Religion, Folk Mínjiān Zōngjiào 民間宗教

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Religion, Folk Mínjiān zōngjiào 民間宗教

Throughout the history of China, folk religion villages, always remained faithful to their local gods. Only maintained its fundamental importance to the under the most dire circumstances, when famine, mili- people, even after the development of Daoism, tary unrest, or natural disaster destroyed their villages Buddhism, and Confucianism. The beliefs, and livelihoods, did they voluntarily throw their support behind charismatic religious leaders from a variety of reli- rituals, and morality of these latter streams gious persuasions. Such leaders often promised to lead the of institutionalized religious belief intermin- people out of their misery and into some divine utopia, gled and coexisted with folk religion to create but often the final destination was dystopian rebellion. an eclectic spiritual culture that characterizes Because Chinese culture has been spread over a vast Chinese culture to this day. geographic area, it developed many regional variations. It is therefore extremely difficult to give a definitive description of the general characteristics of the national communal religion, or even say for certain if such a religion ince their beginnings more than 2,000 years ago, existed. Despite regional differences, however, Chinese the major organized religions of China (Daoism culture was remarkably integrated, and that makes it pos- 道教, Buddhism 佛教, and Confucian-based state sible to identify some universal qualities. Also, because religion 儒教) were never powerful or popular enough to the major religious traditions worked hard to infiltrate the displace completely the communal religion of the people. religion of the people, they inevitably left their marks and Instead, they have had to remain satisfied with sharing these factors serve to provide some consistency of belief the spiritual loyalties of the people with community- and from one region to another. family-based religious observances. But these textual religions have been successful in infusing communal religion with some of their doctrines and traditions. For example, Characteristics of the Buddhist vision of Hell and the afterlife became the Popular Religion commonly accepted vision among all Chinese, Confu- cian morality penetrated deeply into the everyday moral- To the common people of premodern China, as for those ity of the common people, and the Daoist pantheon was in most premodern societies, the natural world was inhab- largely fused with the pantheon of communal religion. ited by a great number of unseen forces and beings. The This was one of the ways that Daoist priests were able to objective of popular religion always was to enlist the as- establish themselves as the elite religious authorities for sistance of the more benevolent of those forces to protect both the common people and the state, but the masses the social and economic interests of the local community. of the Chinese people, most of whom lived in small rural On the other side of the spiritual spectrum, a variety of 1873

© 2009 by Berkshire Publishing Group LLC S 1874 Berkshire Encyclopedia of China 宝库山中华全书 methods were used to defend against malevolent forces. official banquets at which local people entertained visit- Certain divinities were identified as being primarily re- ing government representatives with lavish offerings of sponsible for maintaining order in the unseen world, just food and wine. as certain authority figures were charged with ensuring Another curious but significant aspect of the rela- the smooth functioning of the material world. One of tionship between humans and the divine in China was the most striking features of the Chinese conception of the fact that the gods were assumed to be subject to hu- divinity is the manner in which the gods were thought man authority in some respects, or at least that they ex- to operate through a centralized bureaucratic govern- isted in a relationship of mutual obligation with humans. ment, undeniably patterned after a vulgar vision of the Priests of various affiliations, as well as government -of imperial government in traditional China. Gods were ficials, could issue orders to the officials of the unseen endowed with titles and often were responsible for well- world. Depending on the level of their bureaucratic rank, defined administrative tasks. They were also surrounded mundane officials could even promote or demote those and waited upon by legion subalterns and personal atten- holding positions in the divine bureaucracy. Punishment dants. The means of communicating with the gods also, for spirits who had not fulfilled their correct roles was fairly naturally, replicated the manner of dealing with of- also sometimes necessary. The official titles carried by ficials of the mundane imperial government: Requests certain prominent gods were often bestowed by the im- were made via formally worded memorials and necessar- perial government in recognition of the gods’ service to ily passed through the hands of lower-level functionaries. humans. Sacrifices and temple celebrations were compared with In any village or city of medieval China it would have been possible to find many temples, large and small, that housed gods who were believed to possess powers specific Wood engraving of a Thunder God. Throughout or general. They might protect against natural disaster, the premodern era the masses of the Chinese cure illnesses, assist women in childbirth, or save sail- people, most of whom lived in small rural vil- ors at sea. Sometimes there were legends to explain how lages, remained faithful to their local gods. But a god had acquired his or her powers, sometimes there they also perceived that the world was inhabited were not. The temples of these gods were maintained by and affected by great numbers of unseen forces the surrounding community, and for the most part there and beings. The objective of folk religion was to was no full-time priest in residence. When the occasion enlist the more benevolent of those forces to pro- called for it, such as the celebration of the god’s birth- tect the social and economic interests of the local day, or the arrival of an important juncture in the cosmic community. cycle, certain members of the community would preside over ceremonies. For the more important rituals, such as the annual Pudu 普渡 (Ulambana) rite wherein the dis- enfranchised and unattended spirits in Hell, commonly referred to as “hungry ghosts” (egui 餓鬼) were invited to enjoy a feast donated by the community, Daoist priests with specialized knowledge of ritual procedures would be invited; in other cases, the local magistrate would stand in as the master of ceremonies. This latter phenomenon is significant because, at least since the time of the Han Dynasty (206 bce – 2 2 0 ce), the state, which considered it- self the only legitimate intermediary between the world of humans and Heaven, had maintained a religious presence in the local communities by giving their local representatives the responsibility of conducting rituals of various sorts, especially those directed toward controlling the forces of nature. Memorials addressed to the responsible

An historical illustration of a shrine to household gods. Ancestors were not the only spiritual presence in the Chinese household. Gods and spirits were believed to inhabit strategic locations inside and out. divine officials begging for rain, seeking to end pestilence, him by the Song Dynasty emperor in 1120 ce. In the vast or in one famous instance, asking that crocodiles refrain majority of cases, however, it was the people themselves from consuming local village folk, were commonly com- that determined the survival and popularity of a given posed and delivered by government officials who may cult, and if the people did not feel that the god was effec- have also offered gifts of cooked food and wine, or simply tive in helping them, his or her temple fell into disuse and fragrant incense smoke as inducement. disrepair in a relatively short time. One of the most characteristic tendencies of Chinese folk religion was the deification of real historical person- alities. This usually occurred on a local level, but some- The God of the Locale times the popularity of such a figure might spread to other areas, or even become a national phenomenon. Very often One of the most widely dispersed and oldest divinities those deified were cultural heroes, people who had dis- in China is the God of the Locale (Tudi gong 土地公), tinguished themselves by their moral strength or military precursors of whom can be found mentioned in the pre- prowess. Perhaps the most famous example of this is that dynastic classics dating from as early as 1000 bce. Virtu- of the god Lord Guan (Guangong 關公), whose fearsome ally every village and urban neighborhood in traditional bearded image can often be found presiding over Chi- China recognized their own version of this deity. He was nese restaurants and retail stores. Lord Guan was in life the protector not only of the people of the community, a famous and popular general from the Three Kingdoms but also of their livelihoods. Most people saw him as a (Sanguo 三國) period (220–265 ce) who captured the police chief of the local underworld, and it was through popular imagination with his valiant defense of a failing his power to keep the often unruly spirits of the deceased imperial court. The process of deification in China was in check that he was able to provide security on earth. very much like the canonization of saints by the Catholic While this divinity can be approached by individuals Church. The major difference was that in China, no cen- seeking assistance with a personal matter, especially a tral authority had control over who should and should not matter concerning deceased family members, the God be deified. In theory, the imperial government held that of the Locale often was worshipped by the community authority, and it constantly tried to enshrine those whom as a whole. Worship was carried out in times of crisis, but it felt embodied values it wished to promote. Lord Guan, also on special days, such as the god’s birthday. On these for example, was given several titles over the centuries, latter occasions lavish offerings of food and drink, as well including a title indicating his divinity bestowed upon as music and dance, were made, and a generally festive

© 2009 by Berkshire Publishing Group LLC 1876 Berkshire Encyclopedia of China 宝库山中华全书 atmosphere prevailed. Such celebrations were a natural traditions seeped slowly down through the social lad- opportunity for the members of the community to mix der from the elite to the common people. Due to its mis- informally with each other, lifting the spirits of all those sionary efforts among the common folk, Buddhism had involved. probably changed the basic worldview of the peasant masses by the beginning of the Tang period. But we can quite safely posit that up until the Song period Confu- The City God cian ethics were primarily the exclusive preserve of the educated elite. With the explosion of printing and pub- Another god found in many urban Chinese communities lishing, as well as due to expanded social mobility and is the City God (Chenghuang 城皇). City God temples the popularity of certain forms of entertainment such as are still found in virtually all Chinese cities whose found- professional storytelling and theatre, by the Ming Dy- ing predates the end of the dynastic period in 1912. Fre- nasty (1368–1644) Confucianism had finally brought its quently a city will have several gods distributed among normative, or universal, values to the common people its different wards. Cults of the City God are not as old of all regions of China, providing them with standard as those of the God of the Locale; they begin to appear rituals and standard ethics. This was particularly so in more widely in the Tang dynasty (618–907 ce) and Song the case of the cult of the ancestors. Although ancestor dynasty (960–1279) as the result of increased urbaniza- worship appears in the earliest records of the Shang dy- tion during those periods. City Gods have a somewhat nasty (1766–1045 bce) emperors, formal and ideological different role to play in the community than Gods of the aspects of such things as funerals, weddings, and post- Locale. They are usually recognized as the direct supe- humous rites steadily became more imbued with Confu- rior of the God of the Locale, and while the God of the cian values over time. This process accelerated with the Locale is most often seen as a local personality with no acceptance of neo-Confucianism among the educated official position, the City God represents the higher -au class of the Song dynasty and the Ming dynasty. Yet even thority of the heavenly bureaucracy. They too, have an today there remains considerable regional diversity in important responsibility to protect the area under their such rites. control from disaster and to bolster its prosperity, but Traditionally the Chinese believed that human des- their influence is usually felt to be more far-reaching tiny was not determined by effort alone: It was necessary than that of the God of the Locale. Also, because they are to enlist the help of superhuman agencies to protect the considered to be appointed to their positions by higher interests and bring prosperity of the living. The closest, powers, those same powers, or sometimes the local rep- most obvious place to look for such assistance was among resentative of the mundane imperial government, could one’s ancestors. Ancestors were very much considered relieve them of their posts and replace them if they did part of the family. They had moved on to a different level not carry out their duties properly. City Gods are gener- of existence and had special needs, but they were dealt ally accommodated in impressive urban temples that can with as if their interest in family affairs remained as strong serve as community centers as well as religious institu- as when they were alive. tions, very much in the same way that the plazas in front Rituals for the ancestors were aimed at making of European cathedrals served as meeting places for the their afterlife as comfortable as possible. Some ceremo- citizens of the city. nies were also intended to assist passage through oth- erworldly purgatories in which the past conduct of the ancestors was judged by divine authorities. Not surpris- Family-Based Religion ingly, since it was Buddhism that brought the very concept of Hell and reincarnation to China in the first place, The family has probably been a center of Chinese ritual it was usually through Buddhist rituals that the ances- activity since Neolithic times. But the nature of family tors awaiting delivery from Hell could be provided assis- religion changed significantly over time as values and tance in their progress. It was also popularly believed that concepts originating in the Confucian and Buddhist only if the ancestors were well provided for materially

and free from the clutches of hellish officials, that they (Guanyin 觀音), and other popular divinities swelled the could give their protection and assistance to living mem- ranks of the Chinese pantheon during the late imperial bers of the family. This meant that altars to honor the age (Ming and Qing dynasties, 1368–1912). The help and ancestors were maintained in every household, and tab- protection of these gods was considered critical to the lets with the names of the ancestors were placed there, preservation and prosperity of the family. along with offerings of food and drink. On special occasions, such as Chinese New Year or the Grave- sweeping Festival (Qingming Festival 清明節), more elaborate Shamanism in rites were enacted before those altars, at the graveside, Chinese Religion or at a temple. On such occasions, more lavish offerings were also provided, and joss (paper) money was burned Shamanism is a form of religion that focuses on direct in the belief that it would be transformed by the flames contact with the world of spirits. It is the main religious and conveyed to those in the afterlife. Anyone who visits and cultural tradition in many preliterate cultures. The an area where traditional Chinese religion is still prac- classical description of shamanic religion was constructed ticed will see small metal containers filled with ashes on by Russian anthropologists working in southern Siberia the sidewalks in front of people’s houses and businesses. during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These are for the sole purpose of burning money for the Since that time, shamanic practices have also been iden- ancestors of the family. tified and studied among North and South American The ancestors were not the only spiritual presence in native peoples, among the Bushmen and other tribes in the Chinese household. Gods and spirits were believed Southern Africa, and among Australian aboriginal tribes, to inhabit strategic locations inside and out. No doubt to name just a few examples. The shaman is a person, the most important of these was the God of the Stove (Zaoshen 灶神). His dominion over the cooking hearth and food-preparation area of the home guaranteed his Two door gods. Door gods (menshen), are tradi- prestige. The God of the Stove was responsible for watch- tionally hung, painted on, or placed beside en- ing over the activities of the family, and for reporting those tranceways during the Chinese New Year. Their activities to the gods in the heavens. This yearly ascent to images prevent unwelcome spirits and ghosts make his report was believed to take place shortly before from gaining access to the house. the New Year, and the family would prepare a feast for him to ensure that he would make only favorable com- ments about them. Many houses would also have an altar to the God of the Foundation (Diji zhu 地基主) placed close to the ground. This deity was charged with protecting the family against low-lying evil spirits that resided near the ground. In the Chinese worldview there is general association between things issuing from the low-lying earth, and noxious, yin 陰 (as opposed to yang 陽) va- pors. Ghosts and legions of hostile demons also had an affinity for the cold earth. The role of the God of the Foundation was especially important to the preservation of spiritual and physical health in the household. Door gods (menshen 門神), whose images were painted on or beside entranceways, also protected against the entry of unwelcomed spirits and ghosts. Statues of the God of Wealth (Caishen 财神), the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy

Traditional house on the South China coast. Two posters featuring door guardians provide protection from evil spirits. Verses written in couplets that convey good thoughts hang on both sides of doorway, and an auspicious greeting hangs above. Another household deity, the God of the Foundation, was especially important in preserving the spiritual and physical health of those who lived in the house. Photo by Joan Lebold Cohen.

either male or female, who has can communicate with Shang 商 ( 1 7 6 6 – 1 0 4 5 bce) dynasties relied on the ser- the spirits. Communication is often affected when the vices of priests who were capable of contacting the soul of the shaman temporarily is released from its physi- spirits to plan their every move. Among the common cal body and travels to the spirits’ world, where he or she people, mediums, traditionally known as wu 巫 (fe- (since in many cultures the shaman is usually a woman) male) or xi 觋 (male), could enter a trance and allow can speak directly with the spirits and request their as- spirits to speak through their mouths or write with their sistance in human affairs. Shamans also can cause their hands; they have been a basic part of village religion souls to vacate their bodies, allowing the spirits to make since at least the Zhou period (1045–256 bce), and con- use of their voices, and sometimes hands and feet, to ad- tinue to be so today. Many temples still employ medi- dress humans directly. One of the most important roles of ums who hold regular sessions during which popular the shaman was to cure illness. Both spiritual and medical divinities enter their bodies and provide assistance to means are employed to this end. Often it was necessary people in need. Generally, people attending these ses- to exorcise evil influences, and the shaman was an expert sions are concerned about medical issues, either their at this task as well. own or those of family members, but questions about Although purely shamanic religion has not been business and domestic affairs are also common. This practiced in China since prehistoric times, shamanic type of activity usually occurs in the local temples and elements have remained an important part of religious without the sanction of government or organized re- practice. The kings of the Xia 夏 (2100–1766 bce) and ligion. The spirits who descend to provide advice are

seldom highly placed in the popular pantheon, but they scriptures that give detailed information on which sorts do have a strong following among people at the lower of deeds count for how many points, and how many points end of the socioeconomic ladder. are required to achieve a given reward have been found dating from that time have been found among the texts recovered from the Dunhuang oasis in Gansu Province. Ledgers of Merit and Demerit By the Ming dynasty, the practice of recording one’s own merits and demerits had become even more wide- Although the role of popular Chinese religion is not spread and formalized. Registers for keeping track of primarily to provide moral and ethical guidance, moral merit and demerit points were being published both com- behavior is often seen as a prerequisite to the achieve- mercially and by religious establishments. Belief in the ment of spiritual goals. As societies become more so- validity of the practice had also spread from Daoism and phisticated, they require more satisfying explanations popular religion to Buddhism and Confucianism. Well- about the existence of evil. People want to believe that known Confucian officials and Buddhist priests were ac- there are forces that provide compensation to those who tively keeping their own records and writing about the have been wronged, and punishment for those who have subject. By the late Ming, moral principles from the major wronged. In Chinese religion, it is believed that there are religions had become thoroughly mixed and universal- gods whose primary function is to keep track of the deeds ized. This mixing and unifying of moral values is symp- of humans; at death, the deceased individual is brought tomatic of the strong forces of integration at work in the before a tribunal of spirit- officials for judgment. Since the realms of religion and philosophy in late imperial China. Chinese adopted the Buddhist concept of rebirth begin- Such integration, or syncretism, remains one of the most ning in the period of political division following the Han important aspects of Chinese popular religion today. dynasty when Buddhism first gained currency in China, Terence C. RUSSELL it is often a case of determining not only which punish- ments or rewards should be given, but also how long these will be in force before rebirth occurs. Living descendants Further Reading can modify the sentence by undertaking certain ritual Ebrey, P. B., & Gregory, P. N. (Eds.). (1993). Religion and activities, such as reciting Buddhist scriptures and em- society in T’ang and Sung China. Honolulu: University ploying Buddhist priests to intercede on behalf of the of Hawaii Press. departed souls. Granet, M. (1975). The religion of the Chinese people. Beginning in roughly the third century ce in China, (M. Freedman, Trans. & Ed.). New York: Harper another variation on this theme of morality and retribu- and Row. tion developed: the practice of maintaining one’s own per- Hansen, V. (1990). Changing gods in medieval China, 1127– 1276. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. sonal record of good and evil deeds. The fourth-century Jochim, C. (1986). Chinese religion. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Daoist text Baopu zi, by Ge Hong (c. 280–343) details that P r e n t i c e - H a l l . it was necessary to do a specific number of good deeds Lopez, D. S., Jr. (1996). Religions of China in practice. Princ- to proceed with the quest of immortality. Evil deeds eton, NJ: Princeton University Press. were marked off against the total number of good deeds Wolf, A. P. (Ed.). (1974). Religion and ritual in Chinese so- at a high ratio, and divine authorities ultimately verified ciety. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. the correctness and validity of these records. This belief Yang, C. K. (1961). Religion in Chinese society. Berkeley and continued to gain popularity until the late Song dynasty; Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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