Vegetation Changes from the Late Pleistocene Through the Holocene from Three Areas of Archaeological Signiﬁcance in Thailand Joyce C

ARTICLE IN PRESS

Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132

Vegetation changes from the late Pleistocene through the Holocene from three areas of archaeological signiﬁcance in Thailand Joyce C. Whitea,*, Daniel Pennyb, Lisa Kealhoferc, BernardMaloney d,{ a University of Pennsylvania Museum, 3260 South Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6324, USA b School of Geosciences, Department of Archaeology and the Australian Key Centre for Microscopy and Microanalysis, University of Sydney, Madsen Building FO9, 2006 NSW, Australia c Department of Anthropology and Sociology/Environmental Studies Program, Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, CA 95053, USA d School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology, The Queen’s University, Belfast BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland, UK

Abstract

Reconstruction of the environmental history of mainlandSoutheast Asia from the late Pleistocene is a relatively recent endeavor. Beginning in the mid-1990s, lacustrine sediments in Thailand with deposits dating from the late Pleistocene have been cored and analyzedfor palaeoenvironmental indicators.The three cores reportedhere were extractedby the ThailandPalaeoenvironment Project, whose objective was to retrieve empirical data on vegetation and sedimentary sequences that can in turn be related to the growing archaeological record from this part of monsoonal Asia. This evidence, along with data from other recently analyzed cores, is beginning to develop a picture of regionally diverse environmental/cultural trajectories. Possible relationships between the environmental changes and cultural and/or climatic impacts are discussed. r 2003 Elsevier LtdandINQUA. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction cene hadbeen extractedandanalyzedfor palaeovegetation andother environmental changes. Those records For research on the evolution of Asia’s monsoonal that hadbeen publishedwere only a few millennia in system, Thailandholdsa key geographic position. The time-depth and derived primarily from coastal environ- country’s latitudinal range (5270–20270N) spans the ments (Hastings, 1983; Pramojanee andHastings, 1983 ; transition from subequatorial to fully subtropical Stargardt, 1983; Sangsuwan et al., 1987; Maloney, environments. Its peninsular exposure to the southwest 1991). The environmental changes described in these monsoon traversing the Indian Ocean and northeast studies reflected the localized impact of middle to late monsoon traversing the Pacific, as well as its inlandand Holocene sea level changes andrevealednothing of the coastal environs, argue that palaeoenvironmental se- nature of the Pleistocene/Holocene climate change, little quences from the region shouldhave great potential to on details of regional Holocene climatic change, or the contribute important insights into the climate history for general regional development of monsoon forests. Asia. Understanding the development of Asia’s mon- Moreover, the environmental context for human soon climate, moreover, is fundamental to understand- habitation in mainlandSoutheast Asia andthe nature ing its role as one controlling factor for the natural andmagnitudeof human impact on the region’s resource base andagriculture for half the world’s environments are poorly understood, despite having population (Maxwell andLiu, 2002, p. 189 ). long been the subject of interest anddebate among Until recently, however, no sediment records from prehistorians of the region. Only recently have archae- mainlandSoutheast Asia datingfrom the late Pleisto- ological data from mainland Southeast Asia, and Thailandspecifically, become sufficiently robust that *Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-215-898-4028; fax: +1-215-898- the relationship between cultural andenvironmental 0657. change can begin to be addressed from empirical bases. E-mail address: [email protected] (J.C. White). { The late BernardMaloney co-authoredportions of this paper in an The ThailandPalaeoenvironment Project (TPP), earlier version presentedat the Society for American Archaeology codirectedby White andKealhofer, was initiatedin meetings in Philadelphia in 1999. 1993 with the goal of obtaining data on environmental

Kealhofer. In northeast Thailand, ethnoecological research by White added data for land use, and landscape and vegetation variation and modification in the region of the Ban Chiang cultural tradition. The preparation of sediments for microfossil analysis followed standard procedures: BerglundandRalska- Jasiewiczowa (1986) with respect to pollen preparation; Stockmarr (1971) with respect to microscopic charcoal particle concentrations; Piperno (1998) with respect to phytolith preparation. The ‘‘strength’’ of each microfossil identification, or the confidence the analyst has in that identification, is indicated by the suffixes ‘‘sim.’’ (usedwhen a microfossil type is similar, but not identical, to known microfossil types), ‘‘comp.’’ (the microfossil is comparable to known types, but there is a greater degree of uncertainty), or ‘‘id.’’ (only used here in binomial classifications where the analyst wishes to indicate that the identification of the genus is certain but the species is not; e.g., Podocarpus id. amanus comp.). A chronology for the three sites is provided by a total of 18 radiocarbon dates (Table 1). In all cases excluding one (OZC-319), age determinations were based on undifferentiated organic material. In the case of OZC- 319, only the pollen fraction of the sample was dated. Twelve dates were determined with AMS, and the remainder were conventionally determined. Uncali- brated 14C ages are expressedhere with the suffix ‘‘bp uncal.’’ (before present uncalibrated), whereas cali- bratedages are designatedBP, BC, or AD ‘‘cal.’’ (calibrated). In the text that follows we employ, a priori, the following conventions for the subdivision of the late Quaternary, which are basedprimarily on the climate phases described by Maxwell andLiu (2002) . The last glacial maximum is here taken to occur around20,000– Fig. 1. Locations of the three lake cores extractedandanalyzedby the 18,000 bp uncal., while the late glacial periodcomprises TPP, Kwan Phayao, Nong Han Kumphawapi, andNTSH, as well as other lake/swamp sediment cores and archaeological sites mentioned the period18,000–12,000 bp uncal. The phrase ‘‘terminal in the text. Pleistocene,’’ here synonymous with the periodoften calledthe ‘‘Pleistocene/Holocene transition,’’ dates change, primarily from lake sediment cores, in three between 12,000 and9500 bp uncal. It thus incorporates areas of Thailandwith important prehistoric cultural the first of two ‘‘surges’’ in the strength of the southwest sequences (Fig. 1). These areas also represent environ- monsoon (Maxwell andLui, 2002, p. 218 )anda ments that contrast in latitude, altitude, rainfall, and generally abrupt transition to wetter conditions. The other variables. In each area, a primary criterion for ‘‘late Pleistocene’’ is usedas a more general phrase to choosing a lake for coring was its potential to yielda encompass evidence from roughly the last interstadial sequence of significant, hopefully late Pleistocene-aged, through the terminal Pleistocene. The Holocene is time-depth. subdivided into the early Holocene marked by the secondsurge in monsoon strength (9500–7000 bp uncal.), middle Holocene (7000–3500 bp uncal.), and 2. Methods late Holocene (o3500 bp uncal.) phases. These subdivi- sions, being largely basedon research conducted Sediment cores were extracted from three lakes in the elsewhere in South andSoutheast Asia, are more or south, north, andnortheast of the country ( Fig. 1) using less artificial andmay require revision as new datacome a modified Livingston corer. Coring was conducted by to handfrom interior mainlandSoutheast Asia. Kealhofer andWhite, andcores were analyzedfor The following overview of the research of the TPP pollen by Penny andMaloney andfor phytoliths by proceeds from the south (Nong Thale Song Hong— ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 113 C ratio 12 28.5 25.0 23.4 22.4 22.1 25.0 15.9 26.0 25.4 22.3 27.4 27.9 26.3 23.2 23.7 22.3 C/ d13 /method c Material . ). Kealhofer (2003) White, 1997 ; b Penny, 1999 ; Kealhofer andPenny, 1998 1 sigma BP 2 sigma BP 1 sigma BC/AD 2 sigma BC/AD 707060100100 2860–2740110 6410–6280130 7010–6800 2970–2710 7310–701070 6490–6190 9720–9490 7160–6750 9700–9430 7450–6900 10510–10210 9950–9400 910–790 BC 4460–4330 15050–14050 10700–9900 BC 9950–9250 5060–4850 BC 15450–13850 5360–5060 BC 7770–7540 BC 8560–8260 1020–760 7750–7480 BC 4540–4240 BC BC 13100–12100 BC BC 5210–4800 BC 5500–4950 BC OS/stan P/AMS 8000–7450 BC OS/stan 13500–11900 8750–7950 BC 8000–7300 BC OS/ext BC OS/ext OS/AMS OS/ext OS/ext NA 50509050120 7320–7160 12990–12670 21270–21070 13110–12630 7420–7090 10730–1056040 21360–20990 20000–1930040 11100–10400 20350–18950 11040–1072050 BC 5370–5210 19320–1912050 BC BC120 8780–8610 18050–17350 BC 655–560 BC 11160–10680 BC 730–670 19410–19040 BC 1870–1710 OS/AMS 5470–5140 BC 11260–11190 18400–17000 OS/AMS 23150–22350 BC 670–540 9150–8450 BC 11550–11170 1930–1630 OS/AMS 770–650 23650–21950 OS/AMS AD OS/AMS 1295–1390 AD AD 9310–9240 1220–1280 80–240 21200–20400 BC BC AD 1280–1410 21700–20000 AD BC 1180–1300 9600–9220 BC AD OS/AMS 20–320 OS/AMS OS/AMS OS/AMS OS/AMS NA 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 bp determination Calibrated dates a e Calibratedwith OxCAL 3.5 with InterCal98 calibration curve. Stan=standard radiometric; ext=extended counting; AMS=accelerator mass spectrometry. Depth from top of total core. Depths for the Nong Thale Song Hong samples Beta-106537 andBeta-106538 have been revisedfrom OS=organic sediment; P=pollen. Calibrateddatespreviously publishedusing OxCAL 2.18, 1993 calibration curve ( a b c d e Beta-93027 3KUM1 80–85 5540 Table 1 Radiocarbon determinations from three lake sediment coresLab. extracted no. by the Thailand Palaeoenvironment Project Core section no. Depth in cm OZC-319 3KUM1 45–46 2690 Beta-93028Beta-93029 3KUM2Beta-93030 3KUM2Beta-93031 3KUM4Beta-72096 3KUM5Beta-72097 3KUM7 136–141 3KUM7 152–157 255–268 355–363 6080 540–545 6270 580–581 8610 8570 9170 12270 Beta-106543 2PY9 395–399 1860 Nong Thale Song Hong Beta-106539Beta-106537 2TS1Beta-106538 2TS2Beta-106540 2TS3Beta-101966 2TS4 2TS4Kwan Phayao Beta-106541 84–90 156–160Beta-106542 2PY1 222–226 2PY7 257–263Beta-106544 318 10820 Beta-099704 6330 2PY13 21170 2PY13Nong Han 9420 Kumphawapi 26–30 211–216 16490 527–531 546–548 640 780 9850 19190 ARTICLE IN PRESS 114 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132

NTSH), to the north (Kwan Phayao), andto the transition (from approximately 10,600 bp uncal.). Phy- northeast (Nong Han Kumphawapi). toliths are present from 285 cm. NTSH phytolith data andanalyses are publishedin Kealhofer (2002, 2003). The NTSH phytolith data reveal that the lowest 3. Results values of arboreal indicators and the highest values of burnt phytoliths (here taken to be an indication of fire 3.1. Nong Thale Song Hong activity within the NTSH catchment) occurredduring the late glacial period( Fig. 2), possibly a result of a A 3.18 m core was extractedfrom NTSH in Trang climate considerably dryer and more seasonal than province, southern Thailand(7 520N; 99280E; ca. today. Kealhofer (2003) notes that the burnt phytoliths 100 m ASL). The area averages 2380 mm of annual (identified by the presence of black (charred) organic rainfall (Ministry of Communications, Thailand, 1977, material encasedin the phytoliths) predominantlyderive p. 49). There is a short dry season of 3 months with 1 from grasses, suggesting the presence of a woodland month (February) with less than 50 mm of rainfall. savannah that was burnedregularly. The terminal Regional forests are classifiedas lowlandtropical Pleistocene to early Holocene part of the sequence rainforest dominated by genera of the Dipterocarpa- indicates forest expansion, which is coincident with ceae. archaeological evidence for the occurrence of Hoabin- NTSH is a closedbasin lake, some 0.48 km 2 in extent, hian habitation in the region. Archaeological evidence andwas selectedfor coring dueto its proximity to late for late lithic societies appears during the early to middle Pleistocene andearly andmiddle Holocene aged Holocene when forest indicators are at their height and archaeological sites, andits position on the western side peaks in both burnedwoodandphytoliths occur. The of the north to south mountainous divide of peninsular periodof unambiguous agricultural occupation in the Thailand. As a non-karstic lake with no current region coincides with a decrease in arboreal indicators in settlements on its shores (the lake is locatedin a nature the phytolith recordandan increase in burnedwood reserve), NTSH was the only lake suitable for coring (see Kealhofer, 2003). identified in the vicinity of the prehistoric cave sites. The The NTSH pollen data (Fig. 3) provide evidence of size of the lake andthe lack of fluvial throughput mean vegetation change primarily from the terminal Pleisto- that pollen deposition is likely to reflect local rather than cene (155 cm depth, approximately 10600 bp uncal.). regional vegetation, in contrast to larger lakes to the The single late glacial-agedsample at 206.5 cm depth north andnorthwest (see below). Rockshelter sites (ca. 17,500 bp uncal.) is difficult to interpret with within 75 km to the northwest andsoutheast of the lake confidence, but indicates the presence of open forest reveal a cultural sequence with: (1) an upper Palaeolithic (dominated by Castanopsis comp.), with sufficient habitation characterizedby a flake andcore industry standing water to permit relatively high values of the dating from ca. 43,000 bp uncal. to younger than ca. aquatic plant Nymphoides and, presumably, the estab- 26,000 bp uncal.; followedby (2) a terminal Pleistocene/ lishment of a reducing a reducing environment at the early Holocene Hoabinhian occupation characterizedby core site. The diversity of pollen types from forest plants flaked core tools; (3) an early to middle Holocene stone is slightly lower than the average for the entire record, age occupation here termed‘‘late lithic’’ characterized but not markedly so. by flakedstone tools, polishedstone adzes, andpottery The very strong representation of Lawsonia inermis fragments; followedby (4) pottery-using andpresum- pollen (originally identified by Maloney (1999a, b)as ably agricultural groups by at least 4000 years ago Castanopsis indica comp.) during the early Holocene (Anderson, 1990, 1997; Pookajorn, 1996; Bellwood, may reflect the occurrence of a swamp forest community 1997, pp. 258–259). at the lake margin, probably with a fringe of emergent The NTSH core, which comprises four core sections, andfloating aquatic plants (notably Poaceae, the sedge has a date of 21,170790 bp uncal. at 222–226 cm depth genus Scirpus comp., andthe macrophyte Nymphoides) (Beta-106538, see Table 1) preceding the beginning of dominating the water front. While some form of swamp the last glacial maximum. Two lower dates from the forest was probably present throughout the Holocene at stratigraphically lowest core section (2TS4, see Table 1) this site (variously characterizedby taxa such as provide a radiocarbon chronology that is inconsistent Castanopsis, Quercus, Elaeocarpus, Calophyllum, Car- with the overlying deposits and these dates are assumed allia brachiata, Eugenia, and Ilex), it appears to have to be unreliable (Maloney, 1999a). Only one pre- been most strongly developed below 110 cm depth (prior Holocene sample containedsufficient concentrations of to 6330750 bp uncal., from an approximate interpo- pollen to permit analysis (206.5 cm depth from core latedage of 7900 bp uncal.). The very strong representa- section three, an interpolatedage of 17,500 bp uncal.). tion of Nymphoides pollen at this time is suggestive of The pollen recordpublishedby Maloney (1999a, b) high or rising lake levels, presumedto be relatedto a begins at 155 cm during the Pleistocene/Holocene rising groundwater table as sea levels transgressed the ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 115

A LL H ? FC ? 80

40 percent 30

0 1416 2548 3539 4601 5663 6590 8217 9128 10104 10979 13368 17348 20055 Interpolated age bp uncal.

Burned wood Burned phytolith total Arboreal indicators NONG THALE SONG HONG Fig. 2. Summary phytolith chart for NTSH (2TS) preparedby Kealhofer. For more detailedinformation see Kealhofer (2003). Dating is interpolatedfrom sedimentation rates estimatedfrom 14C determinations. ‘‘Burned wood’’ indicates charcoal fragments that are remnants, often silicified, of largish charcoal particles that remain after nitric acid pretreatment. Burned phytoliths are those that encase black (charred) organic material and are sometimes slightly ‘‘melted.’’ White added information on the cultural zones: FC=‘‘flake and core’’ upper Palaeolithic industries; H=terminal Pleistocene to early Holocene Hoabinhian flakedcore tool industry;LL=‘‘late lithic’’ assemblages with flakedstone tools, andpolished stone tools and/or pottery fragments; and A=pottery-using, presumably agricultural societies.

continental shelf andas annual rainfall increasedas the (Hodel, 1998), is strongly suggestive of locally dry southwest monsoon flow strengthened. Maloney (1999b, conditions. Clear signs of disturbance are evident after pp. 210–213) notes that disturbance indicators are 4000 bp uncal., with a dramatic and sustained rise in present in this time frame, including a peak in regrowth microscopic charcoal particle concentrations, indicating taxa Macaranga and Mallotus ca. 10000 bp uncal., and a rise in burning in the catchment, andincreases in a peaks in charcoal ca. 10000 bp uncal. andca. 8600 bp number of disturbance indicators (including Macaranga, uncal. Mallotus, Trema, Urticaceae/Moraceae, andpossibly A rise in dry forest, probably with a mix of deciduous Schima wallichii). Curiously, these developments are andevergreen elements (Dipterocarpaceae, Acacia, coincident with increases in possible swamp forest Combretaceae and Lagerstroemia) on the slopes around elements (Elaeocarpus rugosus comp., Carallia the lake, particularly between ca. 7600 and3300 bp brachiata), the aquatic plant Nymphoides, andthe fern uncal., is interpretedby Maloney (1999a, b) as an Lycopodium cernuum, all of which are suggestive of indication of edaphic dryness. The increasing impor- locally wetter conditions. A number of useful plants tance of the regrowth tree Macaranga from approxi- such as Palaquium, Piper, Areca, andothers (e.g., mately 7000 bp uncal., supportedby slightly higher Caryota, Corypha, and Mangifera, recorded in only values of grass pollen andthe fern Lygodium, may also trace amounts andnot shown in Fig. 3) are apparent, reflect increasing dryness in the forests surrounding the particularly above 15 cm depth (ca. 1500 bp uncal.), lake. The development of this drying trend within the which Maloney interprets as direct conservation of periodof the early Holocene monsoon maximum, a specific forest resources by people. Charcoal particle periodwhen soil moisture conditions shouldhave been values decrease above 15 cm depth, indicating a further relatively high andunlikely to have impededplant change in fire activity in the catchment to, presumably, growth, is curious. The disappearance from the pollen less intense/more frequent burns, which is consistent recordof the palm Borassodendron machadonis from ca. with the interpretation of an actively managedland- 4000 bp uncal., an indicator of everwet rainforest scape. ARTICLE IN PRESS 116 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 ake andcore’’ upper Palaeolithic s, andpolishedstone tools and/orpottery Fig. 3. Pollen diagram of selected taxa for NTSH (2TS) prepared by Penny from Maloney’s data. White added information on the cultural sequence: FC=‘‘fl industries; H=terminal Pleistocene tofragments; andA=pottery early using, Holocene presumably Hoabinhian agricultural flaked societies. core tool industries; LL=‘‘late lithic’’ assemblages with flaked stone tool ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 117

The NTSH pollen and phytolith data indicate a very 3.2. Kwan Phayao dynamic vegetation history that appears to have been influencedby a number of factors. Conditions are In north Thailand, a 5.88 m core was extracted from thought to have been generally too dry to permit the the 20 km2 lake, Kwan Phayao (19100N; 99520E; ca. preservation of pollen (indicating permanently or 380 m ASL). The lake sits within an intermontane valley seasonally dry sediments) prior to the terminal Pleisto- with surrounding terrain rising to 1500 m ASL. The lake cene. The phytolith evidence dating from the last glacial is fedprimarily from the north by the Mae Nam Ing, maximum reinforces the interpretation of a dry late and is drained by the same river to the southeast. Today, glacial periodin the area. Late Pleistocene human this area averages around1162 mm annual precipitation groups in south Thailandusing flake andcore technol- with a 6–7 month dry season with 5 months averaging ogies, or at least the youngest example (Moh Khiew less than 50 mm. Eighty-nine percent of the precipitation Cultural Level 2, Pookajorn, 1996) which falls some- falls between May andOctober when the southwest where between 26,000 and11,000 bp uncal., likely had monsoon is active. Mean annual temperature is 25C access to environments dryer than today. with November–February being the coolest months and Rising sea levels during the terminal Pleistocene/early March–August the hottest. The region supports, on the Holocene appear to have exerteda strong influence on lower slopes and valleys, mixed deciduous forests lake levels via a rising groundwater table, reflected by formerly dominated by teak (Tectona grandis) and the strong development of marginal swamp forest and Dipterocarpaceae, but now characterizedby ‘‘weedy’’ the coincidental association between the representation secondary deciduous forest (Maxwell et al., 1995). of aquatic plant pollen (Nymphoides) in the NTSH core Ecotonal forests with a strong evergreen component andpublishedsea-level curves for the Malay peninsula (particularly Pinus merkusii) occur on higher slopes (Tjia, 1996). Increasedrainfall associatedwith a (850–1000 m ASL), andevergreen pine forest (domi- strengthening southwest monsoon flow in association natedby P. kesiya) occurs above 1000 m ASL. with the transgressive shore line is here assumedto have Late Pleistocene hunter-gatherer occupation in north been an important influence on local hydrology also. Thailandfrom just before the last glacial maximum (ca. Hoabinhian occupation of the area coincides with this 22,200 bp uncal.) has been recently documented at dynamic period of increasing moisture and resultant Tham Lodin the karstic environment 200 km to the forest development. Kealhofer (2003) suggests on the west of Kwan Phayao in Maehongson province basis of the phytolith recordthat local hunter-gatherers (Shoocongdej, 2002, pp. 17–18). Terminal Pleistocene/ responded to the expanding early Holocene forests by early Holocene sites with Hoabinhian stone tool creating gaps anddisturbance andthus maintaining industries (dated at Spirit Cave to ca. 11,350 bp– weedy species. 8505 bp uncal., ca. 11,450 BC–7550 BC cal.) have also Evidence of forest disturbance and possibly drier been excavatedin or near limestone rockshelters or conditions on the slopes around the lake is apparent caves in Maehongson province (e.g., Gorman, 1969, from the endof the early Holocene androughly 1972; Shoocongdej, 2002). Late lithic deposits with coincides with late lithic occupations in the area. It is pottery fragments andpolishedtools in predominantly not until ca. 4000 bp uncal. (ca. 2600 BC cal.), however, flaked tool assemblages appear by the middle Holocene, that pronouncedchanges in forest composition andfire basedon a dateof 5360 7120 bp uncal., (ca. 4205 BC regime occur. These pronouncedchanges are of prob- cal.; GaK-4341) from GL2 at Banyan Valley Cave able natural andhuman origin, andthey appear roughly (Reynolds, 1992). Late lithic deposits may be as early as 600 years before the time when archaeologists are the seventh millennium BC cal. at Spirit Cave (Gorman, confident of the presence of agricultural settlements 1972), which wouldoverlap datesfor the late lithic in (ca. 2000 BC cal., Bellwood, 1997, p. 259). There is clear south Thailand. These Maehongson sites, generally evidence that useful plants were being either conserved foundbetween 500 and1000 m ASL, providethe most or plantedin the catchment from at least ca. 1500 bp thoroughly publishedportion of the prehistoric se- uncal., (ca. AD 540 cal.). There is more equivocal quence in northern Thailand. Reconnaissance surveys evidence in the pollen record for forest clearance and have identifiedflakedcore tools andpolishedstone tools horticulture earlier in the record(particularly the typologically attributable to Hoabinhian andlate lithic appearance of Artocarpus pollen from ca. 4400 bp uncal. settlement 80–100 km north andsouthwest of Kwan (ca. 3115 BC cal.); Maloney, 1999a, b) during late lithic Phayao in Chiang Rai andNan provinces, respectively occupation in the region (e.g., contemporary with Moh (Sharp andSharp, 1964 ; Koch andSiebenh uner,. 1969; Khiew Cultural Levels 5 andpossibly 4; Pookajorn, Pautreau et al., 1990). Iron age settlements are being 1996, pp. 206–207). Kealhofer (2003) argues from the uncovered100–120 km west andsouthwest of Kwan phytolith recordthat by the endof the early Holocene Phayao. This late iron age occupation probably dates to changes in the forest structure suggest that local the first half of the first millennium AD basedon inhabitants were cultivating/managing forest species. ceramic typology at Ban Wang Hi in Lamphun province ARTICLE IN PRESS 118 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132

(Pautreau et al., 1997), anda datein the first millennium data during the early and middle Holocene is difficult. AD from Ban San Pa Kha, a similar iron age site in There are, however, very subtle shifts in the composition Chiang Mai province (Srisuchat, 1989). of the regional forests between 433 and383 cm depth (an There has been no systematic archaeological investi- interpolatedage range of 4500–1700 bp uncal.), with gation close to Kwan Phayao. Although locatedat a taxa such as Dipterocarpaceae (Hopea/Shorea type, greater distance from a known prehistoric cultural Dipterocarpus type), Macaranga andFagaceae ( Litho- sequence than the other TPP coring locations, Kwan carpus/Castanopsis type and, arguably, Quercus) either Phayao was selectedfor studybecause its geographic not apparent or poorly representedduringthis period position andlarge size seemedlikely to produce a relative to the rest of the record. The significance of this regionally integrative andlengthy palaeoenvironmental is uncertain, but may reflect the development of drier sequence at a latitude and in terrain comparable to other conditions from the end of the middle Holocene related parts of north Thailandknown to have hadprehistoric to a regional weakening of the southwest monsoon flow occupation. over Indochina (Maxwell andLui, 2002 ). The stratigraphically lowest dated horizon has a date The broadcharacter of the regional vegetation of 19,1907120 bp uncal. (Beta-099704; 546–548 cm appears to have changedvery little by the time more depth), which indicates that the sequence dates from at rapidand(presumably) continuous sedimentation oc- least the last glacial maximum. The large age difference curs in the late Holocene (centeredaround1860 750 bp between Beta-106544 (527–531 cm depth) and Beta- uncal; ca. AD 170 cal.). The pine/oak woodland 099704 (546–548 cm depth) may indicate extremely slow dominates the pollen influx to the site up to recent or negative sedimentation rates at the core site, time, although the previously codominant Quercus is suggesting that the record is discontinuous preceding less abundant above 240 cm depth (earlier than and/or during the terminal Pleistocene portion of the 780740 bp uncal., at an approximate interpolatedage sequence. There are four ‘‘spikes’’ in pollen concentra- of 900 bp uncal.). The dominance of pine throughout the tion values in the Phayao record(15, 144, 293, and Phayao record, even under a recent climate regime 433 cm depth), which may reflect slow sedimentation where pine communities grow on slopes around470 m rates if pollen influx to the core site is assumedto be above the lake, reflects the extreme over-representation near constant over time. The fact that none of these of this genus in the total pollen influx to the site. This spikes occur in the Pleistocene section of the core, which over-representation of pine confounds an understanding has relatively low andstable pollen concentration of the spatial relationship between source andsink, and values, may indicate that pollen influx to the site was it is only below 560 cm depth (an interpolated age of low at that time (an interpretation not obviously roughly ca. 33,000 bp uncal.), where the average supportedby the pollen data)or, more probably, that representation of Pinus pollen exceeds 90% of the drying and deflation of exposed sediments has destroyed pollen sum, that it can be saidwith some confidencethat evidence of higher pollen concentrations along with pine woodland occurred close to the lake. The dom- much of the late Pleistocene record. inance of pine pollen gives a strong impression of Despite the fragmentary nature of the record, the stability in the regional vegetation, possibly more Kwan Phayao pollen data, analyzed by Penny, imply apparent than real, but which is nonetheless in stark greater stability during the late Pleistocene than other contrast to the evidence from south and northeast areas in Thailand( Fig. 4). The pollen data indicate Thailand, where increasing temperature and precipita- dominance of pine and oak woodland throughout the tion at the endof the Pleistocene triggeredsubstantial late Pleistocene possibly indicating the occurrence of vegetation changes. these presently highland plants at lower altitudes under There are, however, clear changes in the Kwan a cooler-than-present temperature regime. The ground Phayao catchment during the late Holocene. A decrease flora was dominated by the fern genus Lygodium, in the dominant dryland pollen types above 370 cm implying open-canopied woodland on relatively dry depth (after 1860750 bp uncal.; ca. AD 170 cal.; Beta- slopes. Values of sedimentary charcoal particles are low 106543) is coincident with high values of sedimentary throughout the late andterminal Pleistocene and charcoal andthe increasedoccurrence of regrowth taxa through much of the Holocene, suggesting that fires (particularly Macaranga and Trema) suggesting an may have been relatively infrequent, in strong contrast increase in forest disturbance probably through burning. to the NTSH charcoal record. The calculation of simple linear sedimentation rates The presence of a definable Pleistocene/Holocene based on the radiocarbon chronology indicates an ‘‘boundary’’ is uncertain at Phayao given the apparently increase in the rate of sediment supply to the lake from discontinuous nature of the sediment record during that this time. Increasedproductivityin the lake, causedby time. Sedimentation rates appear to remain very low or the increasedinflux of nutrients from the catchment, negative throughout the early to middle Holocene and, triggered‘‘blooms’’ in green andblue-green algae and consequently, interpretation of the palaeovegetation changes in the abundance of aquatic plants (Penny, ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 119 unter-gatherers probably with a flake ols, andpolishedstone tools and/orpottery Fig. 4. Pollen diagram of selected taxa for Kwan Phayao (2PY) prepared by Penny. White added information on the cultural zones: FC?=late Pleistocene h andcore toolkit; H=terminal Pleistocene tofragments; early andI=iron Holocene age Hoabinhian (late), flakedcore presumably tool agricultural industry;LL=‘‘late societies. lithic’’ assemblages with flakedstone to ARTICLE IN PRESS 120 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 unpublished data). In concert, these data are suggestive greater northern region may have been later than in of slope mobilization following forest disturbance, some other parts of Thailand. possibly associatedwith the establishment or intensification of human landuse in the high-relief catchment. 3.3. Nong Han Kumphawapi Relating the Phayao sequence to the known cultural recordof north Thailandleadsto several observations, A 6.18 m core was extractedfrom Nong Han although the distance from excavated archaeological Kumphawapi, a 32 km2 lake in the Udon Thani sites andthe problematic chronology of the Phayao province of northeast Thailand(17 110N; 10320E; ca. recordmake any such observations necessarily tentative. 170 m ASL). The main inflow to the lake is via the The apparent continuity of a pine/oak dominated flora Huai Phai Chan Yai, which rises on the northwestern across the Pleistocene/Holocene boundary at Phayao slopes of the Phu Phan range to the northeast of the suggests that the Hoabinhian andpossibly preceding lake. To the south Lam Pao drains the lake, although late Pleistocene hunter-gatherer occupations at higher the diapiric salt mound of Ban Don Kheo impedes its elevations to the northwest of Phayao likely occurredin drainage. The area averages 1521 mm annual rainfall forests broadly comparable with those described by (Ministry of Communications, Thailand, 1977, p. 15) Smitinand(1989) as a subcategory of coniferous forest andhas a pronounced6–7 months dry season with 5 andclassifiedby Stott (1976) as Dipterocarpus Pinetum- months (November–March) averaging less than 50 mm merkusii, both of which have a strong coniferous/ precipitation. Fagaceous component with many deciduous broadleaf Although Thai Forestry Department maps indicate species (notably genera of the Dipterocarpaceae). The that this region is virtually undifferentiated dry decid- strong representation of grasses andthe fern genus uous dipterocarp forest (Royal Forest Department, Lygodium through much of the late Pleistocene and Thailand, 1962), ethnoecological research (White, early Holocene implies an open canopiedwoodlandand 1995) supplementedby interpretation of aerial photo- relatively dry slopes, perhaps indicative of a generally graphs dating from the 1950s indicates that a mosaic of drier environment until the middle Holocene. natural vegetation types existedrecently in this region Middle Holocene late lithic occupation of northwest (Fig. 5). Forests are mostly deciduous, but with Thailand(by the fifth millennium BC cal. andpossibly edaphically influenced zones and pockets of semi-ever- as oldas the seventh millennium BC cal.) took place green andriparian/inundatedforests. The vegetation while only subtle vegetation changes are apparent in the mosaic is reflectedin a patchy distribution of a wide Phayao record, such as reduced diversity and abundance range of subtropical natural resources including wild of subdominant plant taxa, while pine and oak remain rices, yams, andother useful andedibleplants, as well as dominant. These changes are too subtle to interpret with wild animals. Modern day agricultural societies take confidence, but are perhaps consistent with the devel- advantage of the landscape mosaic to maintain a opment of slightly drier conditions. Lygodium is broadly based cropping system, although dependent markedly reduced above 450 cm depth, which has an on inundated rice, including both swidden and horti- approximate interpolatedage of 6000 bp uncal., imply- cultural techniques. Local residents also consume many ing the development of a more ‘‘closed’’ forest relative to non-cultivatedfoodstuffs( White, 1995). Nong Han the early Holocene. There is no middle Holocene Kumphawapi is locatedin the midstof a region noted evidence for increased fire activity in the Phayao for the prehistoric Ban Chiang cultural tradition, a catchment. series of settledsocieties with premetal, bronze age, and The beginning of the markedchanges in the Phayao iron age phases (White, 1986). pollen recordfor the last 2000 years (from about 370 cm Cores from Nong Han Kumphawapi, including the depth) coincides with late iron age settlement in north core 3KUM (termedKUM.3 in Penny, 1999) discussed Thailandwhich, although not yet identifiedin the here, have been the subject of several publications immediate vicinity of Kwan Phayao, is documented (Kealhofer, 1996; Penny et al., 1996; Kealhofer and 100–120 km to the west andsouthwest ( Srisuchat, 1989; Penny, 1998; Penny, 1999). The TPP core 3KUM, which Pautreau et al., 1997). The initial acceleration in the rate has the oldest sequence from the lake, has a basal date of of sediment supply to the lake, in concert with evidence 12,270770 bp uncal. (ca. 12,700 BC cal.; Beta-72097; for burning andforest disturbance, suggests strongly Table 1). Like NTSH andKwan Phayao, the terminal that an intensification of landuse occurredfrom at least Pleistocene data from Kumphawapi indicate a dry the 2ndcentury AD cal. Interestingly, the absence of climate with a low representation of trees andlow total obvious changes in the core suggestive of agriculture species diversity. Phytolith evidence suggests that from earlier sediments, and the fact that no discrete late frequent burning of groundcover occurredduring that Holocene bronze age occupation has yet been clearly period( Kealhofer, 1996, 2002). identified in northern Thailand, suggest that substantial The Holocene ushers in markedvegetation changes environmental impact of agricultural societies in the consistent with increasedprecipitation andconditions ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 121

Fig. 5. Vegetation map of the Ban Chiang/Nong Han Kumphawapi region, preparedby White basedon interpretation of aerial photographs from the 1950s in conjunction with the ethnoecological fieldresearch undertakenin 1979–1981 and1994. more humidthan present. There is a gradual increase in the phytolith evidence from the early to middle the abundance and diversity of forest pollen types above Holocene suggests anthropogenic disturbance. The 250 cm depth (ca. 86107100 bp uncal.; Beta-93030), and pollen evidence (Fig. 6) reveals several shifts during by the middle Holocene (170 cm depth) pollen taxon the Holocene (Penny, 1999) that have a number of diversity is more than double that recorded during the possible explanations relatedto regional climate, chan- terminal Pleistocene. Species composition at that time ging local lake hydrology, and anthropogenic impact. suggests vegetation comparable to modern day mixed The existing archaeological sequence from the Kum- deciduous/dry evergreen forests (Penny, 1998). The phawapi catchment correlates roughly with the top phytolith evidence (Kealhofer, 1996, 2002) shows a meter of the 3KUM core in which there is pollen but no parallel shift in the grasses that are burnt from Panicoid phytolith evidence. A peak in microscopic charcoal (savannah-adapted) to Bambusoid (likely a ground concentrations beginning at 90 cm depth appears to cover of dry dipterocarp forests) during the Pleisto- coincide with dramatic decreases in many dryland tree cene/Holocene transition. taxa (Celtis, Combretaceae/Melastomataceae, Diptero- There is no undisputed Palaeolithic or early to middle carpus, Lagerstroemia, Lithocarpus/Castanopsis, Macar- Holocene habitation of the Kumphawapi catchment yet anga, Trema, andothers) andan overall decline in identified archaeologically, although Kealhofer (1996, diversity to levels comparable with the late Pleistocene 2002; see also Kealhofer andPenny, 1998) argues that flora. The high charcoal zone ends around 60 cm. ARTICLE IN PRESS 122 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 obably indicating the beginning of cussedin the text: A=‘‘interpretation ming by which agricultural societies appear in the Fig. 6. Pollen diagram of selected taxa for Nong Han Kumphawapi (3KUM) prepared by Penny. White added information on the cultural interpretations dis A’’ for timing of appearance of agricultural societies in the Kumphawapi catchment basedon archaeological B=‘‘interpretation evidence; B’’ for ti Kumphawapi catchment based on archaeological evidence; and MP=beginning of Middle Period at Ban Chiang during which iron and water buffalo appear pr intensification of wet rice agriculture. ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 123

According to interpolated ages, the zone of disturbance the region andwhat impact it hadon the environment, lasts over 2000 years, from before approximately the existing data raise new issues to take into 5500 bp uncal. (basedon Beta-93027 at 80–85 cm) to consideration. For example, the marked forest distur- 3500 bp uncal. (i.e., the disturbance lasts roughly 4400– bance dating to the fifth and fourth millennia BC cal. 1800 BC cal.). Penny (1999) notes that this disturbance evidenced in 3KUM occurs among taxa attributable to begins towardthe endof a periodthat in other parts of modern dryland dry- to mixed-deciduous forest (such as Southeast Asia is documented as relatively humid genera of the Dipterocarpaceae, with Carallia, Elaeo- (Maxwell andLiu, 2002 ). carpus, Lagerstroemia, Myrica, Quercus, andothers). If With the beginning of the late Holocene—around the disturbance was due to plant cultivation, a targeted 60 cm interpolateddateof ca. 1800 BC cal.—micro- disturbance of this sector of the ecosystem argues for scopic charcoal concentrations have fallen relative to the cultivation of uplandspecies, perhaps with a horticul- very high values observedbetween 90 and60 cm depth. tural or slash andburn cropping system, not the Cephalanthus comp., likely a swamp forest tree (referred cultivation of wet rice as the primary initial cropping to as Naucleaceae in Penny et al., 1996), is the dominant system usedin this area. contributor to the pollen influx. Several forest taxa Yet archaeological rice is present by the late third reappear (Dipterocarpus, Cassia, Eugenia, and Trema) millennium BC cal. at Ban Chiang, andby the second although the representation of these taxa is very low millennium BC cal., settlement patterns appear to show relative to their representation during the early and early a preference for locations where wet rice cultivation is middle Holocene. The main phase of ‘‘recovery’’ in possible (Kijngam et al., 1980). The cultivation of wet forest cover, or perhaps a periodof acceleration in forest rice, which favors low-lying landscapes, tends to be recovery, dates from 2690770 bp uncal. (ca. 890 BC much less invasive of dryland forest than slash and burn cal., at 45 cm depth; OZC-319). This main phase of cultivation (White, 1995). Thus the changes in the recovery is characterizedby a markedincrease in the palaeoenvironmental evidence in 3KUM beginning at concentration and diversity of pollen taxa (including 60 cm (the early secondmillennium BC cal.) for a decline Celtis, Dipterocarpus, Lagerstroemia, Macaranga, Mal- in burning andthe incipient recovery of drylandforest lotus, Mussaenda, Myrica, Trema, Urticaceae/Moraceae, species, described above, might indicate a shift in andpossibly Combretaceae/Melastomataceae and emphasis in landuse andcropping technology, away Quercus also). from uplandandtowardwetlandniches, rather than the The relationship between these events andthe climatic initial introduction of systematic plant cultivation to the andcultural history of the region is a topic of discussion region. The main phase of forest recovery beginning in among scholars. Archaeologists disagree on when there the early 1st millennium BC correlates well with is archaeological evidence for societies practicing plant archaeological evidence from the site of Ban Chiang of cultivation in the Sakon Nakhon Basin. There are two possible archaeological indicators of agricultural inten- main interpretations. sification, including the appearance of iron and domes- Interpretation ‘‘A’’ (e.g., Higham, 1996, p. 241; see ticated water buffalo during the site’s Middle Period. also Bellwood, 1997, p. 255) argues, basedprimarily on (Cf. Kealhofer (1997) for discussion of phytolith dates in Thailand and elsewhere in Southeast Asia evidence for changing cultivation strategies in central associated with a particular widespread ceramic decora- Thailand.) tion, that agriculture appears during the latter part of However, without the identification of sites of plant the thirdmillennium BC cal. This wouldfall just below cultivating societies dating to the fifth millennium BC 60 cm in the 3KUM sequence. The implication of the cal., andwith the sparse archaeological evidencefor 3KUM evidence for interpretation A is that agriculture fourth millennium BC settlement, forest disturbance appeared after a long periodof forest disturbance andat preceding the late third millennium BC cal. cannot be a position in the core when the charcoal concentrations attributedunequivocally to plant cultivation andthus are declining sharply and the pollen evidence indicates might be due to other causes such as natural forest fires that the forest began to recover. or hunter-gatherer activities (e.g., Higham andLu, 1998, Interpretation ‘‘B’’ (White, 1986, pp. 222–223, 1997) p. 873). It is, on the other hand, unlikely that hunter- argues, based primarily on dates from basal deposits gatherer groups couldbe responsible for forest dis- from Ban Chiang andBan Tong, two long-term turbance of the magnitude and duration apparent in the settlements in the Kumphawapi catchment, that socie- middle Holocene Kumphawapi pollen data, and the ties cultivating plants appearedin the region by the mid- initiation of forest disturbance under a climatic regime fourth millennium BC cal. This point falls roughly at probably wetter than today argues against a simple 75 cm in the core—i.e., in the middle of the zone of climatic interpretation (Penny, 1999). These attributes disturbance. are more consistent with sustainedandintentional Although no definitive conclusion can be drawn based anthropogenic activities usually associatedwith sys- on present data as to when plant cultivation appeared in tematic plant cultivation. Moreover, archaeological ARTICLE IN PRESS 124 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 evidence for hunter-gatherer occupation of the region Kealhofer (2002, 2003) argues that the phytolith has not been identified, and analogues for hunter- evidence (also noted above in Fig. 2) suggests a dry gatherers causing comparably profounddestruction of climate with grasses andsparse tree cover in the vicinity vegetation come from significantly drier environments of the lake. There is no indication in the terminal (e.g., Pyne, 1991). What is needed to resolve the issues Pleistocene/initial Holocene pollen assemblages from raised by these data is additional archaeological and NTSH, however, to suggest that the pine/oak associa- palaeoenvironmental research. tion notedfor more northerly latitudesmight have extended this far south. Moreover, conditions on the west coast of the Malay peninsula may have been 4. Discussion and interim conclusions relatively wetter than the northern interior of mainland Southeast Asia during the last glacial maximum and late Although there are significant gaps andunresolved glacial period, given the relatively narrow continental issues in both the palaeoenvironmental andarchaeolo- shelf off the west coast (Voris, 2000) that may have gical data in the three areas of Thailandinvestigatedby provided a more maritime influence on regional climate. TPP, nevertheless, discussion and interim synthesis of Closer to the equator, at Nee Soon swamp in Singapore the data to hand can serve to highlight areas of progress (Taylor et al., 2001), taxa foundtodayin tropical in our knowledge as well as outline topics for future montane contexts were foundat lower elevations during research. the late glacial period, indicating cooler-though not necessarily drier-than-present climates during the late 4.1. Last glacial maximum to late glacial period glacial period. Nee Soon, like many studies in the Indonesian archipelago (Flenley, 1985; cf. Flenley, Evidence of Pleistocene-aged environments from the 1996), provides evidence for cooler temperatures and three TPP cores, although sparse andcircumscribedby the lowering of temperature-controlledvegetation belts chronological uncertainties, points to a relatively dry in the equatorial tropics prior to the Holocene, and andcool late Pleistocene in south, north, andnortheast possibly more seasonal although not necessarily lower Thailand. The evidence from northeast Thailand is total rainfall at this latitude (Taylor et al., 2001, p. 284). supplementedby the pollen recordfrom Nong Pa Kho, Burning is in evidence in all three parts of Thailand close to Nong Han Kumphawapi (Penny, 2001), that during the late Pleistocene, but apparently to different indicates the presence of a glacial-aged flora comparable degrees. The phytolith evidence in south Thailand to the pine/oak vegetation observedat Phayao, but with (Fig. 2) suggests that fire was common, andhigh levels a stronger Fagaceous component (Quercus and Litho- of charcoal are also notedfurther south at Nee Soon for carpus/Castanopsis). Prominence of pine andoak have this period( Taylor et al., 2001). Phayao has evidence for also been notedat a comparable periodin cores from relatively infrequent burning during this period, but higher latitudes and altitudes in Yunnan (Lin et al., burning may have been more common in northeast 1986; Sun et al., 1986). This evidence raises the Thailand( Penny, 2001, p. 123), despite similar vegeta- possibility that much of northern Southeast Asia to tion cover. This difference may reflect the development southwest China may have supporteda widespread of a more pronounceddryseason in northeast Thailand pine/oak dominated vegetation under a cooler and during the late Pleistocene, in addition to strong pre- probably drier-than-present climate. Although disconti- existing edaphic and topographic differences between nuities in lake sediment sequences can have many local the two regions. causes, that discontinuities in the pollen sequences The implications of these contrasting vegetation and during the late glacial period may exist in the Kwan fire histories for late Pleistocene human occupation of Phayao, Nong Han Kumphawapi, Nong Pa Kho, and the region can only be addressed superficially at this NTSH cores (likely causedby dryingof the lakes) point. Future archaeological research may yet document suggest a markedly drier climate at least seasonally for human habitation in northeast Thailanddatingto the all three subregions during this time range. This late Pleistocene; late Pleistocene archaeological faunal relatively aridclimate is consistent with the formation assemblages recently excavatedin northern Thailandare of a loess ‘‘mantle’’ across many areas of Southeast Asia not yet publishedin sufficient detail to permit examina- (Sibrava$ et al., 1996), which has been tentatively dated tion of the evidence for human exploitation of specific to the late Pleistocene (Sanderson et al., 2001). It is environmental contexts. Only in south Thailandcan we noteworthy that, despite a growing number of palaeoen- begin to examine a relationship between the environ- vironmental studies in mainland Southeast Asia, the ment andarchaeological evidence for human occupation vegetation of the last glacial maximum is yet to be fully for this time. described. Faunal remains from archaeological sites provide In the south of Thailand, NTSH lacks continuous dated evidence, independent of sediment records, for pollen evidence for the late glacial period, although habitats, human exploitation strategies, andtheir ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 125 changes over time. Although Kealhofer (2002, p. 183) occupation in south Thailandare more diverse and argues on the basis of NTSH phytolith evidence that complex than revealedat NTSH. In this regard, woodland savannah supporting large grazing animals Maloney (1999b, p. 214) cautionedthat the NTSH wouldhave been present in southern peninsula Thailand vegetation evidence is better for detecting habitat during the late Pleistocene southern peninsular Thai- changes in the immediate vicinity of the lake rather land, late Pleistocene archaeological fauna from this than regional climatic events or regional evidence for region indicate the presence of a vegetation mosaic and human environmental impact. clear human interest in forest-dwelling species. The The causes of the burning that was clearly present in fauna listedby Pookajorn (1996) for Moh Khiew cave the south during the late glacial period are as yet Cultural Levels 1 and2 (the only Pleistocene-aged uncertain, even though it is in all likelihooda archaeological deposit with published fauna in south preagricultural context. Studies of hunting and gather- Thailand) show no overt focus on fauna specializing in ing strategies employedby living groups show that fire is grazing savannahs. Cultural Level 2, itself undated but a convenient andoften-usedtool for both hunting and which falls between ca. 26,000 and11,000 bp uncal. plant collecting andhence unlikely to have been ignored basedon datesfrom Cultural Levels 1 and3, is the in ancient times (Pyne, 1991; White, 1995, pp. 58–59). archaeological deposit closest in time to the NTSH On the other hand, naturally caused fires are a common Pleistocene phytolith sequence. feature of many seasonally dry vegetation types, and The fauna listedfor Moh Khiew Cultural Level 2 charcoal can be prominent in core sediments whose demonstrate a focus on resources from a variety of deposition is known to precede the appearance of forest habitats. Although many faunal taxa are not humans (e.g., late Pleistocene/early Holocene Madagas- identified to species and thus are of limited use for car (Burney, 1987); see also Kershaw et al., 1997). environmental inferences, several that are, include Distinguishing one cause from another, or their relative browsers preferring forest-to-forest edge habitats (e.g., impact at any given point in time, will require much Muntiacus muntjak, Tragulus javanicus); large mammals thoughtful analysis incorporating a wide range of living in denser arboreal habitats (Helarctos malayanus); evidence, and will be particularly complex when both andsmall mammals ranging from upper canopy to natural andcultural causes have a high potential for groundlevel dwellerssuch as Arctogalidia trivirgata and being present. various members of the orders of Primates and Rodentia. A variety of mollusks were also found. 4.2. Terminal Pleistocene to early Holocene Although savannah-preferring grazers are not identified in Cultural Level 2 at Moh Khiew, earlier late TPP cores offer evidence that there may have been Pleistocene deposits do include grazers. Bubalus bubalus variability in the timing, degree, and nature of impact of was identified in Moh Khiew Cultural Level 1 predating the Pleistocene/Holocene transition andthe early ca. 26,000 bp uncal.; andthe Lang Rongrien late Holocene monsoon maximum in each subregion of Pleistocene fauna from stratigraphic units 7–10 dating Thailand. Pollen and phytolith data from northeastern between ca. 27,000 and 43,000 bp un cal. does include Thailand( Kealhofer, 1996; Kealhofer andPenny, 1998 ; grazers (e.g., Cervus eldi), along with forest dwelling Penny, 2001), andphytolith datafrom southern Thai- browsers, andmarsh andstreamsidedwellers(Karen land(this paper; also Kealhofer, 2002, 2003) show an Mudar, personal communication, 2002). expansion of arboreal vegetation in response to in- In summary, the existing archaeological evidence for creasedprecipitation as the southwest monsoon late Pleistocene southern Thailandshows that people in strengthenedover the period12,000–9500 bp uncal. southern Thailandhadaccess to andexploitedhabitats Pollen data from the south (Maloney, 1999a, b) and ranging from dense forests to more open niches. north of Thailand(this paper; Penny, unpublisheddata) Archaeologists will point out that the majority of late do not record this transition in detail. The pine/oak Pleistocene archaeological sites were likely drowned forest so common in pre-Holocene assemblages in the with the Holocene rise in sea levels andthus lost to north of the country was rapidly replaced in the archaeological visibility, andthat the absence of northeast by both deciduous and evergreen broadleaf excavatedopen air assemblages is another significant taxa at the outset of the Holocene. However, pine/oak bias. Nevertheless, the habitat preferences of late dominated vegetation appears to have persisted in the Pleistocene fauna from Moh Khiew andLang Rongrien northwest, suggesting prima facie that the impact of imply that a mosaic of vegetation types with variation in changing climates at the Pleistocene/Holocene transition openness did exist in peninsular south Thailand during may have been much more muted(or less apparent in this period. This archaeological evidence demonstrates pollen records) in the continental highlands than else- the role of archaeology in multi-proxy assessment of where in Thailand. palaeoenvironments andindicates that the late Pleisto- Alternatively, the remarkable difference in early cene environment andits relationship to human Holocene biogeography between the northeast andthe ARTICLE IN PRESS 126 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 northwest neednot reflect subregional climatic differ- been less dependent on the Gulf of Thailand as a source ences, but rather simply reflect the differential response of moisture andthus showedthe effects of the Holocene to Holocene changes of two areas close in latitude but transition earlier than parts of Cambodia. with markedtopographic differences. In the mountai- More or less coterminous with the terminal Pleisto- nous northwest it was possible for cool-adapted forests cene andearly Holocene was the development and to retreat relatively short horizontal distances to higher probable north to south spreadof ‘‘Hoabinhian’’ altitudes in response to rising temperature and pre- technologies—a lithic industry characterized by cobble cipitation and, by virtue of the pollination strategies of stones flaked on one side. The TPP data indicate that the codominant genera, remain strongly represented in Hoabinhian societies existed and expanded during a the pollen influx to the intermontane valleys. This is not periodwhen most of mainlandSoutheast Asia experi- the case in the northeast, a landscape of low relief, where enced dynamic forest development and diversification the cool-adapted coniferous forests must have retreated under conditions of increasing annual rainfall, albeit considerable horizontal distances to occupy very small with varying degrees of seasonality. On the other hand, areas of refugia, such as the plateau of Phu Kradung in the Phayao recorddidnot reveal environmental changes Loei province of northeast Thailand(ca. >1200 m in the terminal Pleistocene to early Holocene time frame ASL). Such an interpretation is consistent with the for northern Thailand. Although Kealhofer (2002, modern disjunct distribution of conifers in Thailand p. 185) argues that changes in burnt phytoliths (Stott, 1976, pp. 53–55; Werner, 1997; Richardson, from the early Holocene at Kumphawapi as well as 1998, pp. 24–25), andmay explain the extraordinary central Thailandindicate ‘‘that people were managing divergence of the north and northwest of Thailand in the landscape from the beginning of the period,’’ the terms of their biogeographic development at the outset pollen data from Kumphawapi and Phayao show no of the Holocene. evidence for anthropogenic burning or vegetation It is noteworthy that Maxwell (1999, 2001) reporteda impact in this time frame. There is modest evidence in delayed occurrence of the Pleistocene/Holocene transi- the pollen recordfor some disturbance in the NTSH tion at Cambodian lowland lakes, beginning about core during the early Holocene (and unlike northeast 8500 bp uncal., or about 1000 years later than southwest andcentral Thailandthere is contemporaneous evidence China (i.e., at Dianchi, Sun et al., 1986). The TPP cores for early Holocene Hoabinhian occupation in the emphasize this variability in the timing andcharacter of south), but that disturbance cannot be unequivocally the Pleistocene/Holocene transition in Southeast Asia. attributedto human activities ( Maloney, 1999b, This variability may relate, in part, to the variable pp. 210–213). width, sill depth, and slope of continental shelves and Although the proposal that Hoabinhians were plant their variable rate of inundation during the most recent manipulators/domesticators (Gorman, 1969) has not deglaciation (Maxwell, 2001, p. 398). That the gulf of gainedwidespreadacceptance among archaeologists Thailandmay have been dryuntil well into the (e.g., Higham andThosarat, 1998, p. 31 ), foodremains Holocene may account for a delay in the onset of moist foundin Hoabinhian sites show that humans at that conditions in northeast Cambodia. The continentality of time exploiteda widerange of environmental niches northeast Cambodia would have been markedly in- (Gorman, 1971; Higham, 1977). While many Hoabin- creasedduringthe late glacial maximum, lasting into the hian sites reveal what archaeologists call ‘‘broad periodof deglaciation. At a sea level 100 m below spectrum’’ hunting andpresumably gathering from present levels, northeast Cambodia would have been forestedcontexts, on the other hand,other Hoabinhian more than 1100 km from the southwest margin of sites show more focusedresource exploitation, including Sunda. Slow penetration of a warm shallow sea into shell fish in coastal andriverine contexts, and,at Tham central Sunda during the early Holocene, to form what Phaa Can in the northern Thai uplands in the middle is now the Gulf of Thailand, may have had significant Holocene, large ungulates, some of which favoredopen implications for timing of increasedrainfall in northeast environments (Higham, 1977, p. 411). Cambodia, which is dependent on the gulf for its In northern Thailandduringthe late Pleistocene/early summer rainfall today. Kripalani et al. (1995) have Holocene Hoabinhian period, the relevant published demonstrated that parts of Cambodia are significantly faunal remains suggest only subtle temporal andspatial out of phase with the southwest monsoon under the variation, possibly relatedto the, at best, muted present climate regime, whereas northern andnortheast environmental changes for this periodin that region Thailandare foundto be in phase ( Kripalani et al., impliedby the Phayao evidence. However, faunal 1995; Kripalani andKulkarni, 1997 ). This subregional remains from early Holocene levels at sites in south variability in the effects of the southwest monsoon may Thailand, while together showing an array of habitat reflect the direct influence of rain-bearing monsoon exploitation, also show site-to-site andpossibly tempor- winds from the Indian Ocean and the Andaman Sea on al variation in species composition that probably reflects northern andnortheast Thailand,areas that may have the range of habitats close to each of the sites. ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 127

Lang Rongrien (Kijngam, 1990) has the strongest elsewhere (Penny et al., 1996; Kealhofer andPenny, evidence for large mammal hunting reflecting a range of 1998; Penny, 1999) reasons to favor or at least seriously closedcanopy andmore open environments. The consider cultural interpretations for the changes in the decrease from stratigraphic unit 6 to 5 (dating ca. Kumphawapi core (evidence for burning and coinciding 9600 bp uncal. to ca. 7500 bp uncal.) among deer species major forest disturbance) beginning by about 5500 bp in the proportion of open habitat grazers Cervus eldi/C. uncal. (ca. 4400 BC cal.). On the other hand, recent porcinus relative to forest preferring browsers Muntiacus palynological evidence from Ratanakiri province, north- muntjack and Cervus unicolor perhaps reflects the post- east Cambodia (Maxwell, 1999, 2001), reveals increased Pleistocene reduction of open patches and closing in of burning andvegetation changes dating from ca. 5300 bp the forest in south Thailandwith increasedrainfall uncal. (hence about two centuries after changes appear during the early Holocene. Eight kilometers away at in Kumphawapi) that are interpretedas evidence of a Moh Khiew in Cultural Level 3 (dates ranging from ca. drier and more seasonal climate from this time. 11,000 to 8500 bp uncal,) fewer species of large That these two spatially disparate sites (ca. 600 km mammals are present (none of which are grazers), and apart) shouldreveal broadlysimilar vegetation changes upper canopy primates (absent at Lang Rongrien) and with near synchronicity raises important issues. While squirrels are important. That grazers were present Maxwell (2001) favoreda climatic interpretation of the during the Pleistocene at Lang Rongrien but not Ratanakiri data, the archaeological record for the region identified at Moh Khiew Cultural Level 2 reinforces (Kojo, 1998), though meager, was not considered in the the impression that despite their proximity, Lang interpretation of the Ratanakiri lake sequences (indeed, Rongrien andMoh Khiew hadsomewhat different the sites were chosen for coring due to their perceived exposure to open environments, andthe reduction of remoteness from nearby recent andancient human open habitats with the onset of the Holocene affected settlement; Maxwell, 1999, p. 129, p. 210, 2001, p. 391; this component of faunal resources at Lang Rongrien see also Maxwell andLiu, 2002, p. 215. ) Although only more than at Moh Khiew. Sakai Cave Cultural Level 1, undated sites are reported from a rapid reconnaissance dating ca. 9000 bp uncal. with a Hoabinhian assem- survey (Kojo, 1998), most of the sites appear to be 30 km blage, has no ungulates, but does show focus on or less from the Ratanakiri pollen sites. The remains primates, probably reflecting its more interior position, foundat these localities primarily includedpolished higher elevation, andlikely less patchy andmore densely adzes, which are considered likely of neolithic and/or forestedenvironment relative to the other two sites bronze age, thus middle to late Holocene (no bronze (Pookajorn, 1996). artifacts were found, but it is known that polished adzes In summary, the environmental context during the were usedduringthe Southeast Asian bronze age.) terminal Pleistocene andearly Holocene of mainland Although favoring a climatic interpretation for middle Southeast Asia appears to have been rich anddiverse in Holocene changes, in his doctoral dissertation, Maxwell resources, complex anddynamic in terms of its (1999, p. 226) pointedout, as we dohere, that it is at vegetation. Humans appear to have developed skill sets present ‘‘impossible to say with confidence that the andtool kits that were generalizedenough to employ in changesyare primarily attributable to climatic change, a variety of tropical environments andan interest in a oryto human control of the fire regime.’’ variety of forestedcontexts in the differentsubregions. Contributing to the uncertainty concerning the role of Yet they were capable of focusedexploitation of narrow humans in vegetation change during the middle Holo- niches, thus overall able to take advantage of their rich cene is the scarcity of archaeological evidence published array of options. in detail for this period, and the inconsistent manner in which archaeologists have interpretedthat evidence. 4.3. Middle Holocene Middle Holocene assemblages often have both flaked andpolishedor edge-polishedstone tools, and/or The middle Holocene is at once a problematic and ceramic fragments. These latter two elements have critical time-period for understanding the interactions resulted in some difficulty in developing terminology between humans andthe landscape.During this period, for these assemblages. Shouldthey be considered environmental changes associatedwith a regional ‘‘Neolithic’’ (Aung Thaw, 1973; Reynolds, 1990, p. 15; weakening of the southwest monsoon flow over South Pookajorn, 1996, p. 206), even though domesticated andSoutheast Asia obfuscate the impact of humans on fauna have not been observed, and arguments for plant the environment. cultivation have been largely dismissed? Or a distinct In this article, we suggest that the evidence from phase of the Hoabinhian such as a ‘‘late Hoabinhian’’ NTSH reflects both cultural andnatural influences on (Pookajorn, 1990, p. 22)? Are ceramics associatedwith environmental conditions during the Holocene, includ- Hoabinhian lithics intrusive (Shoocongdej, 1996, p. 212; ing the periodprior to the unequivocal emergence of Higham andThosarat, 1998, p. 30 )? Terminology thus agriculture in the area. We also point out above and far developed for these assemblages is unhelpful as it has ARTICLE IN PRESS 128 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132

Table 2 Late lithic deposits associated with middle Holocene dates in Thailand, Cambodia, and Myanmar (Burma)

Site Level 14C Lab no. Material Associatedartifacts References determination bp uncal.

Padah-lin 1B, Tr. I, 65707125 R2547/2 Charcoal Flakedlithics, pottery, Aung Thaw (1973) layer 2 edge ground tools

Banyan valley GL2 53607120 Gak-4341 Charcoal Flakedlithics, pottery, Reynolds (1992) edge ground knife

Khao Talu Cultural 45207430 OAEP-107 NA Flakedlithics, pottery Pookajorn (1990) Level II 4215795 OAEP-054 NA

Heap Cave Culural 43507400 OAEP-154 NA Flakedlithics, pottery Pookajorn (1990) Level II 41007300 OAEP-153 NA

Moh Khiew Cultural 70607100 OAEP-1277 NA Flakedlithics, pottery, Pookajorn (1996) Level 4 60907150 OAEP-1278 NA polishedadzes 59407140 OAEP-1289 NA 5590770 OAEP-1291 NA

Moh Khiew Cultural 42407150 OAEP-1290 NA Flakedlithics, pottery, Pookajorn (1996) Level 5 polishedadzes,bone tools

Kbal Romeas! Shell 53707140 Gif-872 Shell Pottery, lithics Carbonnel and midden, unknown Delibrias (1968), 50 cm thick Carbonnel (1979), Bronson andWhite (1992)a

Phnom Top level 43707135 Gif-1167 Bone ‘‘Bacsonian’’, bone Carbonnel and Laang 50 cm thick Collagen tools Delibrias (1968), Carbonnel (1979), Bronson andWhite (1992)a

Laang Cultural 6240770 MC-273 Charcoal Flakedlithics, pottery Mourer (1977), Spean level II Carbonnel (1979)a

a There are slight discrepancies in reporting these dates among these references. connotations that confoundthe issues further with each other anddatesfrom higher andlower levels, (Reynolds, 1990, pp. 12–13), which is why we use the but the Moh Khiew stratigraphy correlates reasonably more neutral phrase ‘‘late lithic’’ here for these well at several points with the sequence at nearby Lang distinctive middle Holocene cultural assemblages. Rongrien. That other deposits probably attributable to Late lithic assemblages are not uncommon in main- the late lithic and datable to the middle Holocene have land Southeast Asia during the middle Holocene, even if been foundin Phangnga andSurat Thani provinces not well understood or fully described. Sites with late (Srisuchat, 1989) indicates that Moh Khiew Cultural lithic deposits associated with dates in the middle Levels 4 and5 reflect a possibly widespreadlatelithic Holocene have been foundin south, west, andnorth occupation in south Thailandin that time frame. Thailand, Cambodia, and Myanmar (Burma) (Table 2). Banyan Valley andLaang Spean are also examples They frequently but not exclusively overlie classic whose reports convincingly argue for a stratigraphic Hoabinhian deposits. Even though the dating and relationship between middle Holocene dates and asso- stratigraphic integrity of some of the examples listedin ciatedceramic fragments. Although outsideof our Table 2 have been questioned(e.g., Reynolds, 1990), the immediate area of concern (west of the Annamite middle Holocene dating and stratigraphy for the range), middle Holocene cultures in Vietnam such as recently summarizedremains at Moh Khiew Cultural the Dabut culture (Bui Vinh, 1991) have been more fully Level 4 (Pookajorn, 1996, p. 206) are convincing for two defined and exhibit shifts in settlement locales as well as reasons. Not only are the four dates internally consistent the addition of ceramics and polished stone tools to the ARTICLE IN PRESS J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 129 material culture. Viewing the available evidence, it is where that these changes couldbe equally relatedto a clear that human technologies in mainlandSoutheast change in anthropogenic fire use—from irregular, Asia were changing during the middle Holocene, even if intense, and indiscriminate burns to controlled, low- the details in terms of land use remain to be fully intensity ground-cover burns that have a muted impact investigatedanddescribed. on forest trees andproduceless aerial charcoal Although archaeologists working in Thailandand (Maxwell, 1999, pp. 227–228). Almost an identical Cambodia have yet to focus on the late lithic period, interpretation was put forwardby Penny (1998, p. prima facie the development of polished stone tools 195) to explain the forest recovery at Kumphawapi— implies working with wood, and the appearance of i.e., a shift from the unmanagedburning of forests to the ceramics implies changes in cuisine andhence subsis- controlledburning of herbaceous groundcover (e.g., tence/landuse strategies. Whether or not we can identify rice stubble andagricultural weeds). (See, however, unambiguous archaeological evidence for plant cultiva- Kealhofer (1996) for an argument on the basis of tion during the middle Holocene remains a question for phytolith evidence that a shift in the Kumphawapi the future. On the palaeoenvironmental side, a more catchment from unmanagedanthropogenic understory sophisticatedapproach is requiredto identify the impact burning to managedburning of fieldweedsoccurred that various possible landuse strategies might have on much earlier—by the middle Holocene.) various Southeast Asian vegetation types. More detailed In the south, beginning some centuries before the late study of the region’s ecology of land use with a focused Holocene, changes in tree pollen andincreases in effort to identify impact on the taxa preserving in the sedimentary charcoal demonstrate forest clearance pollen and phytolith records will assist in distinguishing presumably for uplandagriculture, with some possibly changes in cores attributable to climate variations from useful plant species selectively conserved( Maloney, changes due to human efforts to replace natural with 1999b). These changes somewhat precede the most cultivatedvegetation. Although a full discussion of the commonly given date of 2000 BC cal. or just prior for possible landuse strategies of early plant cultivating the earliest archaeological evidence from west-central to societies in the region is beyondthe scope of this article, south Thailandanddownto Malaya for more settled the importance of uplandslash andburn andhorticul- andpresumably agricultural cultures ( Bellwood, 1997, tural techniques in traditional Southeast Asian cropping p. 259). This change in landuse likely overwhelms any strategies has long been recognized. Rice grown under climate change signal for this period. inundation, with cropping techniques that range from Interestingly, a recovery of tree pollen is apparent in extensive to intensive, will likely impact natural vegeta- the Nong Thale Hong Song pollen recorddatingfrom tion differently than the upland cropping techniques. approximately 1100 bp uncal. Exactly what this might That these landuse strategies might also differin their mean in terms of landuse changes is not yet clear. At impact (and thus appearance in lake sediment evidence) that time, historic kingdoms and trading states were depending on preceding vegetation type, soils, popula- engagedin constant shifting of power balances in both tion density, how the land use strategies were combined mainlandandislandSoutheast Asia, andthere may with each other, along with other variables, will likely have been associatedchanges in population density and also need to be considered. subsistence regimes. Maloney (1999a, p. 136) suggested that the frequency of shifting cultivation may have 4.4. Late Holocene become less in the last few hundred years at that site, andthe emphasis in landuse stressedconservation and Changes occur in the palaeoenvironment recordfrom planting of useful trees in the NTSH catchment. the beginning of the late Holocene that also may have In the north at Phayao, evidence consistent with both human andnatural components. In the northeast, forest clearance comes later than south or northeast evidence for sharp decline in burning and incipient Thailand—not until the late iron age (ca. AD 170 cal.; stages of forest regeneration during the early second Beta-106543). The rapidsedimentation associatedwith millennium BC cal. roughly coincides with the develop- evidence for burning and vegetation disturbance would ment of bronze age culture andthe documented be consistent with an intensification of uplandcultiva- occurrence of archaeological rice (White, 1997). tion (Turkelboom et al., 1997), broadly contempora- The main phase of forest regeneration, centered neous with late iron age settlements to the west and aroundthe early first millennium BC cal. (OZC-319, southwest. Table 1) generally coincides with evidence for presence of iron andwater buffalo, hence the presence of 4.5. Summary technologies that can be useful for intensification of wet rice cultivation. Contemporaneous changes in the The TPP research has documented diversity in the Ratanakiri cores suggestedto Maxwell (2001, p. 399)a palaeoenvironmental picture of late Pleistocene and stronger southwest monsoon flow, but he arguedelse- Holocene Thailand. While much research in both ARTICLE IN PRESS 130 J.C. White et al. / Quaternary International 113 (2004) 111–132 archaeology andpalaeoenvironmental reconstruction manuscript, which was presentedat the 3rdALDP/ remains to be done, the asynchronous patterning of ELDP conference in Kyoto andMikata, Japan in charcoal peaks andvariable vegetation changes among November 2001. not only the inlandcores from Thailand,but also including those from Cambodia, leaves the impression that anthropogenic environmental impact has an important role in explaining past vegetation changes References andwas regionally markedly variable, not fitting a single chronological or landuse scenario. Moreover, the Anderson, D.D., 1990. Lang Rongrien Rockshelter: A Pleistocene– evidence available suggests that an interaction between early Holocene archaeological site from Krabi, Southwestern subregional climate variability, including the develop- Thailand. 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