as contract farmers. Therefore, ways to increase the access of those landless or smallholders to farming land could facilitate better utilisation of agricultural land. Moreover, some incentives or regulations on land use could motivate or force landowners either to farm the land themselves or allow others to farm their land. Landowners are often afraid of the tenure rights of the tenant, as the Government of Nepal enacted the Tenancy Right Acquisition Act 1951 which had a provision for registered tenants who worked on rent or as a sharecropper, to get shares of the land (Aryal and Holden 2013). Although this arrangement was abolished in 2006, the fear among landowners remained, intact thereby increasing absentee landlords and fallow land (Adhikari 2008). Such fear was strong among the landowners in the study 219

sites as well. The mechanism in place to safeguard the tenure rights of the landowners could improve landless or smallholder farmers’ access to agricultural land.

Being able to better utilise land not only contributes to income generation and food security but also to the sustainability of the ecology and environment. Less labour intensive, low input and appropriate technology-based farming could enhance the local economy compared to intensive farming with high input, both financially and environmentally. Adoption of small-scale mechanisation would be appropriate for such less labour-intensive farming, especially in the context of women are increasingly shouldering the load of farming. Moreover, women’s increased access to machines would not only compensate for the absence of the male labour force but also increase women’s control over other associated resources such as farm income.

7.3.2 Investment of remittance into agriculture

The minimal use of remittances in the agriculture sector (see Sections 5.4.2 and 6.4.2) demands more attention from policy makers. Remittance income should be used in the agricultural sector to increase employment opportunities and enhance prospects of further return on investment even if foreign employment opportunities decline or when migrants are no longer physically fit for demanding physical labour. Less than 5 percent of the remittance was invested in farming-related activities in the studied sites. The fact that the majority of the income is being spent on food (more than 45 percent) and other basic needs such as clothing, luxury items (phone, television, laptop/computer) and partly on buying and/or building houses in cities (as discussed in Section 7.7) in cities is quite alarming as it takes the money out of the village and often out of the country. Partly investing in buying and/or building houses can give a long-term return on investment, however, it cannot directly contribute to increasing food production and food security of the families. Considering that the majority of the population is still partly or fully dependent on agriculture, investing remittance in agriculture can create more agriculture-based small businesses and employment opportunities. More importantly, without investing in farming at the local level and increasing local food production, the food security of the poorest and those with low income cannot be enhanced as they get limited access to food, particularly imported food.

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Thus, developing a more favorable policy environment and seeking more efficient mechanisms to use of remittance income in agriculture is crucial to promote local food production, employment and income generation. Strengthened rural banking and cooperatives would help ensure the flow of funds. At the same time, long term investment plans along with interest subsidies, insurance of production as well as market infrastructure development would further encourage the investment of remittances in agriculture.

Promoting collective farming based on cooperatives or enterprises based on farming could be better options for investment to improve local food production and ultimately food security. When any investments and initiatives are based on cooperative arrangements, it minimises the risk of the individual and encourages collective involvement. Ultimately, successful cooperative farming helps others (mainly migrants) to come back and invest in agriculture. Likewise, as a group, they can easily access services such as subsidies, better link to markets, as well as being able to access any technologies that require significant capital investment. Moreover, group or cooperative farming can produce goods on a large scale which can be transported with fewer transport expenses to different markets, thereby increasing the price-competitiveness of their products at the market.

7.3.3 Capacity building of women

As this study asserts, the shifted workloads to women due to absent male members and labour shortage, on the one hand, creates an extra burden to women, especially those women who remain in villages with limited resources including small amounts of remittance or no remittance. On the other hand, absence of male members in the village could be an opportunity for women to develop their leadership, entrepreneurship and economic empowerment.

For those women with a good amount of remittance income who can afford to hire labour and invest on farming within villages or can move from the village to city centres, it is an opportunity to either reduce their workload or leave farming and develop other economic opportunities. In addition, some women who can manage workloads and seize other opportunities that come with acting as de facto household head and participating in community activities, can develop their leadership skills and

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expand decision-making capacity. Similarly, with wider access to cash (from remittance), they can invest in small businesses (mainly shop, tailoring).

However, those women who remain in the village with less income (remittance) are experiencing the burden of increased workloads and distress caused by absence of male members and labour shortage in the village. This brings forward an issue in the debate around the feminisation of agrarian distress that questions why it is women who take on the burden of workload as an outcome of agrarian distress (Pattnaik et al. 2017).

Thus, encouraging and capacitating those women who remain in the village and continue to farm can be another way of enhancing food security. Some of the ways of increasing food security include: a) increasing access to and control over land and money, b) facilitating an increase in access to new technologies, new knowledge and skills or enhancing their own traditional knowledge and skills related to farming, and c) developing entrepreneurship skills either based on farming or other sectors. Additionally, understanding the changes of women's roles and responsibilities and strengthening the agriculture extension system to better support women will also enhance women's contribution on food security.

The recent enactment of the equal rights of sons and daughters to the parental property could be instrumental in increasing women’s entitlement to land. Once women have land ownership, they can use the land for investment purposes such as arranging investment, by selling it or using it as collateral. Likewise, along with the restructuring and formation of the local government, it can be anticipated that women’s access to services will increase. However, women in the village are already quite occupied, so finding time to manage underutilised land will be challenging without some ways of reducing their involvement in other time-consuming tasks.

7.3.4 Repositioning farming in the changing context of Nepal

The reutilisation of land, investment in farming, and empowerment of women, particularly farmers, will impact how farming as a profession is perceived by people and society. The repositioning of farming could be more important, especially to those who were partly or fully dependent on farming and had temporarily moved towards foreign employment. Engaging the younger generations, who are moving out of farming could be a viable option. Farming needs to be developed into a more rewarding 222

occupation that provides decent income, particularly because increasing earning capacity is one of the main motivating factors for young people. Generally, farming is perceived as a least preferred job in the villages. Such preference is mainly due to low income from farming, promotion of the white-collar job-oriented education system and social perception that engaging in farming is a symbol of an unsuccessful in ordinary life.

In the context of an increasing outflow of youth to Gulf countries and elsewhere in search of employment, attracting youth back home or retaining them in agriculture and other job markets in Nepal is essential. Revisiting the existing education system, which devalues labour work, is likely to be one of the major issues to be addressed. Learning from recent experiences, greater production of higher-value products as compared to commodity products such as rice and maize along with technology-driven agriculture practices can attract youth entrepreneurs to develop farming-based enterprises.

However, it demands capital investment and subsidies as well as links to the market. There are some provisions for such support systems, but this comes with the question of equitable access for everyone. Particularly, the demand for paper-work and the lengthy administrative processes are discouraging prospective youths from engaging in farming- based enterprises. Furthermore, youth mobilisation, training and counseling activities could be organised at the local level in coordination with local governments and civil society so that youths who are seeking to return from foreign employment can be encouraged and motivated to re-engage with farming. This will not be possible without demonstrating that livelihoods can be sustainably enhanced and underpinned by strengthening the policy environment in support of agriculture and the associated markets.

Another pertinent challenge is to create a favourable environment in the village so that the youths who have migrated to cities or foreign employment will return and stay in the villages. As of now, both farming and village life are not preferred by youths. Firstly, there is a need to convince youths that farming and villages are also sources of decent lives and livelihoods, particularly if they can link farming, including animal husbandry, with entrepreneurial perspectives and income generation. Secondly, villages should have access to basic infrastructure such as roads, schools, health centres, electricity and internet services so that they can live decent lives in those areas. For all of these 223

initiatives, public discourse and awareness, political commitment for better policies, and plans and programmes are prerequisites.

7.4 Summary

To summarise, the feminisation of local communities is a ramification of the ongoing interrelationship between migration, labour shortages, changing gender roles, diminishing local food production and food insecurity, all of which are deeply interconnected. All these components, whether as causes and/or consequences, have an impact on feminisation with knock-on effects for food insecurity.

In the concluding chapter, I address the research questions, discuss the implications of the study findings in terms of policy and practice and identify questions for further research.

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CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSIONS

8.1 Introduction

The aim of this thesis was to critically analyse feminisation in local communities in rural Nepal and to assess its impacts on food security among different social and economic groups. I have explored the interrelationship between food security and the feminisation of local communities based on the following research questions: a) How and in what ways are local communities becoming feminised and what are the impacts on food security; b) What are the effects of feminisation on different social and economic groups; c) What are the impacts of feminisation on women and decision- making roles in the household and community; d) What are the impacts of feminisation on women’s access to and control of resources; and e) What are the potential pathways to enhance food security in the context of feminised rural communities in Nepal? The chapter is divided into four sections. The first summarises the major findings of the research, followed, in the second, by implications of the research on policies and practices. The third section presents the limitations of the research while the fourth section, identifies further research questions.

8.2 Major Findings of the Research

The study identified a number of causes of the feminisation of local communities and how these impact on food security. The causes were male out-migration, labour shortages, and limited access to and control over resources despite remittances earned from migrant family members. In addition, political upheavals and the diminishing status of farming, leading to disinterested youth and their migration from rural areas, also aggravated the situation.

The consequences identified include differential access to resources and services of different social and economic groups in the rural communities as well as shifts in gender relations, particularly in relation to decision-making roles. The socio-cultural ramifications of male out-migration and high dependence on the remittance economy at the local level, along with political changes at the national level, have significantly affected lives, livelihoods, and food security. A major consequence of the out-migration of males is that local communities have become feminised, which has had significant impacts on the villages, affecting men and women, and families in the communities. 225

More importantly, the impacts, as well as the capacities of the different social and economic groups are varied depending on their caste, ethnicity, gender and economic status.

How and in what ways are rural communities becoming feminised and what are the impacts on food security?

The findings indicated that the feminisation of local communities is triggered by massive levels of male out-migration, which is accelerated by a multitude of factors including changes in social aspirations, political instability, and economic pressures to maintain the household economy. In particular, male youths are under pressure to engage in foreign employment, both socially, mainly from peers and families, and economically, due to the need to diversify livelihood income other than farming. Young people have heightened social and economic needs, in part fuelled by access to information, and have voluntarily migrated to cities and abroad for employment. To some extent, the process of migrating from the villages was intensified by political unrest and the insecurity resulting from the civil war (1996-2006). Migration for foreign employment was initially an attempt to avoid possible risks during the civil war and a strategy of diversifying and enhancing livelihoods sources. However, it has now become a major source of income of households, supporting to enhancing the financial capacity and livelihoods of families.

The out-migration of males and their absence have provided opportunities for women, notably changes in decision-making roles, registration of the land bought using remittance under women’s name and access to remittance money. However, it has also some negative impacts that include workloads on women, shifting roles and responsibilities, labour shortage, land underutilisation and low local production, thereby further impacting on food security of the people in rural areas.

The inflow of cash from remittances has made people more dependent on the remittance economy itself, shifting rural areas from an agriculture-based to a remittance-based economy. For some households in the village, the increased access to remittances is an opportunity to enhance food-security given higher incomes allow them to buy more varied food. However, the dependence on remittances has subsequently impacted the importation of food from outside the village and district, potentially destabilising the

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local food production system. It was evident from the severe labour shortage in the village including in farming which caused abandonment as well as underutilisation of agricultural lands, thereby decreasing local production. Food prices of both local and imported food have also increased, and such increase in price further encourages youths to migrate for foreign employment to meet the demand for cash.

Moreover, due to the absence of a large number of men in the village, there is a shortage of labour, especially in relation to work traditionally performed by men. Since youths are lured for urban migration including foreign employment for income, farming is becoming a neglected form of local income and employment. The trend of families of migrants moving to urban areas temporarily or permanently for education or better facilities and services has become common among those who are able to access resonable levels of foreign employment and income.

Changes in land use, notably the abandonment or underutilisation of agricultural land, have become a primary driver and overarching concern in relation to food security. The earlier, and relatively stable, food security based around subsistence agriculture, has been disrupted. The gradual shift in land use also changes the mobilities, food habits, and the local economy leading to an increase in the importation of foods and further food-insecure situation in the village.

Out-migration of substantial numbers of men from the rural communities and feminised situation was neither predicted nor planned for. Hence, the absence of men, who used to be in leading positions of several initiatives and collective actions, and under- preparation to cope with changes have weakened community cohesiveness and collective actions for lives and livelihoods on the one hand. However, because of the persistence and domination of those men who did not migrate, and women’s limited experience in taking on leadership positions, women are forced to continue undertaking supporting roles and holding mandatory positions only. Neverthless, some space has opened out to fill the absence of men, and this has provided opportunities for women to participate in decision-making.

Insights from the research sites suggest that there is a serious degree of policy failure in not responding to the socio-economic and food security conditions. The major policy interventions undertaken to date reinforce the status quo in relation to food security and

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agriculture development, despite this being clearly advantageous to males without adequately responding to changing gender roles and the additional responsibilities placed on women given the participation of large swathes of men in migration for foreign employment. Similarly, policies are not sufficiently responsive to needs for more equitable access to resources – particularly on land and remittances – for poor and marginalised groups. The government has failed to devise a policy framework that regulates financing, enhances and further develops women's entrepreneurial capabilities including regulation of financing and promotes gender and social inclusion.

The major findings on the changes in women’s participation in decision-making are presented below.

What are the effects of feminisation on different social and economic groups?

The study revealed that the ability to access foreign employment is closely linked to the economic and social status of the family. Better-off families with financial capital and social networks are in a much better position to access and take full advantage of opportunities presented by migration. Those from wealthier families are not only able to access better income earning countries, which often needs more investment, education and skill, they are also able to invest in business or entrepreneurial activities upon returning from foreign employment.

The existing inequalities based on gender, caste, ethnicity, and economic status have clearly played a role in continuing the status quo. Differentiated access to migration is further widening the gap between the haves and have nots. Given the continuation of such inequity, there is the possibility of widening the income gaps and reinforcing the cycle of poverty for the poorest groups.

What are the impacts of feminisation on women and decision-making roles in the household and community?

The feminisation of local communities has impacted the participation of women in decision-making in two ways. Firstly, most of the household roles and responsibilities, traditionally undertaken by men have shifted on women as there is often no one else to take on such roles, especially in nuclear families allowing women to be an acting de facto household head. However, despite men being far away and women being an acting

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de facto household head, men typically still dominate the decision-making of the household even from abroad. Women are able to make operational decisions that are relatively minor and involve smaller amounts of money, while men make strategic decisions involving larger sums of money with or without consulting women. If women are able to make strategic decisions, this typically involves close consultation with the husband abroad or other male members of the family. In extended families (i.e. joint households), other male family members (e.g. father-in-law or brother-in-law) remaining in the household dominate the strategic decisions, rarely allowing opportunities for a woman to contribute to or lead in making decisions.

Secondly, in the absence of men, women have assumed the role of representing their households and participating in community activities. However, women have remained in subordinate positions due to gender norms and power structures in the community. Hence, women’s contribution and participation in the community, for example, community forest management groups, school management committees, political parties, has remained limited to the physical presence and in mandatory positions required by legislation only. Though some women hold positions within these institutions, they have less influence in the decision-making as major decisions are dominated by men. Thus, women’s roles in the community are tokenistic.

Often women’s lower levels of education and less exposure have been considered responsible for making women less confident in offering opinions and contributing to making decisions in the villages. Moreover, participation in decision making in the villages is also typically judged on the basis of numbers of attendees, not on effectiveness or meaningfulness of what attendees do.

Nevertheless, as the findings show, in the long-run such participation neither increases women’s influence in decision-making nor provides any space where social structure and practices are reviewed and women can equally contribute going beyond the current subordinated position. Tokenistic participation may appear to reflect advancement in women capacities and wider participation and gender justice but, at a deeper level, the participatory exclusion is frequent.

Therefore, this study argues that it is important to understand the interconnectedness of the cultural, social, economic, environmental, and gender dynamics in the household

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and communities. Inequalities are deep-rooted in the cultural practices mainly originating from Hindu religion, thereby making divisions based on caste, ethnicity, class, and gender.

What are the impacts of feminisation on women’s access to and control over resources?

The feminisation of local communities has resulted in changes to women’s access to and control over land and financial resources. There are changes in the roles of women and the responsibilities have shifted to women in both sites. In Nalma where machinery is not suitable for farming due to the landscape, feminisation has meant that land is underutilised and land is being abandoned. However, in Piprahar the flat plains enable women to use farm machinery and farming practices have changed to more intensive farming. It is also the case that male-outmigration has resulted in a labour shortage. If a woman has access to good remittance she has the opportunity to hire male labour however this option is not available to women who do not receive a good amount of remittance from the male family member abroad.

Due to traditional patrilineal practices, women are deprived of accessing land through inheritance, thereby making them more dependent on men – husband, son, father, brother – within the family. However, the remittance economy – and tax exemptions – has afforded women the opportunity to own land, which is a significant change in rural communities. While land bought with remittance money has been registered under women’s name, such ownership is less likely to ensure women’s control over the land to use independently. This is mainly motivated by tax exemption and other facilities associated with it.

Such changes can be considered as significant change within patriarchal practices; however, such ownership is less likely to ensure women’s control over the land to use independently. Likewise, women have increased their access to remittance sent by men. Due to women’s role as acting de facto household head, women receive a certain amount of remittance and are needed to manage according to the need of the family that is often a lesser amount of money. The bigger amount of money is managed by men or women are directed by men to use it.

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Due to historical hierarchical structures based on caste, ethnicity, gender and economic status, different individuals have a different position in the household and the community. In terms of different caste, ethnic and wealth groups, the established notion that indigenous groups are often marginalised and hold subordinated positions is not always applicable. Among the major groups; Gurung and Dalit (in Nalma), Ale Magar, and Bote/Musahar (Piprahar), the more powerful in terms of wealth dominates the other. Dalits and Bote/Musahars are the examples that traditionally some groups were marginalised due to the caste system and occupational practices and remained either landless or hold smaller landholdings. As a consequence, even in the changing social and economic conditions, some groups are deprived of the opportunities for earning remittances. Further, even when some of them have access to remittance, it has only partly helped to accumulate property as their priorities are different (i.e. related to everyday living expenses) than those who have better economic status.

What are the potential pathways to enhance food security in the context of feminised rural communities in Nepal?

This thesis has demonstrated that the social and cultural domination of particular groups has been counterproductive to the livelihoods and food security of marginalised groups, including women and ethnic and indigenous minority groups. Such domination is suppressing the local knowledge and practices of indigenous communities, and further inhibiting the capabilities of indigenous and ethnic communities to enhance and harness the leadership potential of women.

The finding suggests that increased women's engagement in the household including agriculture, communities and politics is a window of opportunity for them to develop their capabilities and entrepreneurship. The inclusive as well as a democratic exercise in politics, conducive policy environment, knowledge and skill development and access to and control over productive resources can lead to finding out potential pathways to enhance women's active engagement in these domains.

My research clearly indicates the close relationship between male migration, women, gender and and food (in)security. It is important both to understand the implications of emerging empirical work, such as my own, as well as to devise suitable policy responses that can be effectively implemented.

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8.3 Implications of the Research

This research has some important implications for theory, policy, and practices related to the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security.

8.3.1 Implicatiosn for the theory

This thesis contributes to advancing theory around feminist political ecology, agrarian change, access to and control over resources, population dynamics and, rural lives and livelihoods. I have critically analysed the ongoing feminisation of local communities, and have shed light on the differential impact of feminisation on different social and economic groups concerning their food security. This thesis has shown the way in which the differential impacts are reproduced due to traditional and historically-rooted inequitable practices related to gender, caste, ethnicity, and economic status. A major focus of this study has been on understanding such differential impacts as well as differential access to and control over the resources, including agricultural land and remittances, for livelihoods and food security. This thesis provides a reflective account of the interaction between nature and society, particularly the differentiated access and control over productive resources to enhance food security. It reinforces the value of a feminist political ecology perspective and provides a broader framework in which to recognise and revisit the importance of such perspectives in resolving the inequities present. Through adding empirical texture, this study makes a theoretical contribution to the feminist political ecology perspective itself.

The thesis highlights the need for understanding and considering the historical and structural practices that are undermining the ostensible benefits for women, particularly for those from marginalised groups. Moreover, the thesis highlights the reproduction of dominance of the powerful in slowing down aspired changes, especially in terms of gender relations. Such dominance has constrained women’s opportunities to enhance capacity to participate in every aspect of the household and community decision-making and in accessing and controlling resources.

To understand the broader picture of the feminisation of local communities and its impacts on food security, it is necessary to view the interconnected relationships among out-migration, remittance, labourer shortage, low local production, food import, and food insecurity leading to forceful out-migration time and again. Therefore, this thesis 232

calls for the need to critically assess the cycle of out-migration, remittance, labour shortage, low local production, food import, and food insecurity leading to demand of more income and thereby perpetuating the cycle of out-migration. Throughout the cycle, social structures have priviledged some groups (i.e high caste, wealthier group and men), while other groups (i.e. lower caste, poorest of the poor and women) face obstacles in each of the factors involved in the cycle.

The change in land use is an indication of the rural society moving beyond the earlier notion that land, labour, and capital are only the means of production for the livelihoods and food security. Further, increased access to quality education, technical knowledge and skills are proving to be powerful means of livelihoods and food security, which suggests that one not necessarily has to depend only on land and farming-based income. It is an important issue to consider for land use planning

This thesis has focused on analysing the impacts of the feminisation of local communities in terms of the different social and economic groups, including how they are coping with the impacts. While doing so, the analysis highlights both gendered practices and indigeneity as cross-cutting issues, which gives a fresh approach into the variations of the feminisation of local communities.

8.3.2 Implications for policy and practice

This thesis contributes to policy and practice by highlighting the key issues of feminisation and food security that require policy attention. Despite some efforts at the policy and programme levels on mainstreaming gender and social inclusion in the sectors of food and agriculture, there is a need for policies and programmes to focus on gender-sensitive institutions, tools, and technologies in the context of increasing labour participation of women in farming instead of focusing only on the physical participation. While doing so, it is crucial to recognise and consider rigid social practices that hinder certain potentially positive impacts of feminisation.

The policy analysis indicates that the provision for women’s equal participation has generated parity in the attendance (physical participation) of women (see Section 4.3.4) but not necessarily added to meaningful participation in decision-making. Women’s participation is largely measured by the number of women participating, rather than the meaningfulness of their participation, and without recognition of their subordinate 233

position in social structures and practices. The thesis further contributes to formulating future policy and practice by highlighting the importance of monitoring effectiveness and meaningfulness of women’s participation in decision-making both in the household and community. Irrespective of having some provisions and policies with a good intention of increasing women’s participation, efficient implementation of such provisions and policies should be prioritised at community level. In practice in the family, decisions are made both solo and jointly, however, sole decision-making by women is often practiced in relation to less strategic and more immediate matters whereas longer-term and strategic decisions are made jointly in the family. Since, women are taking over more responsibilites at everyday household level, as well as at the farm and community, their access to decision-making has the potential to enhance their capacities and empower them.

Despite feminisation offering greater opportunities for reshaping gendered relations and control over resources and decision-making, this is often much more limited than we might have anticipated. Identifying those barriers and addressing them needs attention in the context of increased women’s physical and labour participation both at the household and community levels in the feminised communities, that further limits the opportunities of broader capacity enhancement of women a feminised situation poses.

However, the existing policies focus on those who are able to go overseas for jobs and the welfare of migrant workers, not on those who cannot go. Access to financial capital is not addressed by these policies and there is no financial assistance to provide loans with subsidised rates or without collateral. This finding implies that the remittance boom does not benefit all people equally. Rather, the poor and disadvantaged are largely left out.

The Nepal Government acknowledges that while the goal of reducing poverty has been advanced by remittances, it is not a reliable source for long-term poverty reduction (see Section 4.2.2). The remittance economy is uncertain and poses a danger for sustainable food security because of the growing trends of dependency on remittance for buying food rather than producing food locally. Despite such challenges, Nepal is intending to increase the contribution of remittance to GDP from 26.9 to 35% by 2030 (NPC, 2017). It is an important issue for a country like Nepal that sends mostly unskilled workers abroad to have enabling policies on the appropriate mobilisation of remittances. One 234

such focus is to use remittances to invest in the productive sector such as agriculture, to improve local production and enhance food security.

This thesis offers suggestions to enhance food security considering ongoing socioeconomic changes at a local level by re-utilising underutilised agricultural land, encouraging investment of remittance in the agriculture sector, and repositioning of the farming culture. The re-utilisation of underutilised agricultural land demands to adjust on the current land tenure system so that those who are landless or have less access can access land resource more easily.

Likewise, whether or not the remittance is invested in farming depends on the return one would get from it. Therefore, it is a policy issue to address the potential hurdles and attract the investment in agriculture value chain and market. Once people are interested in farming, either as an individual or cooperative, and have access to the market, agriculture-based enterprises can be developed. Hence, farming can be an attractive profession for youths as well.

Most importantly the consideration of social practices based on gender, caste, ethnicity and economic status that shapes livelihoods and access to livelihood resources of some groups would encourage those marginalised groups and women who are mostly shouldering farming in the feminised community. Such a situation could further contribute to improving local food production and food security.

There is huge diversity as well as disparity within the community. While engaging in social interactions, enhancing diversity in all aspects of social life and eliminating disparity is important and needs to be well considered. In terms of the local practices in both case study sites, there are limited attempts that could reduce the social disparity particularly, building capacities and awareness of the marginalised groups.

On all these efforts on policy and practice level, there is a vital role of concerned actors and stakeholders to enhance positive impacts of the feminisation of local communities, thereby to enhance women’s participation in decision-making and access to and control over resources in relation to food security. Due to the recent restructuring of the governance system in 2017, the changes to institutional boundaries and actors’ roles and responsibilities, particularly given that local government has both authority and power, can be an opportunity to make policies and programmes locally. 235

8.4 Limitations of the Research

I learned much around the issues and interrelations between individuals, societies and nature, how these interact with one another and impacts differently in diverse circumstances. Particularly, this research was an opportunity to better understand the relations, struggles, resilience and contradictions in the lives and livelihoods of local people, particularly of women in their own households and communities.

Despite fieldwork providing rich data sets, the analysis of the issue under investigation took longer time than expected. Travelling to research sites particularly to Nalma village was not easy due to difficult terrain and rough road conditions, whereas Piprahar was relatively with easy to access by roads. Since I was familiar with these conditions, I planned field visits accordingly and managed all the field works effectively.

Similarly, the seasonality of the farming cycle was important to capture and I therefore travelled in different intervals to the sites. My previous engagement in the research sites was an advantage that enabled me to reflect on and relate to the seasonal perspectives and experiences. My visits to the sites during peak harvesting seasons for millet and rice enabled me to capture insights into workload and women's everyday experiences of farming. While this had the potential to distract some participants and for them to offer less time for interviews and discussion, it allowed me to gain greater insights into the seasonal variation within these villages.

While reflecting back to the field work, it would have been better to have a longitudinal study of the families and individual participants of the research to get a deeper understanding of the impacts that each household and the broader communities experience. Instead I undertook repeated cross-sectional analyuses. A longitudinal focus would have been much more expensive for both me and the participating respondents. In this sense, some useful observations may have been lost through an inability to follow a range of families over a longer period and across seasons and periods of migration.

There are diverse perspectives as well as multiple layers to look into more deeply. Among these, one is the site-specific experience of certain phenomena. While I was able to detect different patterns of migration and different approaches to farming in different sites, I was not in a position to more thoroughly and fully understand what 236

accounted for all of these differences. My planned approach was to identify case stories rather than undertake a significant degree of cross-case comparisons; I have nevertheless fed in my insights across the cases when these can be sensibly made.

8.5 Areas of Future Research

The field research and case study analysis revealed that there are some important issues which need to be further explored and analysed to better understand the feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security, and not all of them were within the scope of this study. In this respect, there are specific issues needed to be accounted for and analysed to address the issues and find the solutions for the future.

The study aimed to look at the broader impact of male out-migration and remittance on women. Besides the positive impacts of remittance on income and financial capacity, other social impacts such as insecurity feeling of women at home and social rumours and scrutiny they have to face while running a household alone needs further exploration. Likewise, separation of a family member (husband or father) for substantial years and its associated impacts, for example on woman’s mental and physical wellbeing, and children growing with single parents mostly, are also equally important to explore but were beyond the scope of this study.

At this stage of this study, exploring the impact of the feminisation of local communities on food security of women from the different social and economic group was broadly analysed based only on the major groups of the study site. Such an important issue needs further study in specific to see the differentiation and diversity among every caste and ethnic groups and within each group too. Similarly, the finding of this research raises an important question: how can Nepal’s local communities become more food secure? The status quo is not an option; the discourses, policies and practices around food security should be openly debated and solutions should seek collectively.

There is a need to develop a more efficient and equitable agriculture system that could respond to changing agro-ecological patterns to generate greater levels of income, access to markets and as well access to land, labour and capital as important bases of productive resources.

237

Besides feminisation, the ageing of local communities, including in relation to farming, is also an emerging issue of rural Nepal. Hence, the impact of migration on elderly people also deserves further exploration. The older generation, grandparents to you families, were found to be especially worried about the future of farming and the use of land.

A further boundary of this research was to have different case study sites representing different ecological zones that could have complemented and strengthened the findings and conclusion drawn from this study. It would also be interesting to conduct a study representing all seven provinces and how these issues are taken care of after the new political system is in place, with more power at provincial level than previously.

Apart from these specific questions and issues of further research, there is a need for a broader perspective on agriculture and food security in the context of a mountain agriculture system from which young people are moving, abandoning agriculture and posing significant challenges to local food security. How will responses to these circumstances evolve? What potential is there for more progressive and innovative policies? Future research must help answer these questions. It should also be directed towards the comparative analysis of feminisation and food security in different parts of the country and amongst different population groups.

8.6 Concluding Remarks

The research has identified the differential impacts of the feminisation of local communities on food security of social and economic groups. Despite some positive effects of feminisation such as increasing opportunity for participation, this thesis highlights the persistence of social and cultural practices that limit genuine opportunities the feminisation of local communities poses and that can further contribute to food security. Women are still denied access to and control over resources – including land and remittance – and lack capacity in decision-making roles, which women can utilise in making better use of resources as well as influence decision- making related to food security, both in the household and community.

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Annexes

Annex I: Household survey questionnaire (English)

Household Survey Questionnaire Project title: Feminisation of local communities and its impact on food security in Nepal Date: Survey form no:

This research is aimed to understand the process and impacts of feminisation on food security at both household and community levels. This study will focus to understand the patterns, trends and scales of the feminisation exploring the women’s participation on decision-making process access to and control over land resources, and the distributional impacts of feminisation on food security. This household survey will help the researchers to investigate everyday practices and experiences of you (your household) in relation to feminisation and food security outcomes with a view to identify barriers and opportunities for enhancing food security in the changing social context.

Name of VDC/municipality: Ward no: Village: Section A: Background information

Section A: Respondent’s Information 1. Name of the respondent (optional):…………………… 2. Gender: 1Male 1Female 3. Marital Status: 1Married 1Unmarried 1Divorced 4. Education: 1Illiterate 1Literate 1Under SLC 1Above…………… 254

5. Occupation: 1Farmer 1Service/business 1Other……

Household’s Information 6. Wellbeing ranking

a. 1Rich b. 1Middle c. 1Poor d.1Very poor 7. Name of the household head………………………...

8. Gender of household head a1 Female b1Male 9. Do you live in joint or nuclear family?

a1Joint b1nuclear

10. Please provide detail on family/household composition S. Name Relationship Gender Educati Primary Remark No with (M/F)/Age on occupation s respondent

11. How much land does you or your family own? Please provide the following information.

Type of land Quantity (Ropani/Hectare) Ownership (own, sharecrop, others) Irrigated land Up land 255

Grass/grazing land Others

Section B: Process, Scale and trends of Feminisation 1. Do you have any family members who have gone overseas? If yes go to 2 if No go to 7. 2.Details of the members who are abroad: Members: Sex Where/which How many Total How often M/F country times/ years they do they spent come back abroad

3.What did he/she use to do at home before? List the tasks/activities a. b. c. d. e. Note: examples of the works are ploughing, harrowing, planting seeds, maintaining water/irrigation, weeding, hauling manure, threshing rice,...... 4. Who does take the role to perform those tasks/activities these days? Tasks/activities Who does

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5. How do you feel about them being away?

a. 1Happy b. 1sad c. 1no response/donot know 6.What is your experience of not having the male at home? a. 1Difficult b. 1easy c. 1 doesn’t make difference

7. What do you think about sending male member of family overseas? a. 1Good b. 1not good c. 1 have no choice d. 1 no response/donot know 8. How do you feel about not having many male members around the village? a. 1Good b. 1not good c. 1 have no choice d. 1 no response/donot know 9. If you had a choice to send or not to send male members overseas what do you do? a. 1 Will send b. 1will not send c. 1 have not made mind d. 1donot know 10. Do you think women need to take more responsibilities after male migrates? a. 1Agree b. 1disagree c. 1 strongly agree c. 1 strongly disagree

Note: question 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 for female participants only. 11. What are the changes (difficulties or comfort) you experienced after your husband migrate for foreign job or to other places? ………………………………….

12. What are the changes in your workloads after your husband went abroad? If workloads are increased, please list them: a…...... b………………….. c………………….. d…………………… 13.Are you cultivating the same amount of land you used to cultivate before (when any members were not migrating)? a1Yes b1No 14.If yes, how do you manage? 257

a1doing by ourselves b1employing labor c1any other way………

15.If No, what are the reasons? a…...... b………………….. c…………………..

16. Are there any changes in cropping pattern before and now (within last 10 years)? Cropping cycles Yes No Area (in Reason/why is it Ropani/Hall) so? From 3 crops to 2 From 2 to 1 From 1 to none Abandoned agriculture land

17. Do you think men are going abroad because of not having enough income (financial hardship)?

1 do not know1disagree1strongly disagree 1agree1 strongly agree 18. Do you think women head (left behind) are able to mobilise fund (income from remittance) for household activities?

1 do not know1disagree1 strongly disagree 1agree1 strongly agree 19. Do you think income from remittance is properly utilised? 1 do not know1disagree1 strongly disagree 1agree1 strongly agree 20. Do you think, there is increased development and community works in the villages? 1 do not know1disagree1 strongly disagree 1agree1 strongly agree

Section C: Impacts of Feminisation on food security C1 Participation in decision-making processes 1. Who makes household decisions now?

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1 Male 1Female1 Both 2. Who used to make household decisions before (male member migrated)?

1 Male 1Female1 Both 3. If, there are any changes in decision-making after male member left for abroad, please list the areas of decisions. a. I.e. Deciding on how to use land? b. c. 4. If yes, how do you feel about these changes? If No, question no. 5. ……………………………… 5. Who is represented/consulted in decision making in the household?

1 Every member

1Only male

1 Both male and female

1 Only matured male and female

1Only male (any age) and matured female 6. Is every member (male, female) of the household represented/consulted when making decision?

1 Yes 1No1 Sometime 7. Who mostly represent the family to participate in community affairs/works? (e.g attending meeting, group discussions)?

1 Male 1Female1 Both 8. On monthly basis, how often does the woman representative of the family participate (how many times this month?

1 1-5 times 16-10 times1 11-15 times1 More than 15 9. Is the woman representativeconsulted/represented when making decisions at community affairs?

1 Yes 1No1 Sometime

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10. Does women representative actively contribute in discussion/decisions made (putting their thoughts)?

1 Yes 1No1 Rarely 11. What are the areas of decisions, which are changed, or as usual in community? Areas of decisions Changed As usual

C 2 Access to and control over land resources 1. Who owns the assets in your family? Ownership Type of ownership Property single/joint, written/verbal Female Male a. Land b. Livestock (Buffalo, cow, goat, pig, hen...) c. Ornaments/jewelry d. Others......

2. What was the ownership pattern before?

1 Male 1female1 joint 3. If there is change, what do you think about this change? ……………………………………. 4. What are the critical problems/issues of access to and control over land resources? List major three problems: 1. 2. 3.

5. Is there any land bought after male migration, if yes, ownership?

1 Male 1Female1 Both

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6. Who makes decision on how to use land resources?

1 Male 1Female1 Both

C 3 Differential impacts of Feminisation on food securitylinks 1. Is there any difference in fertility/productivity of the land?

1Increasing1decreasing1same 2. What are the reasons? …………………………..

3. Are you self-sufficient in food production for your own HH needs? 1 Yes 1 No 4. If No, how many months do you depend on food from outside?

11-3 months 14-6 months 17-9 months 110-12 months 5. How much do you normally spend for buying food for the rest of the year (in NRs)?

4. How much out of it do you spend for food alone?

5. What are the three major problems of feminisation in local communities? a. b. c. Apart from these, are there any comments you would like to add?

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…………………………………………………………………………………………… … ……………………………………………… ………………………………………………

Would you like contribute further by participating in: - Focus group discussion - Interview

Thank you so much for your contribution and time.

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Annex II: List of the participants of KIIs

List of the participants of interview at the province and national level

Level Codes Details of the actors Remarks National Government NG1 Senior officer at the department of agriculture. NG2 Officer at agriculture policy department. During ADS preparation who served on a coordinating team at the ministry. NG3 Officer at the department of livestock development. Non- FG1 The chair of the National Farmer government Groups Federation. The federation is the umbrella organisation of the farmers’ groups which were initiated by the department of agriculture in all 75 districts of Nepal. FG2 Executive committee member of the Right to Food Network. NGO/1 The senior activist and programme coordinator. NGO/2 The Executive Director of Community Self-Reliance Centre which is working in the issues of land rights. Provincial/district and local level (Lamjung) Government DG/L1 District livestock service officer, who is responsible for the overall district in relation to livestock development and services. DG/L2 Woman development officer.

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VDC/L1 VDC secretary Province/district level (Nawalparasi) DG/N1 District agriculture development officer. DG/N2 Officer of district development committee. DG/N3 District forest officer. DNGO/ A staff of NGO working in the issue of N1 safer migration.

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List of the participants of Key Informant Interview at the village level

Coding Composition Remarks KII/GF/N1 Gurung female, local leader and Above 40, never politician married KII/DF/N2 Dalit female, wife of migrant male KII/GM/N3 Gurung young male, social mobiliser Aspiring to move to Europe KII/DF/N4 Dalit female, wife of migrant KII/DF/N5 Dalit, old female farmer KII/GM/N6 Gurung young male, migrant On holiday for 2 months KII/GM/N7 Gurung male, retired Indian army, active farmer

KII/GF/N8 Gurung female, wife of retired Indian army KII/DF/N9 Dalit female, wife of migrant KII/GF/N10 Gurung old woman KII/DM/N11 Dalit young male KII/GF/N12 Gurung female, wife of migrant KII/SK/N13 Local shopkeeper (Gurung) KII/M1 Ale Magar Male 70 years, one of the landlords KII/M2 Gurung teacher KII/M3 Tharu Male, ex-VDC chair Above 70 Still farming KII/M4 Old Tharu Male KII/M5 Tharu male construction worker KII/M6 Tharu male returnee migrant KII/M7 Ale male returnee migrant KII/BM1 Fisherman Active in establishing Bote

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samaj (Organisation of Bote/Musahar) KII/DM1/P Dalit, Male KII/BF1 Bote female Old woman active in establishing Bote samaj KII/BF2 Wife of migrant Bote KII/MF1 Magar female wife of migrant KII/TF1 Tharu female wife of migrant KII/TF2 Tharu female wife of migrant Running homestay too KII/TF3 Tharu female wife of migrant Living in joint family KII/KF1 Kumal female wife of migrant

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Annex III: Checklist for the KIIs

Date: Name of the respondents (optional) Introduction of the research/aims/confidentiality get the consent form signed. Give overview of the interview time, permission for record. 1. Process of Feminisation 1. Factors/drivers, trend and scale of Feminisation 2. Consequences of feminisation 3. Any changes on workload of women after male migrates from the village 4. Activities increased or decreased in terms of workload 2. Impacts of feminisation on participation and decision, access to and control over and equity 1. Who usually makes household decisions? 2. Major decision needed to make at home, any changes? 3. Representation and participation of members of HH in decision-making at HHs, any changes 4. Participation of HHs representative in the community affairs 5. Contributions of women representatives from household (with migrated male member) 6. Decision making at community level, any changes 7. Ownership of the land and other properties/productive resources in the HHs in the village 8. Decision on using land resources 9. Status of land use in village, any changes? 10. Land productivity and total productions, any change 11. Cropping pattern (any changes) 12. Any impact of labour shortage (male migration) 13. Food availability (local production, imported) 14. Accessibility of food (local and imported) 15. Income/cash source and management of the villagers 16. Labour supply in agriculture and labour availability 17. Tenancy practices and changes

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18. Supply and management of other input (seed, fertilisers, other services)

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Annex IV: Composition of the participants of FGD

Coding Composition Remarks FGD/CL/N1 Community leaders (ex-chair of the All male village development committee, teachers, local politician) FGD/DMF/N2 Dalit males and female mix FGD/GM/N3 Gurung male This hamlet has only Gurungs FGD/GF/N4 Gurung female FGD/DF/N5 Dalit females FGD/WL/N6 Wage labours females (all Dalits) FGD/TF1 Tharu Females FGD/TF2 Tharu Females FGD/FM1 Female mixed (Brahmin, Magar, Kumal) FGD/FM2 Female mixed (Magar, Tharu) FGD/MM1 Male mixed (Magar, Tharu) FGD/MM2 Male mixed (Tharu only)

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Annex V: Checklist of FGD

Date: FGD group: Introduction of the research/aims/confidentiality get the consent form signed. Give overview of the discussion time, permission for record.

Process of Feminisation 1. Factors/drivers of Feminisation 2. Trend and scale of feminisation 3. Consequences of feminisation 4. Any changes on workload of women after male migrates from the village 5. Activities increased or decreased in terms of workload B. Impacts of feminisation on participation and decision, access to and control over and equity 1. Who makes household decisions? 2. Major decision needed to make at home and is there any changes? 3. Representation and consultation of members of HHs in decision-making 4. Participation and representation of HH members in the community affairs, is there any change? 5. Contributions of women representatives from household (with migrated male member) in decision- making in community 6. Ownership of the land and other properties in the HHs in the village 7. Decision on using land resources at HHs 8. Status of land use in village, any change 9. Land productivity and total productions, any change 10. Cropping pattern (any changes) 11. Any impact of labour shortage (male migration) 12. Food availability (local production, imported) 13. Accessibility of food (local and imported) 14. Income/cash source and management of the villagers 15. Labour supply in agriculture and labour availability in the village 16. Tenancy practices and changes 17. Supply and management of other input (seed, fertilisers, other services)

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