The Bronze Horseman of Justinian in Constantinople Elena N
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
1 the Literary Culture of the Renaissance Venetian Empire Erin
The Literary Culture of the Renaissance Venetian Empire Erin Maglaque University of St Andrews This article examines a corpus of fifteenth-century geographical and epigraphical literature representing the Venetian Mediterranean empire. It was collected and read by Venetian patrician men who were both humanists and part of the political class that governed Venice and its empire. Navigating between literary analysis and history of the book, the article first examines the Venetian legacy of the writings of Cyriac d’Ancona, before investigating the provenance of individual books and their collecting histories. Then, it turns to study the marginalia and annotations in these books by Venetian readers. It suggests that, in its composite construction, this literature provided ways for Venetian readers to imagine their own composite maritime state, particularly its history. Building on recent art historical analysis, I argue that the legitimacy that the aura of antiquity gave to the Venetian imperial enterprise was one of persistence: the Mediterranean empire was a space in which Venetians could encounter a living Greco-Roman imperial past. Keywords: Renaissance Venice, stato da mar, Mediterranean, geography, cartography, annotation, history of the book Literary culture and the Venetian empire At the centre of this article is a corpus of manuscripts and printed books which were owned, read, collected, and exchanged by Renaissance Venetian men who were both humanists and part of the political class which governed Venice and its maritime empire.1 1 The standard work on the Venetian patriciate’s involvement in humanist literary culture is Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). -
Constantinople As Center and Crossroad
Constantinople as Center and Crossroad Edited by Olof Heilo and Ingela Nilsson SWEDISH RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN ISTANBUL TRANSACTIONS, VOL. 23 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ......................................................................... 7 OLOF HEILO & INGELA NILSSON WITH RAGNAR HEDLUND Constantinople as Crossroad: Some introductory remarks ........................................................... 9 RAGNAR HEDLUND Byzantion, Zeuxippos, and Constantinople: The emergence of an imperial city .............................................. 20 GRIGORI SIMEONOV Crossing the Straits in the Search for a Cure: Travelling to Constantinople in the Miracles of its healer saints .......................................................... 34 FEDIR ANDROSHCHUK When and How Were Byzantine Miliaresia Brought to Scandinavia? Constantinople and the dissemination of silver coinage outside the empire ............................................. 55 ANNALINDEN WELLER Mediating the Eastern Frontier: Classical models of warfare in the work of Nikephoros Ouranos ............................................ 89 CLAUDIA RAPP A Medieval Cosmopolis: Constantinople and its foreigners .............................................. 100 MABI ANGAR Disturbed Orders: Architectural representations in Saint Mary Peribleptos as seen by Ruy González de Clavijo ........................................... 116 ISABEL KIMMELFIELD Argyropolis: A diachronic approach to the study of Constantinople’s suburbs ................................... 142 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS MILOŠ -
Monuments, Materiality, and Meaning in the Classical Archaeology of Anatolia
MONUMENTS, MATERIALITY, AND MEANING IN THE CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF ANATOLIA by Daniel David Shoup A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Art and Archaeology) in The University of Michigan 2008 Doctoral Committee: Professor Elaine K. Gazda, Co-Chair Professor John F. Cherry, Co-Chair, Brown University Professor Fatma Müge Göçek Professor Christopher John Ratté Professor Norman Yoffee Acknowledgments Athena may have sprung from Zeus’ brow alone, but dissertations never have a solitary birth: especially this one, which is largely made up of the voices of others. I have been fortunate to have the support of many friends, colleagues, and mentors, whose ideas and suggestions have fundamentally shaped this work. I would also like to thank the dozens of people who agreed to be interviewed, whose ideas and voices animate this text and the sites where they work. I offer this dissertation in hope that it contributes, in some small way, to a bright future for archaeology in Turkey. My committee members have been unstinting in their support of what has proved to be an unconventional project. John Cherry’s able teaching and broad perspective on archaeology formed the matrix in which the ideas for this dissertation grew; Elaine Gazda’s support, guidance, and advocacy of the project was indispensible to its completion. Norman Yoffee provided ideas and support from the first draft of a very different prospectus – including very necessary encouragement to go out on a limb. Chris Ratté has been a generous host at the site of Aphrodisias and helpful commentator during the writing process. -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
The Hagia Sophia in Its Urban Context: an Interpretation of the Transformations of an Architectural Monument with Its Changing Physical and Cultural Environment
THE HAGIA SOPHIA IN ITS URBAN CONTEXT: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF AN ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENT WITH ITS CHANGING PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School of Engineering and Sciences of İzmir Institute of Technology in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE in Architecture by Nazlı TARAZ August 2014 İZMİR We approve the thesis of Nazlı TARAZ Examining Committee Members: ___________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep AKTÜRE Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology _____________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Ela ÇİL SAPSAĞLAM Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology ___________________________ Dr. Çiğdem ALAS 25 August 2014 ___________________________ Assist. Prof. Dr. Zeynep AKTÜRE Supervisor, Department of Architecture, İzmir Institute of Technology ____ ___________________________ ______________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Şeniz ÇIKIŞ Prof. Dr. R. Tuğrul SENGER Head of the Department of Architecture Dean of the Graduate School of Engineering and Sciences ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Assist.Prof.Dr.Zeynep AKTÜRE for her guidance, patience and sharing her knowledge during the entire study. This thesis could not be completed without her valuable and unique support. I would like to express my sincere thanks to my committee members Assist. Prof. Dr. Ela ÇİL SAPSAĞLAM, Dr. Çiğdem ALAS, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Erdem ERTEN and Assist. Prof. Dr. Zoltan SOMHEGYI for their invaluable comments and recommendations. I owe thanks to my sisters Yelin DEMİR, Merve KILIÇ, Nil Nadire GELİŞKAN and Banu Işıl IŞIK for not leaving me alone and encouraging me all the time. And I also thank to Seçkin YILDIRIMDEMİR who has unabled to sleep for days to help and motivate me in the hardest times of this study. -
Costantino Da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1
EUGENIO RUSSO Costantino da Bisanzio a Costantinopoli(*)1 Abstract Constantine was a Christian. Of that there can be no doubt. The surviving signs of paganism visible in Constantine are rather the result of his education and culture. They in no way whatsoever constitute evidence for the continu- ing imperial worship of pagan divinities in the Constantinian period. Examination of the literary sources and ar- chaeological remains allows us to conclude that it is possible to recognize traces of the former Byzantium of Sep- timius Severus in the archaeological sites of the Strategion and a building beneath the Baths of Zeuxippos. In AD 324-330, the city on the Bosporus underwent a radical revolution: the city of Constantine went beyond the walls of the third century AD and it expanded to the west along the east-west axis. The previous city within the third- century walls was completely undermined in its north-south and east-west axes; there arose a new diagonal axis running northeast/southwest, which departed from the column of the Goths and arrived at the Augustaion, at the Hippodrome, and at the Palace (all Constantinian constructions, with St. Irene included). The centre of power (Palace-Hippodrome) was intimately linked to the Christian pole (St. Irene as the first cathedral and the pre- Justinianic St. Sophia that lay on the same axis and even closer to the Palace). According to the Chronicon Pas- chale, the church of St. Sophia was founded by Constantine in AD 326. The emperor deliberately abandoned the acropolis of Byzantium, and Byzantium was absorbed by the new city and obliterated by the new diagonal axis. -
Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G
Pulcheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Holum, Kenneth G Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1977; 18, 2; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 153 Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G. Holum .. 'EST qu'en effet l'empereur byzantin, comme son ancetre Cl'imperator des derniers siecles de Rome, est essentiellement, aux yeux de son peuple, un maitre victorieux." This pointed definition (from the pen of Jean Gagel) underscores a theme of imperial ideology which receives such insistent emphasis in the offi cial art, ceremonial and panegyric of late antiquity that it must correspond to a chilling reality. The defeat of an emperor threatened not only the integrity of the frontiers but internal stability as well and the ascendancy of the emperor and his friends. Conversely, if a weak emperor could claim a dramatic victory, he might establish a more effective hold on the imperial power. In A.D. 420-22 this inner logic of Roman absolutism led to innovations in imperial ideology and to a crusade against Persia, with implications which have escaped the attention of scholars. The unwarlike Theodosius II made war not to defend the Empire but to become "master of victory," and, as will be seen, to strengthen the dynastic pretensions of his sister Pulcheria Augusta. I The numismatic evidence is crucial. Between 420 and early 422 the mint of Constantinople initiated a strikingly new victory type, the much-discussed 'Long-Cross Solidi' (PLATE 2):2 Obverse AELPVLCH-ERIAAVG Bust right, diademed, crowned by a hand Reverse VOTXX MVLTXXX~ Victory standing left, holding a long jeweled cross, CONOB in the exergue 1 "l:Taupoc VLK01TOLbC: la victoire imperiale dans l'empire chretien," Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 13 (1933) 372. -
Studies in Herodotus :Fi3equeatbcd
ilHi^C^aHl LGr Hsea Herodotus Laird, A.G. Studies in Herodotus :fi3equeatbcD to Xlbe mniversitp of ZToronto Xibrar^ bs ZDc late /Bbaurice Ibutton, jflR.B., XX.H). {principal of TDiniversit^ College 1901*1928 UD1£S IN HKRODOTUS By a. G. laird OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN MADISON. WISCONSIN 1^-u].] LGir •YL STUDIES IN HERODOTUS By A. G. LAIRD OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN MADISON. WISCONSIN 1904 I. The Inscription on the Serpent-Column of Delphi, and its Counterpart at Olympia. II. Herodotus, and the Greek Forces at Salamis and Plataea. III. The Battle of Salamis. THE INSCRIPTION ON THE SERPENT-COLUMN OF DELPHr AND ITS COUNTERPART AT OLYMPIA. !No satisfactory explanation has yet been given of the order in which the Greek states stand upon the celebrated monnmeiit dedicated at Delphi from the spoils, of the battle of Platsea.^ As is well known, the monnmient consisted of a golden tripod, stand- ing upon a bronze column of three intertwining serpents. The inscription begins upon thc' thirteenth coil from the base, and the names stand in a single column, three upon each coil, with the exception of the fourth and seventh, upon which there are four, and the third, which hasi but two. The names of the 'Roehl, I. G. A., 70; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy, No. 259; Cauer, Delec- tus,^ 12; Dittenberger, S. I. G.,^ 7; Hicks, Greek Histor. Inscrips., 12; Fabricius, Jahrb. d. k. d. arch. Inst., I (1886). p. 176. The inscription, as restored by Fabricius, runs as follows: TotSe rov 4 STUDIES IN HERODOTUS. Tenians and Siplmians, which stand fourth upon the seventh and fourth coils respectively, are very badly written/ and it id admitted that they are later insertions. -
True Lies of Athenian Public Epigrams.', in Archaic and Classical Greek Epigram
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 16 May 2012 Version of attached le: Published Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Petrovic, Andrej (2010) 'True lies of Athenian public epigrams.', in Archaic and classical Greek epigram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 202-215. Further information on publisher's website: http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521118057 Publisher's copyright statement: c Cambridge University Press 2010 Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk chapter 11 True lies of Athenian public epigrams Andrej Petrovic Take my advice, dear reader, don’t talk epigrams even if you have the gift. I know, to those who have, the temptation is almost irresistible. But resist it. Epigram and truth are rarely commensurate. Truth has to be somewhat chiselled, as it were, before it will quite fit into an epigram. -
Medieval Mediterranean Influence in the Treasury of San Marco Claire
Circular Inspirations: Medieval Mediterranean Influence in the Treasury of San Marco Claire Rasmussen Thesis Submitted to the Department of Art For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts 2019 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I. Introduction………………………...………………………………………….3 II. Myths……………………………………………………………………….....9 a. Historical Myths…………………………………………………………...9 b. Treasury Myths…………………………………………………………..28 III. Mediums and Materials………………………………………………………34 IV. Mergings……………………………………………………………………..38 a. Shared Taste……………………………………………………………...40 i. Global Networks…………………………………………………40 ii. Byzantine Influence……………………………………………...55 b. Unique Taste……………………………………………………………..60 V. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………...68 VI. Appendix………………………………………………………………….….73 VII. List of Figures………………………………………………………………..93 VIII. Works Cited…………………………………………………...……………104 3 I. Introduction In the Treasury of San Marco, there is an object of three parts (Figure 1). Its largest section piece of transparent crystal, carved into the shape of a grotto. Inside this temple is a metal figurine of Mary, her hands outstretched. At the bottom, the crystal grotto is fixed to a Byzantine crown decorated with enamels. Each part originated from a dramatically different time and place. The crystal was either carved in Imperial Rome prior to the fourth century or in 9th or 10th century Cairo at the time of the Fatimid dynasty. The figure of Mary is from thirteenth century Venice, and the votive crown is Byzantine, made by craftsmen in the 8th or 9th century. The object resembles a Frankenstein’s monster of a sculpture, an amalgamation of pieces fused together that were meant to used apart. But to call it a Frankenstein would be to suggest that the object’s parts are wildly mismatched and clumsily sewn together, and is to dismiss the beauty of the crystal grotto, for each of its individual components is finely made: the crystal is intricately carved, the figure of Mary elegant, and the crown vivid and colorful. -
Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae
The Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae University Press Scholarship Online Oxford Scholarship Online Two Romes: Rome and Constantinople in Late Antiquity Lucy Grig and Gavin Kelly Print publication date: 2012 Print ISBN-13: 9780199739400 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: May 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739400.001.0001 The Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae John Matthews DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199739400.003.0004 Abstract and Keywords The first English translation of the Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae, a crucial source for understanding the topography and urban development of early Constantinople, is presented here. This translation is accompanied, first, by an introduction to the text, and then by detailed discussion of the fourteen Regions, and finally by a conclusion, assessing the value of the evidence provided by this unique source. The discussion deals with a number of problems presented by the Notitia, including its discrepancies and omissions. The Notitia gives a vivid picture of the state of the city and its population just after its hundredth year: still showing many physical traces of old Byzantium, blessed with every civic amenity, but not particularly advanced in church building. The title Urbs Constantinopolitana nova Roma did not appear overstated at around the hundredth year since its foundation. Keywords: Byzantium, Constantinople, topography, Notitia, urban development, regions, Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae Page 1 of 50 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarship.com). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2017. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use (for details see http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy).