Volume 5 | Issue 4 | Article ID 2404 | Apr 02, 2007 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Focus

Filipino Boxers and Hosts in Japan: The Feminization of Male Labor and Transnational Class Subjection¹

Nobue SUZUKI with Sachi TAKAHATA

With high hopes for better economic mobility gay, transgender, and cross-dressed) and social security, many arrive in entertainers whose services their Filipino and Japan through the arrangements of promoters Japanese clients – often but not exclusively and matchmakers. Despite potentially high women – patronize. [5] Similar to their women rewards, some Filipinos nonetheless feel counterparts, the services of these hosto have ambivalent about the choices they have made recently become the subjects of investigation in coming to Japan. Others try to suppress their by Filipino researchers. Hence, the work these anxieties about the possibly severe physical, entertainers perform has become scrutinized economic, mental, and sexual exploitation and and represented by Filipinos and Japanese who violence from which they may suffer. They are hold various national, material, ethnic, usually aware that their services andgendered, and classed interests. performances are the objects of their customers' desires to enjoy exotic and erotic Historically, Filipino entertainers-qua-bar ambience at the clubs where they work. Other workers in the water trades form rather a new Filipino entertainers may conversely swiftly group. From the early 1900s, many Filipinos sink their ragged bodies onto the canvas, have contributed to the Japanese entertainment barely hearing the count going up to ten and world outside these trades, including the the bell signaling the end of their stints. popularization of boxing. [6] Until the 1980s Filipino boxers often served as models for and In contemporary Japan, the category of tough competitors against Japanese pugilists in "entertainment" work performed by Filipino this athletic arena. Today, the legendary stories women (Filipina) migrant workers has been of Filipino prizefighters have been kept alive narrowly located within "the sex industry." This largely within the memories of old enthusiasts. has been epitomized by the term Japayuki" " Interestingly, most Filipino pugs now come to (Japan-bound) entertainers whom Japanese and Japan to lose to Japanese boxers. Their work foreign observers alike often myopically equate uniquely complicates the usual pattern of with prostitutes. [2] On the other hand, the global sport labor migration where elite, tough, areas of sports and leisure involving old and and hyper-masculine athletes are headhunted new immigrants in Japan have not fully entered to play for top foreign teams (Bale and Maguire scholarly discussions. [3] Concurrent with the 1994). A well-established boxing matchmaker influx of Asian [4] women entertainers from the in Chicago, for example, argues that early 1970s, there has been an inflow of hetero- considering the economics of fights it makes no and homosexual Filipino men who also work in sense to go abroad to recruit "bums," "divers," the "water trades" (mizu shobai) consisting of and "tomato cans," whose ultimate role is to bars, restaurants, and sex joints, that is, sink to the canvas (Wacquant 1998:7). This businesses that rely on customers' patronage. unusual international arrangement inJapan Today these men are commonly referred to as seems to suggest that more than a simple hosto (host) and bakla (in Tagalog, meaning capitalist logic is at work.

1 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

I contend that it is not just economic capital by entering the remunerated workforce. that Japanese promoters are after. By boosting Following the world recession in the 1970s, Japanese pugilists' fighting spirits through intensified global competition optimized profits fixing bouts prior to their upcomingthrough the mobilization of the socially championship matches, Japanese are also dominant gender ideology. Capitalists have accumulating symbolic national masculine commonly hired more women, young single capital within the virile fistic world. As the ones especially, constructing them as burgeoning scholarship on popular culture has secondary earners who work to "supplement" demonstrated, an inquiry into boxing and family income before marriage. Branded in this hosting opens up new sites which reveal the way women workers are subjected to low workings of power. Moreover, the interweaving wages with few prospects for advancement of Filipino men's entertainment work also while many men take up superior positions as further complicatesJapan 's increasingly skilled workers, technicians, and foremen. transnational social realities. Women are thus "secondary workers" compared to men while they continue to This essay offers preliminary thoughts on the perform nurturing unpaid work at home. [7] meanings of Filipino entertainment inJapan . Central to my discussion is the feminization of In my study, it is men who are feminized by Filipino men's labor in Japan's entertainment performing "secondary" or "inferior" tasks in world in the final years of the twentieth century the masculine fistic trade. Conversely, male bar and early in the twenty-first century.workers entertain women, and some men, with Contemporary representations of Filipinos in their care-giving, emotional labor, something Japan as morally degenerate "sex workers" and that is ideologically relegated to women. [8] "loser" boxers together work to constitute these Furthermore, these hosto are hyper-eroticized workers as "inferior" and therefore "feminine" and assumed to be under their female and male vis-a-vis Japanese masculine nationality. Such customers' sexual subjection, revising the constructions have emerged at the time of common pattern discussed in the literature on Japan's rise to global superpower status and Filipina entertainers and sex workers (see post-bubble economic and national struggles below). Yet, the works of these pugilists and since the late 1980s. As Kelly (1998) has put it, hosto do not involve a simple swapping of male popular culture works to endorse national and and female roles. As shown below, it implies far sometimes imperial sentiments among "locals" more complex power struggles between by producing compelling sites for underscoring different groups of women and men, including inter-societal differences and masking intra- those between men. Thus, the notion of societal differences. feminization used in this paper has little to do with being biologically male or female. Rather, In this essay, I push Kelly's argument further I investigate the symbolic ways in which using two important theoretical thrusts that socially prevailing ideas about gender derive from the gendered and nationalized differences are mapped onto Filipino male characterizations of Filipino entertainers in entertainers' bodies. contemporary Japan. One is to rework the notion of the feminization of labor. Previous The other theoretical point I pursue here is that studies of domestic and foreign labor have the work of Filipino men inJapan has been discussed the feminization of work anddiscussed through differences not only between recruitment of women into the labor market. "First-World" Japan and "Third-World" Women's realities however suggest that they but between elite Filipino writers in are, in fact, masculinized and/or "bisexualized" their homeland and researchers in Western

2 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF societies – who join in the Japanese discourse – to increase in the late 1980s. Figure 1 shows and laboring-class Filipinos abroad. Hence, that Filipinos by far outnumbered other these Filipino entertainers have beennationalities in the 1980s and 1990s, though disciplined simultaneously by Japanesethe number of matches has fallen since its peak gendering and nationalist power and by in 1996. In 1981 there were only seven transnational class subjection by international Japanese-Filipino matches, but at the peak in researchers in this emerging deterritorialized 1996 Filipinos boxed in 150 fight cards. [9] discursive space. More remarkable are the Filipinos' low success rates. For example, in 1998 out of a total of 220 To explicate the feminization and transnational matches in Japan, Filipinos participated in 100. class subjection of Filipino male labor, I Filipinos won only seven of these bouts (Boxing mobilize two sets of data that have been Magazine 1999:56). In the worlds of boxing and collected throughout the 1990s. The first of other professional sports, fixing frequently these is ethnographic field research conducted occurs (Schilling 1994:80-84; Vail 1998; among hosto and other Filipino residents in Wacquant 1998) and Filipino pugs' losses to Japan and with pugilists and gym owners in Japanese have been fairly common in recent Japan. Further data come from archivalyears. But historically this was not always the research. Because this essay offers an analysis case. of the symbolic feminization of Filipino workers, I primarily draw on the latter type of data. In the section on Filipino hosto, I juxtapose these men's dominant images with an interview with a hosto, "Mama Cherry" (pseudonym), and other materials obtained through field research. Since my goal is not to provide a grand generalization of these men workers but to illustrate the complexity of migrant ethnic workers' experiences amid significant discursive forces, Cherry's case may not be representative in a quantitative sense. Nevertheless, the descriptions that follow resonate with other entertainers' views and are therefore evocative of both personal and collective experiences. I limit my discussion on boxers and hosto to the period up to 2004, for in March 2005 the Japanese Ministry of Justice tightened the issuance of entertainer visas to Pioneers Filipino workers to unprecedented levels. At the time of writing this essay, the entry of these Filipinos first learned to box when the workers has already been curtailed and we Americans introduced the sport at the must wait and see what consequences will be beginning of their colonial rule at around the generated in the aftermath of this immigration turn of the twentieth century as part of the control. process of "civilizing the natives" and instilling gendered Western characteristics such as Filipino Boxers "manliness," "fair play," and "courage" (Espana- Maram 2006:74). Soon after its introduction, The number of Filipino boxers in Japan began the sport enjoyed widespread popularity and

3 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF talented Filipinos began migrating to the couldn't but stand upright in the United States and to other Asian cities, notably middle of the ring, as Noda circled Shanghai. In 1922, a Filipino pug known as around Yaba to avoid his powerful Pancho Villa won the American Flyweight punches. When the bell ended the Boxing Championship, the first such title in battle and Noda wasn't knocked out, Filipino boxing history. He was succeeded by the aficionados shouted, "Banzai! numerous other prizefighters such as Ceferino Banzai!" (Gunji 1976:127). Garcia, famous for his "bolo punch," a powerful right uppercut. Their domination in the ring Japanese pugilists at the dawn of their boxing provided a rallying point for badly paid and history vaguely aspired to world titles while racially discriminated Filipino workers in admirably and fearfully observing the fights of California who took pride in the victories of these Filipino boxers from an "advanced their countrymen. Filipino-white American county" in the fistic trade (Jojima 2003:73-78). contests generated a very special meaning for the former because "only in the ring could a Among Filipino pugs coming toJapan , Joe Filipino beat a white man with his fists and not Eagle is considered the pioneer Filipino boxer be arrested" (Peter Bacho in Espana-Maram and his "divine techniques" (kamiwaza), deadly 2006:101). As seen in other sport scenes punches, and perfect defense shocked his elsewhere (e.g., Roden 1980), the glory of one audience. In 1937, he defeated the Japanese Filipino prizefighter became the national pride Featherweight Asian champion Piston of all Filipinos in theUS . In Filipinos' Horiguchi, the "Holy Fist" (kensei), who had narratives, Villa and Garcia were fighting for enjoyed a whopping fifty-three wins with no every Filipino in the audience, in theUnited losses or draws. After retirement Eagle stayed States, and in the Philippines (Espana-Maram on in Japan and became a matchmaker. In 2006). December 1945, together with Korean survivors of wartime forced labor migration, he In Japan, US-trained Watanabe Yujiro is known organized the first boxing event in at a as the Father of Boxing. Watanabe organized time when the exhausted Japanese were barely the first professional boxing event in 1922. By surviving in the war ruins. In 1954 Eagle took this time Filipino boxers fought in the US and three Japanese boxers and a manager to the Europe and were boasting about their fistic Philippines and, despite the strong anti- prowess and skills in the ring (Yamamoto Japanese sentiments there, arranged for them 1993). In 1924, several Filipino pugilists were to meet President Magsaysay. This meeting invited to Japan for the first Japanese-Filipino created a conduit for later pugilist exchanges bouts (Gunji 1976:46). The boxing traffic between the two countries. between the Philippines and Japan opened up from this time, but at this time, Japanese pugs were no match for Filipino boxers. The following depiction of a bout held in 1932 between Japanese Noda and Filipino Yaba demonstrates the huge gap between the two nationals:

Japanese fans at the match between Noda Tooru and Fighting Yaba rooted for Noda by crying, "Get away! Get away!" (nigero! nigero!). Yaba

4 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

champ, the Holy Fist, and a national hero (Jojima 2003:73, 87-91). Although battered and bleeding, he kept returning punches two for one and three for two. Watching his "honorable defeat" (gyokusai) style of boxing against a foe among the enemy "beasts," the Japanese audience was perhaps also projecting onto their hero the victory of their Imperial Army. On the two sides of the ring, the boxer and spectators were co-constituting the masculine identity and "manifest destiny" of the empire- building nation-state. Sensing these national(ist) emotions, Gustillo may have felt he Figure 2: Baby Gustillo (right) and his Korean could not return home alive if he sank gym owner, Saito Hachiro (left), courtesy of All Boxing Gym Horiguchi (Jojima 2003:90). After the war, as he enjoyed renewed status as a member of the Ten months before Japan's military attack on victorious allies, Gustillo held the Japanese Pearl Harbor and Clark Airbase in the Featherweight title from its inauguration in Philippines on December 8, 1941, Baby Gustillo 1950 to 1952, marking the fifth record in ("Gosutero") arrived in Kobe as part of a consecutive championship defenses. With the goodwill mission. Similar to Eagle, he adopted passage of time and his post-boxer struggles as Japan as his fighting ground and second an (Asian) foreigner with no other skills or homeland and through the wartime years, as a education, even among boxing enthusiasts few "god" (kamisama), dominated the Japanese today narrate the glorious stories of the "god." boxing scene. He beat almost all his Japanese competitors and captivated Japanese fans by While in the US, Villa, Garcia, and other his unique style of a dangling left arm,Filipino boxers were able to enjoy the rhythmical upper body movements for defense, momentary glow of their ethnic and national and flashing blows. More than any Filipino pride by knocking out rival and socially pugilist throughout Japanese-Filipino fistic domineering white pugs, Gustillo's life in Japan, history, Gustillo came to embody the history of without the support of a large-scale Filipino the time. As soon as the war began, he became community, [11] was more deeply embedded in associated with the "American and British Japanese desires to rise in the global national beasts" (kichiku beiei) and was at the same order. In 1948, Gustillo fought against time a subject of theJapan- occupied Horiguchi for the last time and overwhelmed Philippines. [10] Although many Japanese fans this Japanese hero late in his career. The next still welcomed his fights, Gustillo himself was day, the Kento Fan paper described the match uneasy. In 1942, he fought with Horiguchi for as "les miserables" (Jojima 2003:201-5). Critics the second time. Under normal circumstances, and journalists of the time described the misery this would have been Gustillo's return match, for Japanese spectators because even their as he was defeated by Horiguchi in June 1941. national hero could not crush the foreigner. However, although he was absolutelyThe Japanese lost the war and three years after overpowering Horiguchi up to the fifth round, military defeat their national fistic champ still Gustillo suddenly lost by TKO (technical knock could not win. Although Gustillo did enjoy out) in the sixth. enormous cheers from Japanese fans, those were a twisted manifestation of the fans' hatred Jojima contends that Horiguchi was an Asian towards this reigning (Asian) foreigner

5 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

(Kamigata 1953:4). Gustillo's successors from A few other Filipino pugilists are nomadic the Philippines in the 1980s have also been cosmopolitans and returnees. [13] situated amid history and nationalistic sentiments – though of a different kind. The vast majority of Filipino boxers from the 1980s, however, come only for a specified Contemporary Filipino Pugilists number of bouts on short-term entertainer visas. [14] Despite the stunning victories of the The majority of foreign boxers come Filipino Japan titleholders, most Filipino pugs to Japan in order to serve as a foil to are largely motivated by the much higher Japanese pugilists. They are merely monetary awards they can earn inJapan in playing supporting actors' roles contrast to the Philippines. With this, they can (Funaki 2001:122). fulfill their dreams of, for example, building a house – an object that will enhance their Maguire distinguishes five categories of global material as well as symbolic standings in their migrant athletes: pioneers, settlers,communities. In the Philippines, a ten-round mercenaries, nomadic cosmopolitans, and match would generate 20-30,000 yen worth of returnees (Maguire 1996:338-340). If Eagle pesos whereas in Japan they can earn four or served as the pioneer in contributing to the five times more than in their home country. diffusion of the sport and its spirit, Gustillo was This is the case even if they lose. [15] a settler who officially affiliated with a gym in Curiously, the more they lose, the more they Japan, enabling him to earn a Japanese title, are invited to Japan. For instance, Alpong and spent the rest of his life there. Mercenaries Navaja fought on nine cards between 1994 and are contracted for a short period of time with 1998. His record included eight losses and one high salaries as in the numeroussuketto draw with no wins (Boxing Magazine professional baseball players inJapan from 1999:187). Matchmakers pair up incompatible North and Central America and Asia. Nomadic pugs for non-title matches and because of this cosmopolitans such as golfers Miyazato Ai and less-qualified Filipino boxers find more Maruyama Shigeki move around the globe to opportunities to use their "inferior" skills. Hara compete. Returnees go back to their home Isao, the editor of Boxing Magazine, witnessed societies and continue to practice their sports that a Filipino lost four times in four outings as in the case of some Japanese former Major while migrating around four cities in a few League baseball players. months. Another pug weighing sixty-three kilos was knocked out in one match and two months The 1970s saw a decline in enthusiasm for later, weighing 71.2 kilos, sank in another. boxing and correspondingly in the traffic of boxers between the Philippines and Japan. As Until around the mid 1970s, there were Japan's economy rose and the Philippines' sank Japanese who accepted the loser role. As the in the 1980s, however, Filipino pugs began to overall economic standing of the Japanese rose, enter Japan again. Some of them arethe number of Japanese "divers" shrank. Many mercenaries who are officially affiliated with Japanese trainees quit when they feel the Japanese gyms. Among these, Jun-Tan Sato, training is too arduous. Unlike in the US, where Nelson Harada, and Suzuki Cabato [12] became numerous men disadvantaged by race, class, Japan titleholders in the 1990s. Suzukiand immigrant status continue to try to make a defended his Japanese Flyweight Boxing living in the fistic "meat market" (Wacquant Championship six times between 1996 and 1998), Japanese filled this athletic labor 1998 and his fame contributed to the increase shortage by turning abroad. [16] These foreign in the number of Japanese trainees at his gym. workers arrive on entertainer visas, which do

6 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF not permit the holders to engage in jobs other Conversely, since the 1980s talented Filipinos than those specified. They are paid by the have received fewer opportunities in Japan. For number and lengths of bouts and when there instance, Tiger Ari, the son of a former Asia- are no fights, they cannot earn an income. Pacific Junior Lightweight champion, had his Financially constrained while in Japan, in the debut in 1987 as a boxer affiliated with a gym mid-1990s some mercenaries and short-term in Japan. In 1989 Ari challenged the Japanese visitors disappeared from their gyms and Junior Lightweight champion Akagi Takeyuki. illegally worked in factories and construction Ari fought deftly but lost by a few points in a sites. This resulted in the Japanese Ministry of ring in the champ's hometown. He is not an Justice's ban on the issuance of entertainer ostentatious performer but a technician. visas to Filipino pugilists between 2000 and Because of this, matchmakers thought he 2002. Thus if they wish to receive their share would not make an attractive show in the fistic for their labor and to secure the number of market. Ari's good fight thus had a detrimental bouts they will fight in, the legal stipulation reverse effect on his career in Japan and the leads foreign boxers to comply with the work gym owner told him to return home. It is conditions in the ring. When the expectation of important to note that prior to the fight Ari had the Japanese is to see foreigners fall, that is boxed well against Japanese opponents. Upon what the majority of the men have done. returning to the Philippines, he succeeded his father as the Asia-Pacific Junior Lightweight Of course, not all Japanese boxing critics and Boxing titleholder. Though for lay observers fans appreciate fixed bouts. Responding to fine fistic craft may be hard to recognize, his their critiques, a Japanese matchmakertalent, compounded by his pedigree, scared off Koizumi Jo (1999) argued that it was necessary Japanese matchmakers. Another example of a to pair Japanese pugilists and less qualified competent boxer is Jess Maca. He challenged foreign boxers in order to train the Japanese. the Asia-Pacific Bantamweight champion There are two types of international non-title Nakamura Masahiko in 1998. Wounded in this bouts: one allows the Japanese to win and in so battle, Nakamura's career was ended because doing raise his confidence; and the other of retina damage. Five months after provides the Japanese opportunities to enter overpowering Nakamura, Maca crushed rising world rankings by winning, even by chance, Nakazato Shigeru, who had enjoyed thirteen against powerful foes. Indeed, the records of consecutive wins. Maca came to be known as a Japanese "hopes," or promising athletes, "Japanese killer" after consecutively felling five suggest that many have felled Filipino boxers in Japanese pugs between 1997 and 1999. After several bouts prior to entering world-title this, Maca faced difficulty to fight in non-title fights. Koizumi points out the paradox: on the matches in Japan (Takahata 2000). one hand gym owners want to satisfy the audience by pairing equitable boxers. On the As seen in the case of Gustillo and many other hand, such bouts could ruin the hopes of Filipino pugs in theUS , having foes from Japanese fighters even before they combat in abroad helps incite national-ethnic rivalry and championship matches. Furthermore, eighty sentiments. Nakamura, whose boxing career percent of gym owners think that Japanese was ended by injury in his defeat by Maca, titleholders should be Japanese and that expressed such emotions this way, "I want affiliations with Japanese gyms alone are not Nishioka [who is expected to rise to world satisfactory (Boxing Magazine 1997:117). For rank] to challenge for the world title after them only those who represent their ethnicity- battering Maca. Maca made complete fools of nationality are their champs. Thus,the Japanese (kore dake Nihonjin ga koke ni "mismatches" are arranged. sarete). If I could, I would beat him. But it's not

7 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF possible, so I want Nishioka to crush Maca" manifested in such writings have positioned (World Boxing 1999:132). Here, Nakamura these men at the margins of Japanese and transposes his personal loss onto the defeat of Philippine societies. At the end, in order to the entire nation. In order to avoidelucidate the feminization and transnational experiencing this kind of anguish and damage class subjection of Filipino men in to national dignity, talented Filipino pugs such deterritorialized spaces, I will tie this discourse as Ari, Maca, and others are today very often to that deployed in the postwar era about shunned from the fistic trade inJapan . Filipino fistic sport labor. Conversely, as long as Filipino pugilists remain "losers" or represent their Japanese gyms as Santiago and Dacanay's article, "A champs to attract more Japanese trainees as in Prolegomena on the 'Hosto' Phenomenon and the case of Suzuki Cabato, they are welcomed Issues in Philippine Migrant Worker Law" within the confines of the ring and the gym. In (Santiago and Dacanay 1999) is the only so doing, Japanese men can continue to co- academic work to date that has dealt construct their "superior" masculine identity exclusively with Filipino hosto inJapan . [17] with their champs and also restore, if not boost, "Prolegomena" deserves attention not because national dignity against these "inferior,"it is widely cited, but because it articulates well "weak," and therefore "feminine" Filipino men. with the prevailing rhetorical construction of Filipina entertainers generated by numerous Filipino Hosts scholars and activists. A critical examination of the discourse on hosto vis-a-vis that on women Non-white foreign male workers in Japan have entertainers provides an opportunity to been commonly identified as those who engage consider Filipino men's migration to Japan as in "3K" kitanai, kiken, kitsui (or 3D, i.e., dirty, something other than the capitalist logic of dangerous, and physically demanding) jobs at Japanese employers; the material interests of construction sites and factories. The pugilists in Filipino workers; the one-sided subjection of contemporary Japan described above in fact these workers by First World people; and the appear to take up one of these "3K" masculine domination of male over female. An inquiry into occupations. Interestingly, there have also been the resonance of discourses of Filipino women Filipino men who have performed jobs that are and men migrant workers to Japan allows us to predominantly carried out by women atinterrogate the robust geopolitical, nightclubs. The influx of Filipina entertainers in geoeconomic, gendered, and sexual discursive the water trades began to be recognized in boundaries between domineering and Japan in the 1970s. Subsequently, there has masculine Japan and the dominated and been a massive circulation of stories about feminized Philippines. these women workers, whose often negative representations have entered global popular Hosto and Their Performances and academic discourses (Suzuki 2002a). Yet, little is known about the Filipino men who work Based on the sex ratio of the Filipino at nightclubs as heterosexual, cross-dressed, population in Japan in the 1990s, of eighty-five and homosexual hosto. This section delineates percent female and fifteen percent male, [18] it the ways in which these male night-workers are is safe to assume that women entertainers described in an article written by Filipino outnumber men in the water trades in Japan. researchers, which is then juxtaposed with the Nonetheless, the presence of hosto, and literature on Filipina entertainers produced by especially bakla at nightclubs, is a well-known Japanese and Western observers. My goal here fact among Filipino residents and "Philippine is to consider how notions of class and morality pub" visitors in Japan. Today, as in the case of

8 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF their female counterparts, Filipino maleservices at a table for a special fee from which entertainers hold performing artist certificates the hosto receives a portion. Santiago and issued by the Philippine Overseas Employment Dacanay define dohan as "to go out with their Administration and are officially deployed guests; not to have sex, however, but to abroad by this governmental institution. The accompany clients on the latter's various majority are categorized as dancers (Santiago activities, such as shopping, eating out in and Dacanay 1999:102-3). According to Filipino restaurants, bowling, and other recreational longtime residents of Japan, though in a much activities" (p.111; emphasis added). Customers smaller number than their womenwho ask for dohan are required to pay a bar counterparts, these male nightclub workers on fine when the hosto arrives at the club after it entertainer visas probably began entering opens, and the hosto receives credit for Japan in the late 1970s or the early 1980s, at bringing in customers. Hosto tactically use this about the same time as the women. Starting system to keep their clients' "loyalty." Quick from the late 1980s to the early 1990s, others engagements in sex with customers may cause have voluntarily joined the trades through "the loss of [their] favor" and are therefore different channels such as students and tourists avoided (p.111). Correspondingly, as with who had overstayed their visas and previously Filipina bar workers, one important reason for engaged in "3D" jobs. In spite of their artistic postponing, if not completely avoiding, sexual expertise in the case of entertainer visa contacts with customers is that their business holders, like their women counterparts, the relations might suddenly end when their clients main work of hosto at nightclubs is to sit at a find the host(esse)s' sexual and personal table and offer light conversation, make drinks, services unsatisfactory (Suzuki 2002b:109). As take food orders, light cigarettes, keep the a hosto I know put it, "it's the water trades, table clean and tidy, sing and dance with mizu shobai. Customers come and go." customers, and perform different kinds of Santiago and Dacanay's informants' use of the dance numbers a few times a night (p.110). The word "loyalty" echoes with the logic of this men Santiago and Dacanay interviewed did not service industry to keep customers' patronage perform sexy dances or striptease (p.110). The as long as possible. authors argue that these men entertainers are motivated to come to Japan because they "have Santiago and Dacanay conclude their no other economic means of livelihood" in the description of hosto by saying, in "essence, the Philippines and their "depravity" therefore 'hosto's'' job is to make club guests truly happy, leads them "logically" to take up any job abroad however fleeting. In short, the 'hosto' performs (pp.125-6). the role of a 'host' in its ordinary sense" Host clubs are not gay bars and the majority of (p.110). The authors go on to argue that since the clients are women, many of whom are "the nature of the job involves a variety of Filipina entertainers and Japanese office and services, including being a guest relations bar workers (p.109). Sometimes these women officer (GRO) and waiter, the job does not have customers are accompanied by Japanese men, a rigid description. The multifarious functions who commonly pay all expenses. Club hours of the 'hosto' primarily depend on the club's may vary and those whereSantiago and policy; although the minimum task is to Dacanay's informants work from 7:30 PM until entertain guests" (p.112). Indeed, these 7:00 AM the next morning (p.110). Like women descriptions are strikingly similar to the tasks entertainers at Philippine pubs, hosto are many Filipina entertainers I know perform at sometimes required to take dohan and shimei. nightclubs as well as those observed among Shimei means a request for a particular hosto's Japanese hostesses (e.g., Allison 1994).

9 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

What is remarkable aboutSantiago and business. What her club marketed was, as Dacanay's work are assertions that deny what Santiago and Dacanay themselves mention, the their informants have told them. Instead, the fleeting atmosphere of a nightclub. Cherry authors proceed to construct hosto simply as repeatedly said that it was the "clean image" sex objects. Immediately after the sketch of that was her club's policy: Dapat" ka clean hostos' work, the authors state that they "do image. Importante!" (You've got to [retain a] not discount the high possibility of 'sex with a clean image. That's important!). To enhance client' being encouraged as a policy as the such clean images, hosto commonly groom nature of the job is to a large extent sex- themselves well and dress in well-tailored suits related" (p.112). This is because a "'hosto' club with other decorative and fragrant touches. attracts regular customers who enjoy being Cherry does know of other "lowest hosto bars" entertained by the 'hosto,' or who like to have where prostitution is practiced. She also knew sexual relations with the 'hosto'" (p.112). The some of the hosto at her club engaged in sex reason the authors give derives from awith their clients. But these were "private comment one of their informants made about matters" and "up to them," she said. Among the fact that his club was forced to close when various services hosto offer Cherry emphasized it could no longer provide the services of hosto light conversation as one of the most important (p.112). Santiago and Dacanay neglect to (see Suzuki 2000:434). Moreover, many clarify what their informant meant byFilipino hosts and hostesses who held the "services." Philippine government issued artist certificates, retained pride as entertainers – Clubs may be closed for a variety of reasons such as dancers and singers – and called other than the sexual services of hosto. For themselves "talents" with varied degrees of instance a club in I am familiar with skills in musical and theatrical performances. dropped its early-hour operation, from 7 PM to 12 midnight, featuring entertainment by Besides the disregard for what the workers Filipina hostesses, due to declining business themselves think of their work, what is under the Heisei recession in the late 1990s. confused, if not ignored, by observers like The club retained its late-night business, from Santiago and Dacanay is the fact that hosto midnight to 5 AM, hosted by about thirty men – (and hostesses) are people of a sexually active including hosto, bartenders, a DJ, a singer – age. Insofar as it is consensual, having sex with and a cross-dressed bakla floor manager, clients itself does not seem to be such a critical "Mama Cherry." In 2001, the club was closed matter. Even if the men (or women) receive following an unexpected raid by themoney from their Japanese customers, it may immigration police, who had known for quite be that the Japanese insist on paying to show some time about the club and that some of its off. Cherry observes that Japanese feel workers were illegally overstaying their visas. sympathetic with foreign workers (from the [19] Thus, under the recession and increasing Third World) whom Japanese tend to see as immigration policing, the closure of a nightclub poor in the double sense of the word. If that is staffed by foreign workers can be caused by the case, these structurally disadvantaged various factors other than factors related to workers use the stereotype of Asian migrant sexual services. workers as paupers to their advantage while satisfying their Japanese clients' senses of Santiago and Dacanay also dismiss the variety financial power and national superiority of operations among different kinds of bars and (Manalansan 1994; Suzuki 2002b:184-85). nightclubs. Cherry insisted that making her club into a prostitution den was not good for Having observed Filipino male illegal workers

10 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF over a span of fifteen years, Rey Ventura (1992, adventures cannot be easily equated with those 2007) has perceptively discussed illegal male of Filipinas, what is important to consider is workers' sexual involvements. Let me quote his that Santiago and Dacanay's argument observation though at length: resonates with a dominant discourse, especially that written in English, on Filipina entertainers Dante has spent a third of this life as a by scholars and activists based in Japan and the laborer overseas. … When he hugged West. and kissed his wife last was fourteen years ago at theNinoy Aquino Discourse on Filipina Entertainers in the First International Airport. … In the World evening, these workers return to a hut-like home, eat, and sleep all alone. Filipina entertainers began to enter the public discourse in Japan in the late 1970s. The Do they sleep while dreaming of media-led image production has featured these someday meeting their families again? workers as "making good cinematic objects Exhausted, being homesick, lacking because of their beauty and other marketable money all the time, can overseas stories like being highly educated mothers" workers be satisfied only by remitting (Yamatani 1985:28). The filmmaker Yamatani money at the end of the month and Tetsuo called these women "a convenient receiving letters and phone calls from public toilet," which is "a reality of Southeast beloved family members? … Can Asian women in Japan." The late live without feeling the bodily feminist journalist Matsui Yayori was one of the warmth of other people? … [Dante most influential speakers on Filipinas in Japan. would say], "What am I supposed to Having published her views in English, given do with my dick? Make pickles? Will it her networks and the power of the global be of any use if I grind it and feed the language, her work circulated widely in the birds with?" … When these workers international discourses of advocates and fall to temptations, can we call their scholars (see for example, Chant 1997; de Dios sexual affairs a sin? Can we criticize 1992; McCormack 1996; Tadiar 2003). [20] their weaknesses as people? … But Matsui argued that Filipinas' reason for going where is the line between an ethically to Japan was simply to support their poor permissible life and one that is not? families (Matsui 1995:310-1; 1997:137). She Who draws the line? (Venturainsisted that these Filipinas were victims of 2007:102-104, translated fromtrafficking and rejected their work in the water Japanese by author). trades altogether. She then firmly located these "girls" in "the noneuphemistic sex industry" Indeed, these workers are people no matter (Matsui 1997:137, 141). Subsequent to these how badly they are treated at worksites and by journalists' and activists' reports, scholars observers who do not even have a feel for these joined the investigation of these entertainers. illegal workers' lone and hard lives in a foreign Similar to Matsui, Mike Douglass, based in the land. After revisiting these workers' lives that US, asserts, "more than 100,000 women are he had shared for a year in the past, Ventura legally allowed to enter Japan as sex workers" (2007:104) argues that however illicit[21] and "the majority of women coming into normatively, sexual affairs are nevertheless a Japan under entertainment visas are actually way to remind themselves that they still working as hostesses or prostitutes" (Douglass maintain some attractiveness as people.2000:98). Drawing on "considerable evidence" Although Filipino men's sexual experiences and based on the cases of foreign women night

11 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF workers who sought help at women's shelters and the like, Douglass maintains that this "international trade in women" involves work "too euphemistically called 'entertainment'" (Douglass 2000:92). Yoko Sellek, based in the UK, argues that prostitution "is a common form of employment for women attempting to eke out a living in urban areas" in Southeast Asia and that these women are "working [solely] for the yen" in Japan for themselves and their families (Sellek 1996:168). [22]

Some of the common lines of these depictions of Filipina/o entertainers are that they are Figure 3: Filipino Hostess and Host Club Workers essentially sex objects even if they consider Participating in a "Miss Fil-Gay" (Filipino Gay) Beauty Pageant, photo by author themselves "talents." However, hostessing or hosting and prostitution in Japan are not one Another shared emphasis recurrently found in and the same. Nor are the water trades and the the discourses on Filipino women and men sex industry identical. While Douglass neglects entertainers is reference to poverty in the to provide the source of his information, based Philippines. The Philippines is generally poor, on the 1997 immigration statistics he used (see but not everyone living there is a pauper. The Ministry of Justice 1998) the closest number to economic motivation is important, but workers the figure of 100,000 "sex-worker" entrants is are not always motivated to migrate solely for the sum of Filipino female entrants to Japan money. They may, for example, try to escape (n=96,041). This suggests that the from social constraints such as paternal undistinguished, faceless mass of Filipinas control, spousal infidelity, rape, and bad coming to Japan are all incarcerated in morally marriages (Suzuki 2002b) or to satisfy dreams denounced sectors of the night businesses as seen in the pugilists' case above. Likewise, regardless of their legal statuses and individual though Santiago and Dacanay learned about situations. And, in the views of Douglass, hosto who, for example, had left broken Matsui, Sellek, and many others, these women marriages (p.113), [24] they failed to consider come to Japan, not to entertain customers the workers' other motivations to take up a job through hosting, hostessing, and music/dance in a nightclub in Japan. [25] Together with their shows in the ways that many workers, such as strong suspicions of hosto engaging in Cherry and Santiago and Dacanay's informants, prostitution, Santiago and Dacanay's study describe their jobs. [23] resonates with the moralizing/sexualized discourses on Filipina entertainers produced by First World advocates and scholars. [26]

Transnational Class Subjection

What do these reverberating discourses of international scholars and activists suggest? For the last two decades, critical scholars have examined writings about other people. They have argued that the various positionalities of writers – such as nationality, race, ethnicity,

12 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF class, gender, and sexual orientation – seriously social contexts. Class is heavily implicated in impact the ways they reduce other people to the ways in which the Philippine elites, particular caricatures. In writing about the including intellectuals – who know little of what problem of representation David Pollack it means to be of the poorer classes – represent argued, "first-world and third-world relations and think of international migrant workers as a are now largely understood by most theorists source of national shame because these as involving … a systematic disadvantaging of workers disclose to the world the state elites' others as the inevitable complement ofincompetence in keeping ordinary citizens advantaging oneself" (Pollack 2000:167). His happy within their own society (Aguilar 1996). use of lower-case "first-" and "third-worlds" Ironically, the elites also feel their privileges in suggests fluid dominant-dominated power material, cultural, and symbolic wealth relations beyond the geopolitically andundermined by these workers' newly acquired geoeconomically bounded "worlds." This allows middle-class material and symbolic capital, us to see a representational disadvantaging of allowing and acquired through travel abroad others taking place beyond national borders. and conspicuous consumption. Furthermore, International groups of scholars and activists the now widely circulated images of Filipinas as located in various parts of the world may thus prostitutes and Filipino men as illegal workers collaborate in the subjection of other people as in Japan have further hurt Filipino elites' "pauper prostitutes" in this deterritorialized national and class-based pride. Higher-status discursive field. They may also disregard the Filipina/os in Japan, temporary or long term, many migration studies that have shown that are inevitably lumped together with working- global migrants today do not always come from class migrants and so try to disidentify the poorest among the poor, who are indeed themselves from such tainted images. In this immobile with little or no money at hand (e.g., context, Santiago and Dacanay discursively Portes and Rumbaut 1996). Indeed, many locate the hosto as "depraved" sex workers of Filipina/o entertainers coming to Japan are not and align them with women "prostitutes" while from the lowest segment of Philippine society simultaneously trying to extricate themselves (Go in Go and Jung 1999; Ventura 1992, 2007). from being associated with these. By situating [27] By confining laboring Filipino bodies the hosto in this way, these authors ofThird exclusively within poverty in their homeland World origin join in the discourse developed by and the sex industry abroad, researchers men and women in the First-World, including inversely represent their own economic and Japanese. moral, and thereforemasculine, superiority over the people they describe. Moreover, such In this way, regardless of what they actually do inequality in researcher-researched relations and think of their work, Filipino hosto in Japan even allows the former to profit from the experience this class subjection in the latter's struggles, and researchers andtransnational discursive field. Their advocates can advance their careers and entertainment through hosting and through projects in their respective fields. Suchperforming arts and enacting particular discursive subjections of Filipino bar workers in personae are "feminized" not because the men Japan are products of transnationally dispersed are effeminate or think their work feminine, but "migrant-labor research industries" (Aguilar because of the ways in which popular and 1999:99). academic discourses have constructed these men as being morally denounced "sex workers" Within these research industries, Filipino vis-a-vis men and women in privileged scholars' subjection of their co-nationals has positionalities in local, national, and global further evolved in their own historical and hierarchies.

13 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

Conclusion together celebrate their imagined masculine prowess and enhanced national pride. Designed This article has explored some ways ofin this way Filipinos emerge as "weak" and understanding Filipino men's labor in the therefore "feminine" men and nationals. entertainment world in contemporary Japan. At first glance, Filipino boxers and hosto appear to The world of boxing has been predominantly a stand at opposite ends of the spectrum of site for male-male competition. On the other occupations for men. As I have demonstrated hand, the presence of Filipino men inJapan 's however, their experiences converge in the water trades has opened up another space in contemporary discursive field when the notions which their work is hyper-eroticized and of "feminization" and transnational class morality suspect. As their women counterparts subjection are taken into account. Notions of working as entertainers and hostesses at gender are contrastive and masculine features nightclubs have been in the prevailing are those that are not feminine and vice versa. discourse of first world observers reduced to These masculine characteristics are further "prostitutes" of poor origin, so too these hosto's distinguished by setting them against the work is considered to be primarily trade in sex. qualities of other men. The idea of theGiven the rhetorical resonance here at the feminization of Filipino entertainers explored in juncture of sex work and pauperism, higher- this paper is that they are rhetoricallyclass Filipino researchers joinFirst World constructed as having "feminine" qualities of observers whose discursive forces together weakness, inferiority, and moral degradation. transnationally feminize the laboring hosto in While Filipino entertainers are symbolically Japan's night businesses. Hence, while in "feminized" in these terms, Japanese boxers Japan, these men entertainers' experiences are inversely rise in the masculine hierarchy and inextricably linked to these crisscrossing Japanese and Filipino women customers at host classed, gendered, and sexualized forces of clubs subvert the gender order based on their first-world transnational subjection. privileged national and material positionalities.

The influx of Filipino boxers in the 1980s is a Japan's labor market and human cartography in unique counterexample to the global migration the twenty-first century will inevitably involve of sport labor in which highly competitive elite more extensive entanglements with people athletes are richly rewarded and lionized for from various parts of the world. Under these joining the best teams in the world. In stark conditions, the feminization of people will contrast to this global trend, Filipino pugilists continue to be grist for our theoretical mill, as today are invited to be beaten by Japanese their personal experiences as well as hopefuls. Such a practice appears to contradict discourses surrounding them will reveal the capitalist logic. Instead of accumulating intricate workings of nationality, ethnicity, economic capital by minimizing cost, class, gender, and sexuality in their desires to contemporary Japanese have invested in these accumulate various forms of capital across foreign pugilists in order to gain other forms of national boundaries. social capital. Unlike their prewar and 1950s predecessors, who trained themselves while watching the backs of Filipino pugilists standing far ahead of them, contemporary Nobue Suzuki is Professor of Anthropology and Japanese pugs are paired with Filipinos who Gender Studies atNagasaki Wesleyan are willing to "dive." By "defeating" their Asian University. She is the coeditor (with James E. opponents, Japanese in the ring and audience Roberson) of Men and Masculinities in

14 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

Contemporary Japan and has published Japanese vernacular. The term, numerous articles on Filipinos inJapan and however, is still commonly used Filipina-Japanese marriages in particular. among Filipinos in and outside the Contact: [email protected] and also see Philippines, including some her profile at Nagasaki Wesleyan University website. advocates for the welfare of women overseas workers. Numerous Filipino residents in Japan thus continue to suffer from This article, written for Japan Focus, is a this derogatory naming and revised version of work first published in Work, Employment, and Society in Contemporary associated prostitute image. Japan, edited by P. Matanle and W. Lunsing (London: Palgrave, 2006). Posted at Japan [3] For brief sketches of these topics, Focus on April 10, 2007. see Roth (2002:Chap6); Tsuda (2003:183-189).

[4] In this paper, unless the context Acknowledgement: suggests otherwise "Asia" and its The author is grateful to Mr Tsugawa Masaru variants refer to the Asian region of All Boxing Gym, Jojima Mitsuru, and and people excluding Japan and Norimatsu Suguru for helping her acquire the Japanese, as this distinction is Filipino boxers' photos. William W. Kelly often invoked by many Japanese to provided useful literature information. differentiate themselves from "others" in Asia in the global

power structures. Notes: [5] The word "hosto" is the phonetic [1] The contribution of Sachi rendition of the English word Takahata, Assistant Professor of "host" in the standard Japanese Sociology at Hiroshima Kokusai language. The term has in turn Gakuin University, to the section entered the Tagalog vernacular. As on boxing in this article deserves discussed below, the significance more than a mention in of the use of this Japanese/Tagalog acknowledgement. Following the rendition rather than the English method used for example by Arlie original is that it carries different Hochschild with Ann Machung signifiers for hosting workers and (1989), Takahata is listed with the middle-class analysts. For the sake word "with." However, Nobue of consistency, I use "hosto" Suzuki alone is responsible for any throughout this paper to address errors and shortcomings. this translational problem.

[2] Today, the term "Japayuki" seems [6] Jazz in Japan is another area to to have become obsolete in the which Filipinos contributed

15 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

tremendously. See Atkins (2001: visa as numerous women working passim) and Yu-Jose (2002:Chap3). in the water trades.

[7] See Ong (1991) for a concise [15] The money is usually central to summary of the gender and labor the lives of boxers, many of whom politics from the 1970s. In this come from deprived families and sense, we can think of male have no other skills to earn a workers who are pushed out of the better income. But money is not all labor market due to the need for about their lives. For boxers' female workers to be more personal senses of achievement "feminized" than women. and membership in society, see Wacquant (1995). [8] To be clear, being hosto and bakla are not all effeminate. [16] Zainichi "resident" Koreans and Okinawans are overrepresented in [9] Complete statistics prior to 1980 the boxing population inJapan , was not available. though many zainichi do not always openly reveal their ethnic [1] See Yu-Jose (2002:Chap5) for some identity. Okinawa produced six examples of the ways in which champs out of the total of forty-one Japanese viewed Filipinos in world titleholders between 1952 wartime Japan. and 2000 (Tsue 2001:65).

[11] In 1943, there was a record of 51 [17] Ventura (1992) described hosto Filipinos who resided in scattered in passing. prefectures (Yu-Jose 2002:87). [18] There are no statistics on the [12] Boxers' foreign names negatively numbers of entertainers by sex in affect television viewing rates and either Japan or the Philippines. ticket sales. Therefore, all of them received the surnames from their [19] See Ventura (1992:132) for the Japanese managers, but the order police's knowledge about of given names and surnames may overstayers. vary. [20] See Suzuki (2002a) for other [13] See Takahata (2000) for details ways in which Filipinas inJapan about these as well as other have been represented. To be Filipino pugilists, notably Flash clear, I am not at all denying tragic Elorde, who came to Japan and brutal work conditions that between the post-Gustillo time of have caused much suffering and the 1960s and 1980s. deaths of Filipina and other nightworkers. My point is that the [14] They hold the same entertainers limited emphasis on such

16 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

conditions has also generated disregarding Filipinas' more adverse effects on their lives. See complicated experiences and their Sharma (2005) for some of the resistance to various forms of effects of the domination of anti- violence. The domination of the prostitution (promoted commonly kinds of images globally circulated in the name of anti-trafficking) by these feminists and other campaigns on laboring women scholars continues to haunt migrants and their tight link to Filipinas in Japan to this day. For xenophobia and the rising details, see an updated version of sentiments of anti-immigration and Suzuki (2000, forthcoming/2007). nationalism in Canada especially in the wake of the 9.11 terror (see [23] For women entertainers, see also Suzuki forthcoming a). Suzuki (2000, 2002a). Many Indeed, Condoleezza Rice, the US Filipinas do not like the hostess Secretary of State, has gone so far job, but others do not mind it while as to declare, "The movement to playfully and defiantly defending end trafficking in persons is more themselves from men's sexual than a human rights objective; it is approaches such as touching and a matter of global security" (US- kissing. For the latter, what upsets DOS 2006:1). them more is the stigma attached to their job and the denigrating [21] The Japanese government does label, "Japayuki." not legally allow the entry of foreign sex workers. It has [24] Divorce is not legally recognized practically permitted the entry of among Catholic Filipinos in the entertainers some of whom work Philippines, leading some to as forced and other prostitutes. physically leave their localities to stay away from their former [22] See Suzuki (2005, forthcoming b) partners. for further discussions on these writers' methodological and [25] See Suzuki (2005) for Filipinas' epistemological problems. other reasons for migration to and Although keeping alive the plight work as entertainers in Japan. of migrant workers is important, Liza Go, one of the most vocal [26] These negative conjectures and Filipina activists in Japan representations are partly throughout the 1990s, told me her responsible for the 2005 tightening criticism of Matsui and other of Filipino entertainers to work in ethnic Japanese feminists because Japan (Suzuki forthcoming b). of their overwhelming, if not exclusive, interest in the stories of [27] In order not to make these victimized Filipinas while Filipino migrants our complete

17 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

"other," it might be useful to place their social and economic References: situations in a broader perspective on the exploitative political-Aguilar, Filomeno V., Jr., 1996." The economic systems that surround Dialectics of Transnational Shame and our own lives, even though the National Identity." Philippine Sociological kinds and levels of exploitation Review 44:101-136. may not be the same. Under capitalist-consumerist socialAguilar, Filomeno V., Jr., 1999." Ritual conditions, it is indeed not only Passage and theR econstruction of people in the Third World who Selfhood inI nternationals Labour migrate in order to realize their Migration." Sojourn 14:98-139. hopes and aspirations, but due to Allison, Anne, 1994.Nightwork : the rising cost of living in large Sexuality, Pleasure, and Corporate cities, urban middle-classMasculinity in a Hostess Club. Americans today increasingly feel Chicago: University of Chicago Press. the need to relocate to other places in order to improve their Atkins, E. Taylor, 2001. Blue Nippon: material conditions and achieve Authenticating Jazz in Japan. Durham: Duke University Press. the "American dream" (Levenson 2006). And, in order to subsist and Bale, John and Joseph Maguire, eds., 1994. The possibly establish careers and Global Sports Arenas. London: Frank Cass. middle-class lives, someFirst Boxing Magazine, ed., 1982-1999.Nihon World academics migrate to Boxing Nenkan. Tokyo: Baseball Magazine-sha. undesirable places in and outside their native countries. Especially Chant, Sylvia, 1997. "Gender and Tourism before tenure, they oftenEmployment in Mexico and the Philippines." In grudgingly put up with work M. Thea Sinclair, ed., Gender, Work, Tourism. London: Routledge. conditions which, as in the words of some of colleagues in theUS , de Dios, Aurora Javate, 1992. "Japayuki-san: are "slave-like" and "abusive" with Filipinas at Risk." In M. RubyPalma -Beltran or without sexual, gendered, and and Aurora Javate de Dios, eds.,Filipino racial harassment. On the other Women Overseas Contract Workers: At What Cost? Manila: Goodwill Trading. hand, some of the growing number of impoverished Japanese do not Douglass, Mike, 2000. "The Singularities of even have the money to move to a International Migration of Women to Japan." In place where they know they can Michael Douglass and Glenda S. Roberts, eds., land a (and in some cases, any) job Japan and Global Migration. London: Routledge. (Kiyokawa, Tada, and Miyazaki 2007). Espana-Maram, Linda, 2006. Creating

18 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

Masculinity in Los Angeles's Little Manila: Journal of Sport and Social Issues Working-Class Filipinos and Popular Culture, 23:335-368. 1920s-1950s. New York: Columbia University Press. Manalansan, Martin F. IV, 1994. "(Dis)Orienting the Body: Locating Funaki Shoichiro, ed., 2001. "Wasurerarenai Symbolic Resistance among Filipino Gay Homonshatachi: Rainichi Boxer Retsuden." Nippon Sports Mook 31: Bokuingu Men." positions 2(1):73-90. 100-nen Mireniam Kinengo. Tokyo: Nihon Matsui, Yayori, 1995. "The Plight of Asian Sports Shuppansha. Migrant Women Working in Japan's Sex Go, Liza and Jung Yeong-hae, 1999. Watashi to Industry." In Kumiko Fujimura-Fanselow and Iu Tabi: Gender to Racism o Koete. Tokyo: Atsuko Kameda, eds., Japanese Women. New Seidosha. York: The Feminist Press.

Gunji Nobuo, ed., 1976. Boxing 100-nen. Tokyo: Matsui, Yayori, 1997. Matsui" Yayori." In Sandra Buckley, ed., Broken Silence. Berkeley: Baseball Magazine-sha. University of California Press. Hochschild, Arlie with Anne Machung, 1989. McCormack, Gavan. The Emptiness of Japanese The Second Shift. New York: Avon. Affluence. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1996. Jojima Mitsuru, 2003.Kobushi no Hyoryu: Ministry of Justice, 1998.Annual Report of "Kamisama" to Yobareta Otoko Baby Gustillo no Statistics on Legal Migrants (1997). Tokyo: Shogai. Tokyo: Kodansha. Okurasho. Kamigata Toshiro, 1953. "Higa to Gosutero." Ong, Aihwa, 1991. "The Gender and Labor Boxing Darby January 17:3-4. Politics of Postmodernity." Annual Review of Anthropology 20: 279-309. Kelly, William W., 1998. "Blood and Guts in Japanese Professional Baseball." In Sepp Pollack, David, 2000. "The Revenge of the Linhart and Sabine Fruhstuck, eds.,The Illegal Asians." In Michael Douglass and Glenda Culture of Japan As Seen Through Its Leisure. S. Roberts, eds., Japan and Global Migration. Albany: SUNY Press. London: Routledge.

Kiyokawa Takushi, Tada Toshio, and Miyazaki Portes, Alejandro and Ruben G., Rumbaut, Tomomi, 2007. "Lost Generation – Ages1996. Immigrant America. Berkeley: University between 25 and 35, No. 5: Ganbaredoof California Press. Tsukaisute." Asahi Shinbun, January 6, p.1. Roden, Donald, 1980. "Baseball and the Quest Koizumi Jo, 1999.Boxing Matchmaker II. for National Dignity in MeijiJapan ." The Tokyo: Hiromi Shuppan Jigyobu. American Historical Review 85(3):511-534.

Levenson, Michael, 2006. "Most Who Left State Roth, Joshua, 2002. Brokered Homeland: Don't Plan to Return Jobs, Housing Inspired Japanese Brazilian Migrants in Japan. Ithaca: Moves, Survey Finds." Boston Globe , May 14, Cornell University Press. 2006. Santiago, Joseph Sedfrey S. and Nikos Lexis N. Maguire, Joseph, 1996. "Blade Runners." Dacanay, 1999. "A Prolegomena on the "Hosto"

19 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

Phenomenon and Issues in Philippine Migrant Security.'" In Hsiao-chuan Hsia et al. ed., Worker Law." Soka Law Review 30th Transborder and Diaspora: Governance, Anniversary Special Edition:101-126. Survival, and Movements. Taipei.

Schilling, Mark, 1994. Sumo: A Fan's Guide. Suzuki, Nobue, forthcoming b. "'Japayuki,' or Tokyo: Japan Times. Spectacles for the Transnational Middle-Class." In Roland B. Tolentino, ed., Vaginal Economy: Sellek, Yoko, 1996. "Female Foreign Migrant The Philippine Cinema, Sex, and Globalization Workers in Japan: Working for the Yen." Japan in the Post-Marcos, Post-Brock Era. Forum 8(2):159-75. Tadiar, Neferti Xina M., 2004.Fantasy- Sharma, Nandita, 2005. "Anti-Trafficking Production: Sexual Economies and Other Rhetoric in the Making of Global Apartheid," Philippine Consequences for theNew World National Women's Studies Association Journal, Order. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Special Issue: States of Insecurity and the Press. Gendered Politics of Fear 17(3):88-112. Takahata Sachi 2000. "Pro Boxing to Ethnicity: Suzuki, Nobue, 2000. "Between Two Shores: Firipinjin Boxer wa Naze Makeru no ka." In Transnational Projects and Filipina Wives Hirai Hajime, ed., Sports de Yomu Asia. : in/from Japan." Women's Studies International Sekai Shisosha. Forum 23(4):431-444. For an updated version, see David Willis and Stephan Murphy- Tsuda, Takeyuki, 2003. Stranger in the Ethnic Shigematsu, eds., forthcoming/2007, Homeland: Japanese Brazilian Return Multiculturalism in Japan: Being Others in the Migration in Transnational Perspective. New Transnational Borderlands. London & New York: Columbia University Press. York: Routledge. Tsue Shoji, 2001. "Shirai Yoshio kara Yokoyama Masamori made." Nippon Sports Mook 31: Suzuki, Nobue, 2002a. "Women Imagined, Bokuingu 100-nen Mireniam Kinengo. Tokyo: Women Imaging: Re/presentations of Filipinas Nihon Sports Shuppansha. in Japan since the 1980s." In Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., ed., Filipinos in Global Migrations: US-DOS (U.S. Department of State), 2006. At Home in the World? Quezon City: Migration Trafficking in Persons Report. Washington, Research Network and the Philippine Social D.C.: US-DOS. Science Council. Vail, Peter Thomas, 1998. "Violence and Suzuki, Nobue, 2002b. "Gendered Surveillance Control: Social and Cultural Dimensions of and Sexual Violence in Filipina Pre-Migration Boxing in Thailand." PhD dissertation. Cornell Experiences to Japan." In Brenda Yeoh, Peggy University. Teo, and Shirlena Huang, eds., Gender Politics in the Asia Pacific Region. London: Routledge. Ventura, Reynald B., 1992.Underground in Japan. London: Jonathan Cape. Suzuki, Nobue, 2005. "Filipina Modern: 'Bad' Filipino Women in Japan." In Laura Miller and Ventura, Rey, 2007.Yokohama Kotobuki, Jan Bardsley, eds., Bad Girls in Japan. New Filipino (Into the Country of Standing Men). York: Palgrave. Morimoto Maiko, trans. Tokyo: Gendai Shokan.

Suzuki, Nobue, forthcoming a. "Cross-Border Wacquant, Loic, 1995. "The Pugilistic Point of Marriages: Representations and 'Homeland View: How Boxers Think and Feel about Their

20 5 | 4 | 0 APJ | JF

Trade." Theory and Society 24:489-535. Tokyo: Baseball Magazine-sha

Wacquant, Loic, 1998. "A Fleshpeddler at Yamatani Tetsuo, 1985. Japayuki-san. Tokyo: Work: Power, Pain, and Profit in theJoho Senta Shuppankyoku. Prizefighting Economy." Theory and Society 27:1-42. Yu-Jose, Lydia, 2002. Filipinos in Japan and Okinawa 1882-1972. Tokyo: Research Institute World Boxing, 1999. "Champion no Nenrin: for the Languages and Cultures ofAsia and Nakamura Masahiko san." World Boxing No. Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies 211:132-133.

Yamamoto Shigeru, 1993. Ihojin no Kobushi.

21