Camden, New Jersey and the Municipal Rehabilitation and Economic Recovery Act of 2002
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THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF CITIES: CAMDEN, NEW JERSEY AND THE MUNICIPAL REHABILITATION AND ECONOMIC RECOVERY ACT OF 2002 __________________________________________________________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board __________________________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY __________________________________________________________________ By Daniel J. Dougherty May 2012 Examining Committee Members: Dr. Barbara Ferman, Advisory Chair, Department of Political Science Dr. Carolyn Adams, Department of Geography and Urban Studies Dr. Megan Mullin, Department of Political Science Dr. David Bartelt, External Member, Temple University Department of Geography and Urban Studies © Copyright 2012 by Daniel J. Dougherty All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Since the mid-20th century demographic and economic changes have left older post-industrial American cities located amidst fragmented metropolitan areas and has resulted in the loss of political power accompanied by loss of economic wealth. This has left urban centers in the Northeast and Midwest United States in various states of decline. Located within the sixth largest metropolitan area in the country, the City of Camden, New Jersey is one of America’s most distressed cities. During the longest period of decline and de-industrialization in the 1960s and 1970s, Camden lost nearly half of its industrial job base, more than other de-industrializing American cities and over one-third of its population. Currently, Camden’s circumstances related to concentrated poverty, unemployment, failing schools and a crumbling infrastructure typify the worst consequences of urban decline. The Municipal Rehabilitation and Economic Recovery Act (“Camden Recovery Act”) passed in 2002 was state-level legislation designed to intervene in Camden’s municipal operations and re-structure economic development in the city in a way not seen since the Great Depression. Through the Camden Recovery Act, New Jersey’s state government pumped tens of millions of dollars in additional spending into Camden for the purpose of re-positioning the city in the region through large-scale comprehensive redevelopment plans. In the process they took over virtually the entire decision-making apparatus and excluded Camden’s municipal government from all but basic day-to-day governing decisions. Largely, the approach was in response to the various agendas and interests that influenced the Recovery Act: state legislators with regional agendas, county iii public officials seeking to bring more public investment to the city, and institutions in Camden working to revitalize the city. The politics of economic recovery in Camden lends to the discussion around the political future of older postindustrial cities in several ways. Primarily it illustrates political solutions to urban decline found at the state level with the support of a regional political coalition of urban and suburban lawmakers. Indeed, as the national economy in the United States has worsened in recent years, the fiscal health of cities has brought a renewed focus on the relationship between state and local governments. The case of Camden makes several points of comparison with state takeovers in similarly sized and situated cities. Critics of state takeovers point out that they are unconstitutional and call into question the imposition of state-appointed managers to take over control from democratically elected public officials, while proponents say it is the only way to get local government’s fiscal house in order. However similar, Camden’s takeover was more comprehensive than recent municipal bankruptcies and its redevelopment plans underscore the challenges faced in urban revitalization between the goals of efficiency and the values of democratic accountability. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have looked forward to writing the acknowledgements for my dissertation for more years than I would like to admit and yet I am still amazed that I actually made it to this point. Like any long journey, this dissertation is truly the result of many people, each supporting and encouraging me in their own unique ways. Without hyperbole, this dissertation is the culmination of nearly a lifetime of trying to understand the world around me and the realization over time that I actually had a voice and role in the production of knowledge. I cannot help but think of the many people who shaped me and made that possible. More teachers than I can acknowledge inspired me to become the person I am today. Moreover, while I wrote this dissertation and sat thinking in the wee hours of the morning or became frustrated by the arduous process, I often found myself recalling generations of my family whose sacrifice and commitment allowed me the privilege of being in academia. This work would not be possible were not it for their sacrifice to give me the space to think big thoughts. I have had the unyielding and tireless support of an incredible team of scholars at Temple University in the development and execution of this research. My dissertation committee: Dr. Barbara Ferman, Dr. Carolyn Adams and Dr. Megan Mullin have provided brilliant insight that has made this a much better endeavor while challenging me to develop both intellectually and personally. A special thank you to my Advisor, Dr. Barbara Ferman who supported me and was my champion in more ways than I deserved. As a mentor, Barbara showed me not only how to be a better scholar, but to remember that as a political scientist all of our work is meant to keep the big questions in mind and to serve society in multiple ways, however big or small. v As a kid from Jersey, the City of Camden was never far away from many issues and discussions I had growing up. Unbeknownst to me at that time, Camden shaped much of my worldview and how I would think about life, especially about cities. Through the years of studying the city, I have come to love Camden, particularly in all of its complexity and challenges. I want to thank the people who took their time to help me understand the city much better. I owe a debt of gratitude to my colleagues at Drexel University who have encouraged me over the past several years. To my colleagues in the Pennoni Honors College and the Lindy Center for Civic Engagement, many, many thanks! A special thank you to Dr. D.B. Jones for giving me the time to complete this dissertation. A note of appreciation for Dr. Kristine Lewis, Dr. Ellen Clay and Dr. Shannon Gary for their sage advice throughout the process. Through my role at Drexel, I have the privilege to know Phil Lindy, who has become a valuable supporter of my work. A big thank you to Phil for the encouragement to complete my research. I am fortunate to have friends! To Dr. Justin Gollob, who made the graduate school experience that much more enjoyable. To my “poker buddies”, who made my situation much more bearable with humor and worthwhile distractions: I hope you enjoy the book report and diorama. So as to not run the risk to leave anyone out, I will say, to all my friends along the way (you know who you are), thank you for the conversations, questions and concerns in this long journey. My family is by far the biggest reason for my success. I am blessed to come from a big family with supportive siblings. Thank you to the Doughertys, O’Tooles, Smiths, Potoskys, and Doughertys. My parents, Joseph and Rita, have supported me with more vi generosity and in more ways than one person should have the good fortune to receive. For their lessons that taught me to love learning and to persevere, I hope this dissertation is one small gift in return. To Paul, the richest man in Bedford Falls, I did it, brother! To John and Stephanie Trinkl, the Fosdicks and the Smiths: thank you for many happy years of fun, good conversations, and wise guidance. I could never have asked for a better group of “in-laws”. For my children, Alec, Sammy and Grace who asked the important question, “are you done with your big paper yet?”: you made the journey through graduate school worth every minute. Remember, you too can achieve your dreams! Even though I spend so much of my life with words, words fail to capture my gratitude for my wife Christine Trinkl Dougherty and her support of me over the years. To say that she sacrificed is such an understatement, it sounds trite. This dissertation is dedicated to her for the innumerable ways she made it all possible. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………….iii ACKOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………….v LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………ix CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF CITIES?............1 2. HISTORY OF THE CITY OF CAMDEN, N.J…………………………………...14 3. FROM OVERSIGHT TO TAKEOVER, 1992-2002……………………………..58 4. POWER, POLITICS AND THE LIMITS OF CITY GOVERNMENT UNDER THE MRERA…………………………………………………………….....96 5. INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY AS A PRE-CONDITION FOR DEMOCRACY……………………………………………………………………….129 6: CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………….157 REFERENCES CITED…………………………………………………………….....171 viii LIST OF TABLES/FIGURES/CHARTS Table/Figure/Chart Page Chart 4-1. Senator Wayne Bryant Legislative Pass Rate, 1998-2003………………104 Chart 4-2. Assemblyman Louis Greenwald Legislative Pass Rate, 1998-2003…….104 Table 4-1. Project Spending for Camden Recovery Act……………………………119 Figure 5-1. Camden City Voting Rates, 1997-2003………………………………...140 Figure 5-2. City-County-State Comparative Voting Rates, 1997-2003…………….141 ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF CITIES? Since the mid-20th century demographic and economic changes have left older post-industrial American cities located amidst fragmented metropolitan areas with diminished political representation in state and federal governments as redistricting corresponded to shifting populations (Teaford 1990; Caraley 1992; Weir 1996; Wolman et al. 2004). Gone are the days when cities were part of political coalitions and could exercise their power to promote pro-urban policies (Wier 1996; Wolman et al.