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The Signatories of the Israel Declaration of Independence
Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs The Signatories of the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel The British Mandate over Palestine was due to end on May 15, 1948, some six months after the United Nations had voted to partition Palestine into two states: one for the Jews, the other for the Arabs. While the Jews celebrated the United Nations resolution, feeling that a truncated state was better than none, the Arab countries rejected the plan, and irregular attacks of local Arabs on the Jewish population of the country began immediately after the resolution. In the United Nations, the US and other countries tried to prevent or postpone the establishment of a state, suggesting trusteeship, among other proposals. But by the time the British Mandate was due to end, the United Nations had not yet approved any alternate plan; officially, the partition plan was still "on the books." A dilemma faced the leaders of the yishuv, the Jewish community in Palestine. Should they declare the country's independence upon the withdrawal of the British mandatory administration, despite the threat of an impending attack by Arab states? Or should they wait, perhaps only a month or two, until conditions were more favorable? Under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion, who was to become the first Prime Minister of Israel, theVa'ad Leumi - the representative body of the yishuv under the British mandate - decided to seize the opportunity. At 4:00 PM on Friday, May 14, the national council, which had directed the Jewish community's affairs under the British Mandate, met in the Tel Aviv Museum on Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv. -
How Israeli Jewish Dissidents Attempt to Use Alternative National Identity Discourses to Connect with Their
No Way Out: How Israeli Jewish dissidents attempt to use alternative national identity discourses to connect with their Palestinian Other Katie Attwell, B.A. (Hons) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University, 2012 1 I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. .................................... Kathryn Louise Attwell 2 Abstract This thesis explores the national identity dilemma arising within ethnocratic states when individuals belonging to the ‘privileged majority’ seek to rectify the privations of their ethnic Other. Ethnocratic states have been set up by activists seeking to protect those they see as belonging to the ethnic nation with which they identify. In the process, the activists marginalise those depicted as Others within the state’s borders, institutionalising a demonising discourse which justifies those Others’ lack of privilege. Dissidents from the privileged majority may seek to remodel the ethnocratic state or challenge its dominant discourse without necessarily opposing the underpinning view of the nation therein, generating dilemmas about how justice for the Other ought to look and how the Us might be reconstituted to attain it. A study of the narratives of dissident Israeli Jews employs the theoretical concepts of ethnocracy and ressentiment to understand these dilemmas. Existing literature on ethnocratic states is riddled with ‘groupism’ – the tendency to treat ethnic groups or nations as objectively real entities. This thesis emphasises the processes of reification occurring when nationalist activists institutionalise their particular discourse. -
'Like a Swarm of Locusts'
8 Friday, October 2, 2020 | Haaretz SUKKOT Ofer Aderet we have become as all the nations.” *** “All along the way there is no house, e turned a ma- no store, no workshop from which ev- hogany closet into erything was not taken… Things of a chicken coop ‘Like a swarm of locusts’ value and of no value – everything, and we swept up literally! You are left with a shocked the garbage with a impression by this picture of ruins and “Wsilver tray. There was chinaware with Refrigerators and caviar, champagne and carpets – a first-ever comprehensive study heaps of rubble, among which men are gold embellishments, and we would by historian Adam Raz reveals the extent to which Jews looted Arab property in wandering, poking through the rags in spread a sheet on the table and place order to get something for nothing. Why chinaware and gold on it, and when 1948, and explains why Ben-Gurion stated: ‘Most of the Jews are thieves’ not take? Why have pity?” – Ruth Lu- the food was finished, everything was bitz, testimony about looting in Jaffa taken together to the basement. In another place, we found a storeroom Raz, 37, is on the staff of the Akevot with 10,000 boxes of caviar, that’s Institute (which focuses on human- what they counted. After that, the guys rights issues related to the conflict), couldn’t touch caviar again their whole and edits the journal Telem for the life. There was a feeling on one hand Berl Katznelson Foundation. (He is of shame at the behavior, and on the also a frequent contributor of histori- other hand a feeling of lawlessness. -
How the Psychology of Zionism Explains Israeli Law
Constitution or the Rule of Conscience? How the Psychology of Zionism Explains Israeli Law Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Jay and Jeanie Schottenstein Honors Program Yeshiva College Yeshiva University May 2021 Michael J. Weiner Mentor: Professor Neil Rogachevsky, Political Science Why doesn’t the State of Israel have a written constitution? This is a notable question because every single other democracy in the world has one, with only four exceptions. Moreover, Israel and its political leaders were fully on track to develop and implement a written constitution, in accordance with UN Resolution 181 of November 29, 1947, which asserted that “the Constituent Assembly of each state (Jewish and Arab) shall draft a democratic constitution for its state.” Just six months later, on May 14, 1948, the Israeli Declaration of Independence was unveiled, and it made explicit reference to a “Constitution which shall be adopted by the Elected Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st October 1948.” Thus, from a legal standpoint, both the UN Resolution setting out the conditions for the creation of a future Jewish state and the Israeli declaration of statehood itself make clear that a written constitution was to be an essential part of the political regime of Israel. Additionally, Nir Kedar points out that the Provisional State Council (Moetzet Ha’am), Israel’s interim parliament which served before the first Knesset elections were held in 1949, passed the Transition Act (Chok Hama’avar), which formally assigned the task of drafting the written constitution to the incoming Knesset (3). Alas, it was not to be. -
The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel: Reflections on Its Sixtieth Anniversary
Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations Volume 3(2008): 1-15 Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations A peer-reviewed e-journal of the Council of Centers on Jewish-Christian Relations Published by the Center for Christian-Jewish Learning at Boston College The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel: Reflections on its Sixtieth Anniversary Volume 3 (2008): 1- 15 http://escholarship.bc.edu/scjr/vol3 On May 14, 1948, on the eve of the expiration of the British Mandate, Jewish leaders in Mandatory Palestine gathered at the Tel Aviv Museum and issued a Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel. Like the American Declaration of Independence, this document sets forth their rationale for the formation of the state and the ideals that these leaders hoped it would embody. The founding of the state, mandated by the United Nations, was greeted with widespread joy in the Jewish world and with universal belligerence in the Arab world. Many parts of the Christian world, in many ways caught between the two and embedded in the legacy of its own anti- Judaism, were dismayed over this resumption of Jewish sovereignty over the Holy Land. Now, sixty years later, a revolution has occurred in the teachings of the Catholic and many Protestant churches about Jews and Juda- ism. In dialogue settings, the topic of Israel is very much on the table, no longer the proverbial “elephant in the room,” even if full un- derstanding remains an unattained goal. In this context, the editors of Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations have invited a series of brief reflections on the text of the “Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel” from the perspective of the author’s own en- gagement in Christian-Jewish relations. -
The May 1948 Vote That Made the State of Israel (Pdf)
THE MAY 1948 VOTE THAT MADE THE STATE OF ISRAEL https://mosaicmagazine.com/essay/2018/04/the-may-1948-vote-that-made-the-state-of-israel/ A long-accepted wisdom has it that just days before the state’s birth, its founders settled two burning issues in a pair of closely decided votes. The wisdom is half- wrong. April 2, 2018 | Martin Kramer Israel’s 70th anniversary, which falls on April 19 (by the Hebrew calendar), coincides with a resurgence of interest in David Ben- Gurion, Israel’s founding father. In addition to new biographies, most notably by Anita Shapira (2014) and Tom Segev (Hebrew, 2018), the Ben-Gurion revival probably owes most to a 2016 film, Ben-Gurion, Epilogue, directed by Yariv Mozer. Made up mostly of excerpts from a long-lost film interview given by Ben-Gurion in 1968, during his A portrait of David Ben-Gurion taken in the twilight years, the documentary ran in 1960s. Horst Tappe/Pix Inc./The LIFE Images Israeli theaters and on TV and was screened Collection/Getty Images. by almost every Jewish film festival worldwide. At the time of the 1968 interview, Ben-Gurion was eighty-two and living in Sde Boker, a desert kibbutz where he did chores like any other member. Notwithstanding the occasional pronouncement, often in a prophetic register, he’d faded from public life. Friends looked for ways to mitigate his isolation and boredom; politicians mostly ignored him. Most of his biographers would concur with Tom Segev: “Ben-Gurion’s old age was sad, degrading, superfluous. Like many people, he lived a few years too long.” Which makes it strange to see a new generation embracing this late-life Ben-Gurion—or perhaps not so strange. -
105B. Golan, 94Ff
Golan, Arnon, “The Transformation of Abandoned Arab Rural Areas.” Israel Studies 2.1 (Mar 31, 1997): 94ff. Abstract (summary) By the beginning of June 1948, Arab regular armies were carrying their offensive into Palestine. At that time, about 190 Arab villages had been conquered by Jewish forces, and their Arab inhabitants, numbering about 145,000, became homeless. These data were compiled by an unofficial "Transfer Committee," which had not received authorization from the Israeli government, although its members were from the Jewish political elite. The figures were presented to the Israeli prime minister, David Ben Gurion, as part of the committee's proposed solution for blocking a possible return of the displaced Palestinian Arab population. In the opinion of the committee, to prevent the Arabs returning to their homes, the Israeli authorities would have to lay waste as many deserted villages as possible and establish in their place 90 new Jewish settlements. In those villages where destruction was impossible, the committee suggested renovating the existing buildings for habitation by Jews. The Arab refugees were to be resettled in Arab-controlled territories in different Arab states.(16) According to its own data, by September 1949 the Settlement Department had rebuilt about 2,600 structures, (including housing units, stores and public buildings) for the use of settlers in cooperatives established in 27abandoned Arab villages.(29) Of the 96 settlements that were actually established between January and September, 27 were located in abandoned Arab sites, which meant that abandoned Arab structures were used in less then a third of the new settlements. The Settlement Department records indicate that the use of abandoned Arab structures decreased in the following months. -
Jewish and Democraɵc
A Special Report by ƚŚĞ:ĞǁŝƐŚWĞŽƉůĞWŽůŝĐLJ/ŶƐƟƚƵƚĞ͗ :ĞǁŝƐŚĂŶĚĞŵŽĐƌĂƟĐ͗ WĞƌƐƉĞĐƟǀĞƐĨƌŽŵtŽƌůĚ:ĞǁƌLJ THE JEWISH PEOPLE POLICY INSTITUTE (Established by the Jewish Agency for Israel) Ltd. (CC) www.jppi.org.il (JWBU3BN$BNQVTrJOGP!KQQJPSHJM ESTABLISHED BY JAFI 5FMr'BY THE JEWISH PEOPLE POLICY INSTITUTE (Established by the Jewish Agency for Israel) Ltd. (CC) Partners and Members Board of Directors and Professional About JPPI of the General Meeting: Guiding Council: !e Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI) is an independent professional policy planning Lester Crown and Charles Goodman Co-Chairs think tank incorporated as a private non-profit company in Israel. !e mission of the on behalf of Crown Family Philanthropies Stuart Eizenstat Institute is to ensure the thriving of the Jewish people and the Jewish civilization by Dennis Ross engaging in professional strategic thinking and planning on issues of primary concern to Natie Kirsh & Wendy Fisher Associate Chair world Jewry. Located in Jerusalem, the concept of JPPI regarding the Jewish people is global, on behalf of the Kirsh Family Foundation Leonid Nevzlin and includes aspects of major Jewish communities with Israel as one of them, at the core. Irina Nevzlin Kogan Members of the Board JPPI’s activities are action-oriented, placing special emphasis on identifying critical options on behalf of Nadav Foundation Elliott Abrams and analyzing their potential impact on the future. To this end, the Institute works toward Irwin Cotler developing professional strategic and long-term policy perspectives -
A Daring Declaration
A Daring Declaration By Kenneth W. Stein The Jewish Daily Forward Wed. May 07, 2008 http://www.forward.com/articles/13309/ As late as three weeks before Israel declared independence on May 14, 1948, no draft of an Israeli Declaration of Independence had yet been written. Cobbled together by legal draftsmen, attorneys and politicians, the final version reflected the influence of multiple authors and texts, including a draft of an Israeli constitution (written in January 1948), the American Declaration of Independence and the American Constitution. Having taken under 12 minutes to read, the document contains an essential history of the Jewish people, recounting, among other things, the Jewish longing to return to Eretz Yisrael, the emergence of Zionism and the movement’s international legitimation by the League of Nations and the United Nations. The declaration defined the rights of its citizens, looked ahead toward future Jewish immigration from the Diaspora and extended an olive branch to belligerent Arab neighbors. The state was declared on the run, against a setting of bureaucratic, political and military turmoil. Uncertainty and fear abounded. Ending 30 years of rule in Palestine, the British government was heavy handed in its antagonism toward the emerging Jewish state — key British installations and military materials were intentionally left at the disposal of Arabs in Palestine. Mobilization for the state’s establishment and for war against Arab foes had begun in earnest the previous October. In the years and months leading up to the declaration, the primary Zionist diplomatic task had aimed at persuading U.N. member states to support the creation of a Jewish state; once that was accomplished with the partition vote on November 29, 1947, the 600,000 Jews in Palestine felt the brunt of Arab hit-and-run attacks. -
The a to Z of Zionism by Rafael Medoff and Chaim I
OTHER A TO Z GUIDES FROM THE SCARECROW PRESS, INC. 1. The A to Z of Buddhism by Charles S. Prebish, 2001. 2. The A to Z of Catholicism by William J. Collinge, 2001. 3. The A to Z of Hinduism by Bruce M. Sullivan, 2001. 4. The A to Z of Islam by Ludwig W. Adamec, 2002. 5. The A to Z of Slavery & Abolition by Martin A. Klein, 2002. 6. Terrorism: Assassins to Zealots by Sean Kendall Anderson and Stephen Sloan, 2003. 7. The A to Z of the Korean War by Paul M. Edwards, 2005. 8. The A to Z of the Cold War by Joseph Smith and Simon Davis, 2005. 9. The A to Z of the Vietnam War by Edwin E. Moise, 2005. 10. The A to Z of Science Fiction Literature by Brian Stableford, 2005. 11. The A to Z of the Holocaust by Jack R. Fischel, 2005. 12. The A to Z of Washington, D.C. by Robert Benedetto, Jane Dono- van, and Kathleen DuVall, 2005. 13. The A to Z of Taoism by Julian F. Pas, 2006. 14. The A to Z of the Renaissance by Charles G. Nauert, 2006. 15. The A to Z of Shinto by Stuart D. B. Picken, 2006. 16. The A to Z of Byzantium by John H. Rosser, 2006. 17. The A to Z of the Civil War by Terry L. Jones, 2006. 18. The A to Z of the Friends (Quakers) by Margery Post Abbott, Mary Ellen Chijioke, Pink Dandelion, and John William Oliver Jr., 2006 19. -
The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Ilan Pappe
PRAISE FOR THE ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE ‘Ilan Pappe is Israel’s bravest, most principled, most incisive historian.’ —John Pilger ‘Ilan Pappe has written an extraordinary book of profound relevance to the past, present, and future of Israel/Palestine relations.’ —Richard Falk, Professor of International Law and Practise, Princeton University ‘If there is to be real peace in Palestine/Israel, the moral vigour and intellectual clarity of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine will have been a major contributor to it.’ —Ahdaf Soueif, author of The Map of Love ‘This is an extraordinary book – a dazzling feat of scholarly synthesis and Biblical moral clarity and humaneness.’ —Walid Khalidi, Former Senior Research Fellow, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University ‘Fresh insights into a world historic tragedy, related by a historian of genius.’ —George Galloway MP ‘Groundbreaking research into a well-kept Israeli secret. A classic of historical scholarship on a taboo subject by one of Israel’s foremost New Historians.’ —Ghada Karmi, author of In Search of Fatima ‘Ilan Pappe is out to fight against Zionism, whose power of deletion has driven a whole nation not only out of its homeland but out of historic memory as well. A detailed, documented record of the true history of that crime, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine puts an end to the Palestinian “Nakbah” and the Israeli “War of Independence” by so compellingly shifting both paradigms.’ —Anton Shammas, Professor of Modern Middle Eastern Literature, University of Michigan ‘An instant classic. Finally we have the authoritative account of an historic event, which continues to shape our world today, and drives the conflict in the Middle East. -
Gender in Israel
ABSTRACTS Vol. 1 Women’s Silence in ‘The Life of a Worker in her Homeland’ (1935) by Henya Pekelman Talia Pfefferman The absence of ‘voice’, that is, silence, is characteristic of women’s history. Silence was typically construed as an expression of passivity, obedience, lack of knowledge, and the starting point from where women regained their social and political voices. The article analyzes an autobiography published in Palestine in 1935 by a Zionist pioneer laborer who emigrated from Europe in 1921. The autobiography serves as an extraordinary historical and descriptive source of the daily life of pioneer women in the 1920s, and reveals how women who came to Eretz-Israel with high ideals, a strong sense of self-awareness, and belief in gender equality (that is, they arrived ‘with a voice’) ultimately adopted self-imposed silence as they came up against the social, political and gender realities of the Yishuv. The dialectic reflected in this particular life story emphasizes the multiple roles that silence played in women’s history. It suggests a new perception of silence as a strategy for expressing rage against the prevalent power relations in society. The conclusion is that the feminine voice in history appears as a deferent voice, one in which speech and silence were not so much dichotomous as complementary. i ABSTRACTS The Revolt within the Revolt: The Struggle of the Women of Ein Harod to Pull Guard Duty in 1936 Meir Chazan From its inception Kibbutz Ein Harod was one of the dominant collectives in the Labor Movement and Zionist land settlement. Ein Harod was also the home of Yitzhak Tabenkin, one of the leaders of the United Kibbutz Movement, and other powerful figures wielding ideological, organizational, economic and political clout, such as Shlomo Lavi, Aharon Zisling, Haimn Sturman, Luba Levita, Reuven (Vinia) Cohen and Gershon Ostrovsky.