Socialist Party V Turkey
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Federalism and the Soviet Constitution of 1977: Commonwealth Perspectives
Washington Law Review Volume 55 Number 3 6-1-1980 Federalism and the Soviet Constitution of 1977: Commonwealth Perspectives William C. Hodge Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation William C. Hodge, Federalism and the Soviet Constitution of 1977: Commonwealth Perspectives, 55 Wash. L. Rev. 505 (1980). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wlr/vol55/iss3/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington Law Review by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FEDERALISM AND THE SOVIET CONSTITUTION OF 1977: COMMONWEALTH PERSPECTIVES William C. Hodge* INTRODUCTION I. LEGAL NORMS AND ARBITRARY POWER IN THE 1977 CONSTITUTION: AN OVERVIEW OF SOVIET CONSTITUTIONALISM .................... 507 A. Soviet Constitutionalismand the Evolution of Socialist Society ....... 507 B. Rhetoric and Ideology .............................. 512 C. The Role of the Communist Party (CPSU) ............... 513 D. IndividualRights ........ .................... 517 II. FEDERALISM .................................... 519 A. The Characteristicsof Federalism................... 520 B. The Model of Soviet Federalism ................... 523 C. The Validity ofSoviet Federalism...... ................... 527 1. Marxist-Leninist Theory ....... ...................... 527 2. The Vocabulary of Soviet -
The Future of the Caucasus After the Second Chechen War
CEPS Working Document No. 148 The Future of the Caucasus after the Second Chechen War Papers from a Brainstorming Conference held at CEPS 27-28 January 2000 Edited by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci July 2000 A Short Introduction to the Chechen Problem Alexandru Liono1 Abstract The problems surrounding the Chechen conflict are indeed many and difficult to tackle. This paper aims at unveiling some of the mysteries covering the issue of so-called “Islamic fundamentalism” in Chechnya. A comparison of the native Sufi branch of Islam and the imported Wahhaby ideology is made, in order to discover the contradictions and the conflicts that the spreading of the latter inflicted in the Chechen society. Furthermore, the paper investigates the main challenges President Aslan Maskhadov was facing at the beginning of his mandate, and the way he managed to cope with them. The paper does not attempt to cover all the aspects of the Chechen problem; nevertheless, a quick enumeration of other factors influencing the developments in Chechnya in the past three years is made. 1 Research assistant Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) 1 1. Introduction To address the issues of stability in North Caucasus in general and in Chechnya in particular is a difficult task. The factors that have contributed to the start of the first and of the second armed conflicts in Chechnya are indeed many. History, politics, economy, traditions, religion, all of them contributed to a certain extent to the launch of what began as an anti-terrorist operation and became a full scale armed conflict. The narrow framework of this presentation does not allow for an exhaustive analysis of the Russian- Chechen relations and of the permanent tensions that existed there during the known history of that part of North Caucasus. -
Political Parties and Welfare Associations
Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. -
EXTENDING DECOLONIZATION: How the UNITED NATIONS MIGHT HAVE ADDRESSED Kosovo
ARTICLES EXTENDING DECOLONIZATION: How THE UNITED NATIONS MIGHT HAVE ADDRESSED Kosovo Thomas D. Grant TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .......................................... 10 II A PROBLEM OF UN POLITICS ............................... 12 m. A PROBLEM OF RIGHTS AND STATEHOOD ..................... 21 IV. DECOLONIZATION ....................................... 26 V. EXTENDING THE PROCESS OF DECOLONIZATION ................ 33 VI. THE RISKS ............................................. 39 VII. CONCLUSION ........................................... 52 GA. J. INT'L & COMP. L. [Vol. 28:9 EXTENDING DECOLONIZATION: How THE UNITED NATIONS MIGHT HAVE ADDRESSED Kosovo Thomas D. Grant* I. INTRODUCTION Use of force against Yugoslavia, initiated on March 24, 1999, raised vexing problems about international governance. This article identifies two problems in particular and suggests an alternative approach which may have averted them. The Kosovo crisis can be characterized as a crisis of self-determination. When a group of human beings achieves self-determination, it is manifested by the participation of the group in the governance of a state. Where there are no other groups in the territory of the state, this will mean a monopoly by the group over governance. Where more than one group lives within a state, (which is to say, in most states) self-determination means shared participation in governance either through democratic institutions constituting a unitary government or through sub-state territorial units possessing their own competencies such as "autonomy" or "self-government." An important incident of self-determination when expressed this way is the right of the state to maintain its territorial integrity. Not all groups however have achieved self- determination. Where a group has not achieved self-determination, it may later be achieved through a change in the organization of the state in which the group lives. -
Belgian Federalism After the Sixth State Reform by Jurgen Goossens and Pieter Cannoot
ISSN: 2036-5438 Belgian Federalism after the Sixth State Reform by Jurgen Goossens and Pieter Cannoot Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 7, issue 2, 2015 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E - 29 Abstract This paper highlights the most important institutional evolutions of Belgian federalism stemming from the implementation of the sixth state reform (2012-2014). This reform inter alia included a transfer of powers worth 20 billion euros from the federal level to the level of the federated states, a profound reform of the Senate, and a substantial increase in fiscal autonomy for the regions. This contribution critically analyses the current state of Belgian federalism. Although the sixth state reform realized important and long-awaited changes, further evolutions are to be expected. Since the Belgian state model has reached its limits with regard to complexity and creativity, politicians and academics should begin to reflect on the seventh state reform with the aim of increasing the transparency of the current Belgian institutional labyrinth. Key-words Belgium, state reform, Senate, constitutional amendment procedure, fiscal autonomy, distribution of powers, Copernican revolution Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E - 30 1. Introduction After the federal elections of 2010, Belgian politicians negotiated for 541 days in order to form the government of Prime Minister Di Rupo, which took the oath on 6 December 2011. This resulted in the (unofficial) world record of longest government formation period. After the Flemish liberal party (Open VLD) elicited the end of the government of Prime Minister Leterme, Belgian citizens had to vote on 13 June 2010. -
Research Report: Articles 1 and 5 Extra-Territorial Jurisdiction
DIVISION DE LA RECHERCHE RESEARCH DIVISION _______________________ Articles 1 and 5 Extra-territorial jurisdiction, jurisdiction of territorial State prevented from exercising its authority in part of its territory, and validity of detention and criminal proceedings in de facto entities Publishers or organisations wishing to translate and/or reproduce all or part of this report in the form of a printed or electronic publication are invited to contact [email protected] for information on the authorisation procedure. If you wish to know which translations of the Case-Law research reports are currently under way, please see Pending translations. This report has been prepared by the Research and Library division, Directorate of the Jurisconsult and does not bind the Court. It may be subject to editorial revision. The manuscript for this text has been finalised on 21 November 2014. The Case-Law research reports are available for downloading at www.echr.coe.int (Case-law – Case- law analysis). For publication updates please follow the Court’s Twitter account at https:/twitter.com/ echrpublication. © Council of Europe/European Court of Human Rights, 2014 #6138628 STUDY OF THE CEDH CASE-LAW ARTICLES 1 AND 5 SUMMARY Part I: When one State attacks the territorial and political integrity of another State, both States can be held liable under the Convention. In the first case the applicant’s complaint is directed against the “active” Contracting Party, which exercises its authority outside its territory. In the second case the complaint is directed against the “passive” Contracting Party, which suffers from foreign occupation, rebellion or installation of a regional separatist regime. -
CONSTITUTION of the UNION of SOCIALIST SOVIET REPUBLICS January 1924 (Abridged)
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF SOCIALIST SOVIET REPUBLICS January 1924 (abridged) PART I DECLARATION Since the foundation of the Soviet Republics, the states of the world have been divided into two camps: the camp of capitalism and the camp of socialism. There, in the camp of capitalism: national hate and inequality, colonial slavery and chauvinism, national oppression and massacres, brutalities and imperialistic wars. Here, in the camp of socialism: reciprocal confidence and peace, national liberty and equality, the pacific co-existence and fraternal collaboration of peoples. The attempts made by the capitalistic world during the past ten years to decide the question of nationalities by bringing together the principle of the free development of peoples with a system of exploitation of man by man have been fruitless. In addition, the number of national conflicts becomes more and more confusing, even menacing the capitalist regime. The bourgeoisie has proven itself incapable of realizing a harmonious collaboration of the peoples. It is only in the camp of the Soviets, only under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat that has grouped around itself the majority of the people, that it has been possible to eliminate the oppression of nationalities, to create an atmosphere of mutual confidence and to establish the basis of a fraternal collaboration of peoples. It is only thanks to these circumstances that the Soviet Republics have succeeded in repulsing the imperialist attacks both internally and externally. It is only thanks to them that the Soviet Republics have succeeded in satisfactorily ending a civil war, in assuring their existence and in dedicating themselves to pacific economic reconstruction. -
1 Historical Overview
NOTES 1 Historical Overview 1. Possibly the two best studies of the Kurds in English remain Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State; and McDowall, A Modern History of the Kurds. More recently, see Romano, The Kurdish Nationalist Movement; and Natali, The Kurds and the State. Portions of this chapter originally appeared in other articles and chapters I have published including “The Kurdish Problem in International Politics,” in Joseph, Turkey and the European Union, pp. 96–121. 2. For further discussions of the size of the Kurdish population, see McDowall, Modern History of the Kurds, pp. 3–5; Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State, pp. 14–15; and Izady, The Kurds, pp. 111–20. For a detailed analysis that lists considerably smaller figures for Turkey, see Mutlu, “Ethnic Kurds in Turkey,” pp. 517–41. 3. For a solid study of the Sheikh Said revolt, see Olson, The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism. 4. For a recent detailed analysis of the Kurdish problem in Turkey, see Ozcan, Turkey’s Kurds. 5. “The Sun also Rises in the South East,” pp. 1–2. 6. For a meticulous analysis of the many problems involved, see Yildiz, The Kurds in Turkey, as well as my analysis in chapter 5 of this book. 7. “Ozkok: Biggest Crisis of Trust with US” Turkish Daily News, July 7, 2003; and Nicholas Kralev, “U.S. Warns Turkey against Operations in Northern Iraq.” Washington Times, July 8, 2003. 8. For recent detailed analysis of the Kurdish problem in Iraq, see Stansfield, Iraqi Kurdistan. 140 NOTES 9. For Henry Kissinger’s exact words, see “The CIA Report the President Doesn’t Want You to Read,” The Village Voice, February 16, 1976, pp. -
Greco Eval III Rep 2009 5E Final Turkey PF PUBLIC
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 26 March 2010 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2009) 5E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Turkey on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 46 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 22-26 March 2010) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Turkey joined GRECO in 2004. GRECO adopted the Joint First and Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2005) 3E) in respect of Turkey at its 27 th Plenary Meeting (10 March 2006). The aforementioned Evaluation Report, as well as its corresponding Compliance Report, are available on GRECO’s homepage ( http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 8, 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . 3. The GRECO Evaluation Team for Theme II (hereafter referred to as -
Nothing in Its Right Place
DEMANDS OF JUSTICE AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST IN THE POST-CONFLICT PERIOD NOTHING IN ITS RIGHT PLACE Nesrin UÇARLAR English Translation: Justyna Szewczyk NOTHING IN ITS RIGHT PLACE DEMANDS OF JUSTICE AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST IN THE POST-CONFLICT PERIOD NESRİN UÇARLAR Englsh Translaton: Justyna Szewczyk DISA PUBLICATIONS DIYARBAKIR INSTITUTE FOR POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RESEARCH (DISA) NOTHING IN ITS RIGHT PLACE DEMANDS OF JUSTICE AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST IN THE POST-CONFLICT PERIOD DISA PUBLICATIONS Author: Nesrin Uçarlar Project Management: Murad Akıncılar English Translation: Justyna Szewczyk Publication Identity Design: Bang Medya Visual Documentary Curator: İshak Dursun Junior field researchers: Berivan Alagöz, İshak Dursun Cover Design: Şendoğan Yazıcı Page Layout: Şendoğan Yazıcı Cover Photo: Ubeydullah Hakan Printing: MATSİS MATBAA SİSTEMLERİ - Tevfikbey Mah. Dr. Ali Demir Cad. No: 51 Sefaköy / İSTANBUL Tel: 0212 624 21 11 First Edition: Istanbul, June 2015 ISBN: 978-605-5458-25-6 Copyright © June 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the permission of Diyarbakır Institute for Political and Social Research (DISA). Mimar Sinan Cad. Aslan Apt. B Blok No: 12 21100 YENİŞEHİR/ DİYARBAKIR Tel: 0412 228 1442 Faks: 0412 224 1442 www.disa.org.tr [email protected] Nesrn Uçarlar, receved her PhD from the Department of Poltcal Scence, Lund Unversty n 2009. She works as lecturer at Department of Internatonal Relatons, İstanbul Blg Unversty. She currently conducts a research project on the communty-based restoratve justce n Turkey at Dyarbakır Socal and Poltcal Research Insttute. Her recent studes focus on the elaboraton of the Kurdsh ssue from the vewpont of contemporary poltcal phlosophy n the framework of the concepts such as power, resstance, justce and the poltcal. -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ................................................................................................................... -
Kurdish Studies BOOK REVIEWS
BOOK REVIEWS Minoo Alinia, Honor and Violence against Women in Iraqi Kurdistan. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-137-36700-6). This book is an excellent account of honour based violence in Iraqi Kurdistan or indeed anywhere in the world. Minoo Alinia sets out by positioning Kurd- ish women’s experiences in their socio-political context. Making use of Kim- berle Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality, Alinia argues that “intersection- al analysis concerns not only oppression but also resistance and struggle…. not only the complexity of oppression but also the complexity and contradic- tory nature of struggles when various forms of oppression intersect” (p. 8). The book structure does exactly that. After locating the book in chapter one, chapter two discusses the historical context of political oppression and re- sistance in this region. This is followed by outlining the intersectionality of women’s oppression in chapter three. Chapter four discusses the relationship between honour, masculinity and violence. The following three chapters ad- dress women’s individual and collective resistances and empowerment. The ideas are then summarised and their implications are discussed in the final chapter. This multi-dimensional study takes different perspectives into account. It analyses 30 interviews with perpetrators, survivors, women activists and the staff of women’s organisations who work in this field. The result is a rich ac- count of honour-based violence in a historical context where militarisation and political violence “reinforce the effects of militaristic thinking” and make violence “a large part of everyday consciousness” (p. 33). Alinia identifies two concepts of honour in her book.