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Tracing the Romantic impulse in 19th-century landscape in the , , and

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Authors Hoene, Katherine Anne

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ProQuest Infonmation and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600

TRACING THE ROMANTIC IMPULSE

IN

19TH-CENTURY

LANDSCAPE PAINTING

IN THE

UNITED STATES,

AUSTRALIA, AND CANADA

by

BCatherine Anne Hoene

Copyright ® BCatherine Anne Hoene 2000

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

MASTER OF WITH A MAJOR IN

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA UMI Number: 1403174

Copyright 2000 by Hoene, Katherine Anne

All rights reserved-

UMI ®

UMI Microform 1403174 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This thesis has been subonitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Liteuy.

Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted fay the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.

SIGNED: ^

APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR

This thesis has been approved on the date shown below:

EUwood C. Parry m ( j Date Professor of Art History 3

Acknowledgments

I wish to express my gratitude to the Department of Art History Faculty at the

University of Arizona for their generous support and instruction during my studies.

Particularly, I wish to thank Professor Pia F. Cuneo, Professor Julie-Anne Plax, Professor

Sarah J. Moore, and above all Professor EUwood C. Parry m, the Grand Master and

Foremost Expert on and 19th-century romantic landscape painting.

Professor Parry's challengiog mentorship was an inspiration and guide in this thesis writing. I would also like to laud Dr. Elizabeth Mankin Komhauser, Chief Curator,

Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut, and Dr. Anna Hudson, Assistant Curator,

Canadian Art, at the Art Gallery of , , Canada, for their kind and generous assistance. Dedication

For my wonderful mother

Anne Katherine Hoene Table of Contents

List of Illustrations

Abstract

Preface

Introduction

Chapter 1. United States: Thomas Cole (1801-1848), Arch-Romantic Landscape Painting, 1820 to 1850.

Frederic Church (1826-1900) (1830-1902) Romantic-Realists, 1840s to 1870s.

Chapter 2. Australia: (1801-1878), Romantic Landscape Painting, 1830s to 1875.

W.C. Piguenit (1836-1914), Romantic-Realist, 1860s to 1903.

Chapter 3. Canada: Lucius R. O'Brien (1832-1899), Romantic-Realist, 1870s to 1890s.

Conclusion

Endnotes

Bibliography 6i

List of Illustrations

1. William Armstrong. Arrival of the Prince of at Toronto, 1860, w.c. National Gallery of Canada.

2. Frederic Marlett BeU-Smith. Mists and Glaciers of the Selkirks, 1911, Oil on canvas. The National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa.

3. Albert Bierstadt. Valley of the Yosemite, 1864, Oil on prepared millboard. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. M. and M. Karolik Collection.

4. Albert Bierstadt. The Yosemite Valley, 1867, Oil on canvas. , Hartford.

5. Albert Bierstadt. Mount Corcoran, c. 1875-77, Oil on canvas. The Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.

6. Albert Bierstadt, The Citadel, , from the St. Lawrence, c. 1880, Oil onboard. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa; purchased 1973.

7. Albert Bierstadt. The Saint Lawrence River from the Citadel, Quebec, c. 1881, Oil on paper mounted on canvas. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. M. and M Karolik Collection.

8. Albert Bierstadt. , [correct title?], 1889?. Oil on canvas. Charles H. and Mary F.S. Worcester Collection.

9. Frederic Church. New Scenery, 1851. Oil on canvas. George Walter Vincent Smith Art Museum, Springfield, Massachusetts.

10. Frederic Church. Niagara Falls, 1857, Oil on canvas. The Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.

11. Frederic Church. , 1859. Oil on canvas. Metropolitan Museum of Art, bequest of Mrs. David Dows, 1909.

12. Frederic Church. TMfilight in the Wilderness, 1860. Oil on canvas. The Cleveland Museum of Art, purchase, Mr. and Mrs. William H. Marlatt Fimd.

13. Thomas Cole, Mountain Sunrise, 1826. Oil on wood. Alexander Gallery, City. 7

14. Thomas Cole, Landscape, the Seat of Mr. Featherstonhaugh in the Distance, 1826. Oil on canvas. Private collection.

15. Thomas Cole, Sunny Morning on the , 1827. Oil on panel. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; gift of Mrs. Maxim Karolik for the Karolik Collection of American , 1815-65.

16. Thomas Cole. View of Monte Video, the Seat of Daniel Wadsworth, Esq., 1828. Oil on panel. Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut; bequest of Daniel Wadsworth, 1848,

17. Thomas Cole, View from Mount Holyoke, Northampton, Massachusetts, after a Thunderstorm (), 1836. Oil on canvas. Metropolitan Museum of Art; gift of Mrs. RusseE Sage, 1908.

18. Thomas Cole. The Departure, 1837, Oil on canvas. In the collection of The Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.; gift of William Wilson Corcoran, 1869.

19. Thomas Cole. The Return, 1837, Oil on canvas. In the collection of The Corcoran GaUery of Art, Washington, D.C.; gift of William Wilson Corcoran, 1869.

20. Thomas Cole, View of Schroon Mountain, Essex Co., New York, After a Storm, 1838. Oil on canvas. Cleveland Museirai of Art; the Hinman B. Hurlbut Collection.

21. Thomas Cole. Dream of Arcadia, 1838. Denver Art Museum; gift of Katharine H. Gentry, 1954.

22. William G.R, Hind. Foot of Rocky Mountains, 1862, w.c. McCord Museum, McGiU University.

23. Conrad Martens. Self-portrait on board H.M.S. Beagle June 1834. pencil. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of , , NSW, Australia.

24. Conrad Martens. Condors Preying on a Dead Guanaco, Santa Cruz River {Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle, ) 1834. Mitchell and Dixson collections, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

25. Engraving by T. Landseer after a drawing by Conrad Martens (now lost). The Beagle laid ashore at the Santa Cruz River, April, 1834. R. FitzRoy. Narrative, Vol. 2, p. 336.

26. Map of Martetis's Voyage to Australia 1833-1835. Private collection. 8

27. Conrad Martens. Beagle off Mount Sarmiento, c. 1838. H.W.B. Chester Memorial Collection.

28. Conrad Martens. Port of Sydney from the Colonnade, Bridge Street, 1839. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

29. Conrad Martens. The 'grand amphitheatre' that encloses the Jamison Valley. MitcheE and Dixson collections, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

30. Conrad Martens. In the valley of the Gro^e.-.H.W.B. Chester Memorial Collection.

31. Conrad Martens. FitzRoy Falls, 1836. H.W.B. Chester Memorial Collection.

32. Conrad Martens. Tempe Seat of A.B. Spark Esq., 1838. H.W.B. Chester Memorial Collection.

33. Conrad Martens. Elizabeth Bay House, 1839. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia; Felton bequest 1950.

34. Conrad Martens. Vineyard, Parramatta, 1840. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; presented by E.H. Macarthur, , 15 Aug. 1945.

35. Conrad Martens. Government Stables, 1842. Mitchell and Dbcson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; presented by Sir William Dixson, 21 Oct. 1929.

36. Conxzd'Maxx.Qm. Camden Park House, 1843. Mitchell and Dixson collections, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia.

37. Conrad Martens. Five Islands, South Coast, New South Wales, w.c. Mount Gilead, N.S.W.

38. Conrad Martens. Interior of the Bwrangalong Cavern, c. 1843-1849, Oil. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; presented by Sir William Dixson, 21 Oct. 1929.

39. Conrad Martens. North Head, Port Jackson, 1854. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; presented by Sir William Dixson, 1952. 9

40. CoTOLBdMsaitens. Crossing Place, Canning Downs, 1854. QueenslaBd Art Gallery, South Bank, South Brisbane, Australia.

41. Conrad Martens. Forest, Cunningham's Gap, 1856. Art Gallery, South Bank, South Brisbane, Australia.

42. Conrad Martens. Funeral Procession for Admiral King, 1856. Watercolor, gouache, gum. Private collection.

43. Conrad Martens. Bush Scene, otillawarra, 1858. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; presented by Sir William Dixson, 21 Oct. 1929.

44. Conrad Martens. View of Neutral Bay—The Breaking of the Storm, 1858. Collection of Mr. Kenneth Stewart.

45. Conrad Martens. View of Sydney Harbour from above Ttvoli, 1864. Mitchell and Dixson collections. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia; bequeathed by Sir William Dixson, 1952.

46. Lucius R. O'Brien. Indian Summer; a Fishing Party of Rama Indians Outside the Narrows of Lake Simcoe, 1874, w.c. Private collection, Toronto, Ontario, Canada- Exhibited in Toronto only.

47. Lucius R. O'Brien. Lords of the Forest, 1874, w.c. , Toronto, Canada; gift of the Government of the Province of Ontario, 1972.

48. Lucius R. O'Brien. A Dirty Day on the Atlantic Coast, 1878, Oil on canvas. Mr. Murrough O'Brien, , Ontario, Canada.

49. Lucius R. O'Brien. Sunrise on the Saguenay, 1880, Oil on canvas. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, Royal Canadian Academy of Arts Diploina Collection; deposited 1880.

50. Lucius O'Brien. View from the King's Bastion, Quebec, 1881, Oil on canvas. Her Majesty the Queen.

51. Lucius R. O'Brien. Quebec from Point Levis, 1881, Oil on canvas. Her Majesty the Queen.

52. Lucius R. O'Brien. Quebec on the Queen's Birthday, 1882, Oil on canvas. Saxe Coburg and Gotha Family Trust, Coburg, Federal Republic of Germany. 10

53. Lucius R. O'Brien. Kakabeka Falls, Kamanistiquia River, 1882, Oil on canvas. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa; purchased 1935.

54. R. Schelling. Thunder Cape, Engraving after Lucius R. O'Brien, in George Monro Grant, 1835-1902, ed. Picturesque Canada: The Country As It Was And Is. Illustrated under the supervision of L.R. O'Brien, Pres. R.C.A. With over five hundred engravings on w^ood. Two Volumes. Secaucus, New Jersey: The Wellfleet Press, 1988. Volume One, p. 262.

55. Lucius R. O'Brien. Through the Rocky Mountains, a Pass on the Canadian Highway, 1887, w.c. Private collection, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

56. William James Topley (1845-1930). Group of Royal Canadian Academicians, Ottawa, March 1889, modem print from dry-plate collodion glass negative. Standing, from the left, A.T. Taylor, F.M. Bell-Smith, J.W.H. Watts, , Forshaw Day, J.W.L. Forster, Hamilton MacCarthy, J.C. Forbes; seated, from the left Wm. Brymner, Otto Jacobi, L.R. O'Brien, A.C. Hutchison, James Smith. National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

57. Lucius R. O'Brien. Niagara, 1890, w.c. over graphite on paper. Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, Canada; gift of the Goveniment of the Province of Ontario, 1972.

58. Lucius R. O'Brien. Cape Gaspe, 1894, Oil on canvas. Government of Ontario Art Collection, Queen's Park, Toronto, Canada; purchased 1900.

59. Lucius R. O'Brien. Towing Barges on the Hudson River, 1895, Oil on canvas. Private collection, Brampton, Ontario, Canada.

60. W.C. Piguenit. Mount Olympus, Lake St. Clair, —the Source of the Derwent, 1875, Oil on canvas. Art GaUery of New South Wales; gift of fifty subscribers 1875.

61. W.C. Piguenit. The Upper Nepean, New South Wales, 1889, Oil on canvas. Art Gallery of New South Wales; purchased 1889.

62. W.C. Piguenit. Mount Cell, Tasmania, c. 1891, Monochrome oil on Cardboard. (Exploratory "West Coast Party" in Western Highlands, Tasmania, 1887). Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, ; presented by the Tasmanian Government 1892.

63. W.C. Piguenit. The Flood in the Darling, 1890, 1895, Oil on canvas. Art Gallery of New South Wales; purchased 1895. 11

Abstract

The purpose of this thesis is to identify essential characteristics of the first generation of Romantic landscape painters and painting movements in a given English- speaking country which followed the generation of Turner, Constable and Martin in

England, and then trace how the second generation of Romantic-realist painters represents a different paradigm. For a paradigmatic construct of the first generation, the focus is on the lives and major works of the American arch-Romantic landscape painter Thomas Cole

(1801-1848) and the Australian Romantic landscape painter Conrad Martens (1801-1878).

The second generation model features the American (1826-1900), the Australian William Charles Piguenit (1836-1914), and the British Canadian Lucius

Richard O'Brien (1832-1899). Cole and Martens, closer to their predecessors in England, created dynamic paradigm shifts in their new countries. Following them, the second generation of Romantic-realists produced a synthesis of , scientific naturalism, and nationalistic . Preface

The creative impulse of the 19th-century romantic landscape movement in English- speaking countries following the generation of Turner, Constable and Martin in England is the theme of this thesis. The excellent 1998 exhibition catalogue. New Worlds From Old:

19th Century Australian & American Landscapes, published by the National Gallery of

Australia, , and the Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut, stimulated an interest in the topic. This thesis wiU focus directly on the construction of paradigms of the

Romantic and Romantic-realist landscape painters and painting movements in three countries, the United States, Australia, and Canada. The following chapters touch on the highlights of the lives and major works of the artists. 13

Introduction

In 1825, the sudden emergence of Thomas Cole ^1801-1848) marked a paradigm shift in American landscape painting that would dominate the era until 1850. By eliminating all signs of civilization from his "portraits" of the Catsldll Movmtain Ranges and the Hudson River Valley, Cole created intensely sublfime American wilderness imagery that elevated American landscape painting to a higher plame. Juxtaposed wdth his scenes of the American wilderness. Cole conceived and executecd a "higher of landscape" painting which not only paid tribute to its predecessors iia London, the cultural center where beginnings of the Romantic Landscape Movement had originated in the mid-18th- century, but also marked a revision and a new American i)aradigin. Cole's "higher style of landscape" painting consisted of the interactive locus of miyth and legend—a landscape peopled with religious, literary, historic, and scientific reJ^rences. However, by mid- century in America, within the commonalties of interests ±i the arts, sciences, and of the day, the scientific aspect came to dominaite or eliminate the literary connection. The arch-Romanticism of Cole was replaced, by the Romantic- of

Frederic Edwin Church (1826-1900) and the second genesration of the Hudson River

School. While Frederic Church traveled to South Americra and the , Albert 14

Bierstadt (1830-1902) traveled to the Rockies and the Sierra Nevadas in the American

West to meet the public call for informative and scientific images of imexplored regions of the world.

While the landscape paintings of Cole and the members of the American Hudson

River School were created in response to an American public, they could also be seen within the broader context of international Romantic and Romantic-realistic movements in other English-speaking countries, such as Australia and Canada. No doubt the Romantic landscape movements in the United States, Australia, and Canada shared not only artistic commonalties but also international scientific, religious, and literary cross-currents of thought.

This thesis will attempt to identify the essential characteristics of first generation

Romantic landscape painters in a given English-speaking country, and then trace how the second generation represents a different paradigm. The purpose will be to find the intersections, or the divergences, in the Romantic landscape paintiag movements in these three lands. In an attempt to arrive at paradigms, we will first trace the Kves of the artists

Thomas Cole and Frederic Church in the United States, Conrad Martens (1801-1878) and

W.C. Piguenit (1836-1914) in Australia, and Lucius R. O'Brien (1832-1899) in Canada, in order to understand the influences which shaped their lives and work within the context of the local, the national, and the intemationaL In so doing, we will touch on the highlights of the artists' lives along with an analysis of their major works. 15

Chapter One

On 27 June 1829, Thomas Cole (1801-1848) arrived in London just in time to attend the annual Royal Academy exhibition. He was bom in Bolton-le-Moors,

Lancashire, England, having subsequently expatriated himself to the United States, in

1818, at the age of seventeen. By the time of his arrival in London, Cole had established himself as the premier American arch-Romantic landscape painter of the Catskill

Mountains and Hudson River Valley, and head of the American , having been first noticed by Colonel John Trumbull, president of the American Academy of Fine Arts, and others in 1825. He was here in London to catch up on the latest trends in British and European landscape painting and painters. In London, Cole met

J.M.W. Turner (1775-1851) and toured his private gallery, participated in the John

Constable (1776-1837) circle, and visited the studio of John Martin (1789-1854), all of whom were leading Romantic landscape painters in England.^ After three and a half years of travel, principally in London, Paris, Florence, and Rome, Cole would return to the

United States and set the standard for the generation after Turner, Constable, and Martin in the English-speaking world. 16

Although Cole's initial inqjressions of Turner were negative, later voicing his dislike for Turner's affinity for atmospheric light and color, as opposed to dark shading, form, and solidity," his work intersected with Turner on many levels, also intersecting with the work of Martin. Turner had been contributory to the beginnings of the Romantic movement in England. A precursor to the movement had been the Irish poet, Edmund

Biarke (1729-1797), who had written his Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our

Ideas of the and Beautiful (1756), relating the Sublime to images of terror, power, obscurity, and infinity, and the Beautiflil to objects which were finite, smooth, harmonious, and delicate. A second precursor was the Rev. William Gilpin (1724-1804), major prophet of the Picturesque, who wrote Three Essays: on Picturesque ; on

Picturesque Travel; and on Sketching Landscape (1792), along with later picturesque tour guides including The Wye and South Wales (1782), The Lakes (1789), and The

Highlands (1800). Following this, the Romantic movement had started with poets contemporary with Turner, such as William Wordsworth (1770-1850), and Samuel Taylor

Coleridge (1772-1834). Wordsworth, in his poem Lines written a few miles above

Tintem Abbey (1798), explored the Romantic world view and the boumdaries of the

Beautifiil and the Sublime. Turner drew firom the ideas of Wordsworth, Coleridge, and many other writers and poets, such as James Thomson (1700-1748), and Lord Byron

(1788-1824), also drawing firomthe ancient writers, such as Homer, Virgil, and Ovid.^

Turner, Cole, and Martin, were aU influenced by the writings of Archibald AJison, who had published Essays on the Nature and Principles of in 1790. Alison had argued 17

for classical landscapes and poeticized visions of Arcadia, filled with significant people

with imaginative and associative stories to telL"^ Turner, Martin, and Cole explored with

intensity the complexity of landscape imagery peopled with literary and historical

references, and the interplay of and painting. Much of their landscape painting was

inspired by the paintings of Gaspar Dughet ( 1615-1675), called the second 'Toussin,"

Nicolas Poussin (1594-1665), who was the archetypal classical landscapist, Salvator Rosa

(1615-1573), who epitomized Sublime effects of terror and horror, and above all Claude

GeUee (Lorrain, 1600-1682), who produced serene, sunlight images of a vanishing

Arcadia. Paradigms of the Sublime and Beautifixl had been created by all three artists,

including Turner's Snow Storm: Hannibal and his Army crossing the Alps (1812),

Martin's illustrations to MSlton's Paradise Lost (1825-1827), and Cole's Landscape Scene from "The Last of the Mohicans " (1827), Landscape Composition, St. John in the

Wilderness (1827), The Garden of Eden (1827-28), Expulsion from the Garden of Eden

(1828), The Deluge (after John Martin) (1829), and Cole's sublime Tornado in the

Wilderness, produced in England in 1831.

The other major landscape painter in England was John Constable, a Romantic

landscape painter on almost an opposite pole fi-om Tvimer. While Constable's patron. Sir

George Beaumont, hurled criticisms at Turner, would later come to Turner's

aid in 1840 with a counter-defense and attack on Constable. Cole aligned himself more

vdth Constable and the basic tenets of his artistic style.^ Constable was influenced by

Dutch landscape painters, finding his inspiration in the everyday subject matter of his 18

native Suffolk landscape. While Constable painted meadows and open skies. Turner painted majestic Alpine moxmtain ranges. Constable also made science, especially meteorology, a prime interest, evinced in his numerous skyscapes and cloud studies. He represented the scientific side of the Romantic landscape movement. Constable knew both

Luke Howard (1772-1864), who laid out cloud classifications in his Essay on the

Modifications of Clouds in three numbers of Tilloch's Philosophical Magazine (V ol.

XVI, No. 62, July 1803, No. 64, September 1803 and Vol. XVII, No. 65, October 1803) which he later incorporated into The Climate of London in 1818-20, and Thomas Ignatius

Forster (1789-1860), who had published Researches about Atmospheric Phenomena in

1812. Subsequently, Goethe (1749-1832) had written poems in honor of Howard, entitled

"Stratus," "Cirrus," "Cumulios," and ''Nimbus."® All of them were influenced by the

German naturalist-explorer (1769-1859).^

Would Cole have been aware of these happenings in the intersecting fields of art and science? Probably he was. However, more importantly, he was privy, along with others in London, to the 1830 publication of Sir Charles Lyell's Principles of Geology,

Volume L Lyell (1797-1875) promoted the principles of uniformitarianism, which strongly influenced Cole. Lyell's influence can be noted in Cole's subsequent change from catastrophism as represented in The Deluge of 1829 to the uniformitarianism displayed in his later series The Course of Empire (1832-36). Consequently, during his European visit.

Cole came in contact with the latest ideas in art, science, and literature, and he foimd 19

conunonalties not only with Turner and Martin, but also with their major arch-rival, and polar-opposite. Constable.

Cole's friend William CuUen Bryant (1794-1878), one of the first American writers to turn to the American wilderness, had warned Cole, after his departure for , to guard against the lure of the Old World, and to strive to "keep the earlier, wilder image bright."® As Bryant had anticipated, the wonders of Europe were not lost on Cole, especially in his fascination with Claudean Italy. Cole explored differences between civilized Europe and the primitive features of America which he later eloquently stated in his "Essay on American Scenery" read on 16 May 1835. Cole returned to the United

States on 25 November 1832, and became the major articulator of the Romantic landscape movement in America.

Cole returned to the United States in the midst of the Jacksonian era. Andrew

Jackson (1767-1845) was president for two terms from March 1829 to March 1837.

Along with his fellow Americans, Cole was swept into the socio-political climate of the day. As StanseU and Wilentz have stated, although many of Cole's paintings, upon his return to the United States, elude instant historical interpretation, his career was deeply affected by the tumult of the Jacksonian era.®

The Jacksonian era was a time of conflict between opposing forces on several key issues. It was a time when nationalism and sectionalism was in a state of flux because of the rapidity of national growth and economic changes.'" Jackson, champion of the common man, promoted progress and civilization. However, conflicting issues were the 20

destruction of the American wilderness forest and the removal of the Indian population.

Jackson proposed an America "studded with cities, towns and prosperous ferms, embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than 12 million happy people and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization and religion," before which "forests...ranged by a few thousand savages must give ground."" Jackson, by several treaties promoting westward expansion, demanded surrender of Indian land in exchange for land beyond the Mississippi River.'" Into the

West rushed both planters with their slaves and a large number of jfree farmers. The conflict between these two groups would provoke several crises, and would eventually lead to the Civil War in 1861-65.

Prominent among the central issues of the ante-beUum period were the Bank of the

United States, the tariff and internal improvements, such as transportation.'^ The State of

New York, in 1817, began to construct the successfiil Erie Canal, which had opened to the public late in 1825, at the same moment that Cole had made his debut as a "portraitist" of the and the Catskill Moimtains. A fourth key issue was the disposition of public land. In general, the West wanted internal improvements, cheap or firee land, Indian removal, and more territory. It opposed the national bank, but was willing to bargain on the tariff.''^ Conversely, New England and the Southeast tended to oppose firee land since they were suffering from a glut of immigration. The South was antitariff and reacted to aU issues according to how as they might affect their institution of 21

/^ The Northeast was anti-slavery. As it turned more and more to manufacturing,

it wanted a national bank, a protective tariff and other subsidies to property interests.'^

Democrats and Whigs tended to fell into separate social and economic categories.

Democrats were mostly fermers of the South and West, together with Northern laborers

and immigrants. Whigs fell along the lines of Northeastern businessmen and Southern

planters and merchants.

The issue of the dying American wilderness had a long history and was addressed

from conflicting points of view during the era. The wilderness theme had its roots in early

Near Eastern and European beliefs. In European medieval folklore and mythology, the

mysterious primeval forest was believed to be possessed by vvdld beasts and demons, and

considered the polar opposite of paradise, which was seen as a garden. In the Judeo-

Christian tradition, ancient Hebrews perceived the wilderness to be a desert or wasteland.

Thus, Adam and Eve were sent from paradise into a wilderness of dejection and suffering.

To the Israelites, wandering in the desert, and to the early Christian fethers, the wilderness

came to mean either a wasteland for corruption, or a wild environment to find and draw closer to God.^^

Roderick Nash has provided insight into the mind of the early American pioneer

who had to negotiate the wdldemess.^^ On the one hand, the wilderness was perceived as a direct physical threat. Survival depended upon a taming of the environment for the basic needs of safety, food, and shelter. Secondly, the early settlers brought with them

European medieval concepts, in which the wilderness wore a sinister, brooding fece. 22

inhabited by savage beasts and wild men. In America, the savage Indian replaced the

European wildman.^^ Early Puritans, such as Richard, Increase, and Cotton Mather, saw their mission as one of redeeming the world from its "wilderness" state.*" Hence, to the early Americans, the wildemess was seen as needing to be tamed, either for a utilitarian or for a missionary purpose. In Cole's lifetime, Jacksonian democracy would inherit this utilitarian, expansionist principle."^

However, by contrast, during the Romantic era, first in Europe (1750-1850) and then in America (1780-1880), God came to be linked with the wildemess. Perry MiUer has stated that, especially in America, during the nineteenth century, by a slight of hand or a Romantic "legerdemain," nature took the place of the Bible and America became

"nature's nation." Embedded in the thought patterns of the American mind, in newspaper columns, in prose and poetry, in scientific treatises, and in every level of daily discourse, nature took the place of God.^ The argument went as follows: if God spoke through nature, then America, with its endless expanse of wildemess, was at a distinct advantage over Europe, where layers of isolation from raw nature had been laid down since antiquity.

Cole took up this call and voiced it in his "Essay on American Scenery," delivered to the public in May 1835, in a lecture before the New York Lyceum. Remembering his trip to

Europe, Cole stated:

We have many a spot as umbrageous as Vaallombrosa, and as picturesque as the solitudes of Vaucluse; but Milton and Petrarch have not hollowed them by their footsteps and immortal verse. He who stands on Mont Albano and looks down on ancient Rome, has his mind peopled with the gigantic associations of the storied past; but he who stands on the moxmds of the West, the most venerable remains of American antiquity, mav experience the emotion of the sublime, but it is the sublimity of a shoreless ocean un-islanded by the recorded deeds of man.^ la time, God's nation, "nature's nation," needed to be justified in terms of American expansionism along the westem . Ultimately, the term "nature's nation" came to

be synonymous with manifest destiny. Angela Miller has argued that Cole rejected the myth of "nature's nation" in connection with his skepticism toward American exceptionalism, expansionism, and democracy."'^ Thus, Cole, as an ultra-Romanticist, became the guiding spirit of the American Hudson River School, which articulated a controversial American nationalist landscape theme.

Cole reflected the mood of society's struggle with the tensions resulting from these issues, between a vindication of American wilderness and the ever increasing destruction of nature in an expanding, utilitarian society. Perry Miller has noted that an apprehension of doom in America, at the time, was widespread, although elaborately masked.^

However, this apprehension has remained with us even to this day. Cole voiced this universal sense of rise and fell in his five-part series The Course of Empire (1832-1836) depicting the progress of a civilization—in a cyclical pattern—from a savage wilderness state—through the arcadian to the consummation of empire, to destruction, and final desolatioa The point being that, as man grew fiirther and flirther away from nature into material consumption and empire, man would inevitably fall into final destruction."^

Whether Cole's The Course of Empire was in response to specific social and political issues of the day, no doubt he included these issues in his overall narrative panoramic chronicle. However, his overarching perspective would have been equally 24

concerned, not only with current events, but also with the latest artistic, literary, and scientific happenings of the day, and he would have incorporated these elements into the cycle. His interest in Lyell's principles of uniformitarianism may be seen in the unchanged geological time scale throughout the series in contrast to the human history which rises and falls. A huge boulder perched on top of a great clifi^ which is marked with deeply inclined sedimentary strata, in each picture, also signifies an unending geological time scale."^ Cole had been commissioned to do the imaginative series by the enterprising

Luman Reed, a wholesale grocer in New York, for his elaborate gallery which was both a kimstkammer and a wunderkammer?^ Cole's fescination with the new sciences of geology and meteorology would have been highly stimulated by Reed's library of forty volumes of

Benjamin Silliman's American Journal of Science and the Arts, and no doubt he incorporated these current scientific themes within The Course of Empire.^ Cole knew

Silliman (1778-1864) through his acquaintance with Colonel John Trumbull (1756-1843) and Daniel Wadsworth (1771-1848), both relatives of Silliman.^" The artist would also have taken into account Reed's fine collection of minerals, which had been purchased

firom a Baron Lederer, the German Consul, who was acquainted with Alexander von

Humboldt.^^ Thus, Cole incorporated into The Course of Empire multiple purposes,

including his continuing study of Romantic landscape painting itself along with the

inventive, theatrical creation of an interactive human chronicle within a single landscape

setting. 25

On 17 February 1836, Cole received permission from Reed to delay completion of the last two pictures of The Course of Empire in order to produce a picture for the annual

National Academy of Design show. Cole endeavored to create a crowd-pleaser and chose the popular view from Mount Holyoke in western Massachusetts as a subject. Again, the area had a geological coimection of interest to Cole. The Connecticut River VaUey, around The Oxbow, consisted of a meander in the middle of an alluvial plain. The successftil picture was purchased from the exhibition by Charles N. Talbot of New York for the asking price of $500.

Cole's View from Mount Holyoke, Northampton, Massachusetts, after a

Thunderstorm (The Oxbow) (1836) was an important work in. that it has since attained a high profile, some call it a "national icon," and, as such, it has become the locus of much critical scholarship and debate. Mount Holyoke, a popular tourist site beginning in 1821, accommodated increasing numbers of sightseers each year, up to two or three thousand in

1837.^" For their excursions, tourist gmdes and books were available, such as Timothy

Dwight's Travels in New England and New York, published after his death, in 1821-22.

Cole created a panoramic view with polyvalent themes. Eliminating the evidence

of typical sightseers from the top of Moimt Holyoke, he elevated and thrust forward the

left foreground for a confrontation with nature's forces, including Rosa-style storm-

blasted trees and dense forest with a storm movir^ away, representing wilderness past.

This is juxtaposed with a fresh, opening vista on the right of a Claudean cultivated

landscape where the storm has lifted and tiny figures occupy a serene and civilized pastoral 26

scene. Cole centered himself in the picture, on the topmost outer edge of Mount Holyoke, umbrella folded, painting the view. He turns bis head and back at the viewer.

Current scholarship includes several lively and profound interpretations. Angela

Miller suggests that the two protagonists, both nature and Cole as the central protagonist, become both "scene and actor," in an "unstable present that preserves choice rather than giving way to the apocalyptic alarm of his Course of Empire, on the one hand, and, on the other, to the celebratory visions of a republican millennium characteristic of the coming decades." She argues that The Oxbow is neither apocalyptic nor millennial but a summons to greater self-consciousness in the presence of choice.^^ Contrastingly, Albert Boime states that "Cole conterr^lated the futurity of the nation from an imaginary height:

"Where the wolf roams, the plough shall glisten" with the idea of overcoming the human and material obstacles to progress, which was carried out in society with the sense of a

God-ordained mission.^'* Barbara Novak perceives Cole's point of view as an ambivalence with the dilemma of the Nature-Culture dyad.^^ Alan WaUach sees the panoramic spatial location as a metaphor for the Foucaultian notion of the panopticon, with the viewer as the supreme authority.^^ Alternately, Matthew BaigeU and Allen BCaufinan see the Hebrew words SHADDAI, meaning "the Almighty," and the name NOAH, inscribed by Cole in the markings on the distant mountain, signifying a covenant between the Old Testament

God and the new nation, thus posing the question as to whether the nation will be able to fulfill the covenant."' Finally, EEwood Parry perceives Cole's response to an intellectual, multi-layered, pictorial challenge. Cole utilized both the older camera obscura and the 27

newer camera lucida in the configuration of several panoramic theater landscape concepts in one image. The ravaged trees (from the artist's imagination) and the thunderstorm drawing away to the left suggest the movement and drama of the moving panorama, while the broad vista and the returning sunshine on the right are treated with the attention to topographical detail of the original panorama. These two ideas are tied together by the

Connecticut River, which reappears for an instant on the left edge of the canvas.^^ Cole seems to have purposely left the true meaning of the polyvalent Oxbow open to question, thus enticing the viewer into a dialogue.

In another observation, pertaining to the Nature side of the equation. Cole had written to his patron Lximan Reed that "The copper hearted barbarians are cutting all the trees down in the beautiful valley on which I have looked so often with a loving eye."^®

William H. Truettner states that Cole was one of the first to call ft)r the preservation of forests.'^" It would be reassuring to Cole to know that, as the cultural geographer Michael

Williams has stated in the 1990s, concerning the clearing of American forests; "Cutovers are reverting back to forests everywhere. Despite the massive destruction of trees by agriculture, logging and ftiel getting, the forest is still a dominant feature of the American visiaal scene. To imagine an America without trees is to imagine another world."^^

When the thirteenth annual exhibition of the National Academy of Design opened to the public on 23 April 1838, Cole presented five landscapes among which were the imofiBcial pair View ofSchroon Mountain, Essex Co., New York, After a Storm (1838) and

Dream of Arcadia (1838). Here, as Ellwood Parry describes. Cole's deliberate pairing of 28

the "unabashedly sublime" topographical View of Schroon with the Virgilian pastoral vision of ancient Greece Dream of Arcadia represented Cole's exhibition strategy to promote his reputation.*^^ The Dream of Arcadia, which inspired Cole's biographer Louis

Legrand Noble (1813-1882) to credit Cole as being the parent of pastoral painting in

America, as Earl A. Powell has stated, is unique in Cole's oeicvre, drawing its inspiration from literature, especially poetry, and from epic and historical landscapes in the manner of

Claude and Turner/^ Unlike Schroon, which did not find a buyer for many years to come, the Dream of Arcadia, following high praise in the Athenaeum Exhibition of 1838, was sold in September 1838 to James H. Bximet of Sparta, Georgia, for $650, sight unseen, and this during a national economic depression/'^ The Dream of Arcadia was engraved by

James SmiUie in 1850 and was widely distributed to members of the American Art

Union.'*^

However, Cole's impression of Schroon Momtain had also greatly inspired him.

In correspondence with his friend and fellow artist Asher B. Durand (1796-1886)—with whom he had traveled to the Schroon Lake area in the Adirondacks—CoIe described his working method in creating the sublime landscape effect:

And what have I been doing? Toiling up mountains...even Schroon Moimtain solitary and companionless...! took the notion and got into a Mountain Fever and nothing would do but I must allay it by painting the sable pyramid from the sketch made in the clearing before we dashed on to the Grisly Pond...I consider it our grandest view...I have taken the liberty of elevating myself a little as though on a tree top to get a glimpse of the nearest pond by which we pass'd...How I succeeded you shall judge...Painting this picture has recalled our Schroon Days & already in my mind they begin to take the hue of Ronaance...that was a glorious day[,] the day of the Lake Himt...Grisly Pond...day. The thoughts of that day stir in me now like the musick [o^ running water in an umbrageous valley...Have you not found, I have, that I never succeed in painting scenes, however beautiful. 29

immediately upon returning from them[.] I must wait for Time to draw a veil over the common details, the unessential parts, which shall leave the great features, whether the beautiful [or] the sublime, dominant in the mind."*"

He wrote of the "hoary moimtain" which "rose in silent grandeur," the "sable pyramid," connoting mountain as godhead and spiritual aspiration, and the "dense forest of evergreens cleaving the sky," offering an untouched spiritual preserve. Cole was using

Romantic prose to describe nature as paradise, the Garden of Eden, with the associative sense of the Almighty, seeing in the untamed, primeval American wilderness the symbolic presence of God.'^' David Huntington has argued that the artist preen^pted the power and energy of the Adirondack forest and mountain in an effort to express his own aspirations to become free of the burdens of a sinfiil world. "The mountain peak appears to soar into the heavens. It is the picture of a private view of nature, the expression of a tormented soul longing for the Hereafter.

Cole created an intense drama. The viewer is raised up and pulled abrupdy to the top edge of the picture plane to view the panorama in the distance. The viewer is overwhelmed by nature and, paradoxically, dominates it at the same time.

Anthropomorphic storm-blasted trees swoon to either side as if repoussoir elements opening up an avenue for the viewer to be sucked into the space.'*' The Rosa inspired storm-blasted and lightning-shattered trees signified the powerfiil hand of God in savage

nature. The dynamic circular whirlwind lifting from the hoary mountainous peak, creating an otherworldly opening in the clouds, is reminiscent of Turner's cyclonic clouds and storms, as seen in his Calais Pier, with French Poissards Preparing for Sea: an English 30

Packet Arriving, R.A. 1803. With the storm lifting and passing over the seasonal autumn foliage, the viewer gets a sense of movement through time and space.

Barbara Novak has discussed a prevailing ambivalence between nature and the advance of culture, which she has termed the double-edged axe.^° In Cole's painting

Schroon Mountain, the blasted trees signified God in nature, whereas, a chopped or sawn tree stump would signify culture. A constant tension existed between these two symbols.

Paintings, by Cole and the other Hudson River painters, not to mention literary works, by

Durand, Bryant, Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882), Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862), and Cole, ia his ''"Essay on American Scenery," all reflected this tension and ambivalence.

Cole's View of Schroon afforded both historic and ahistoric readings. Cole, in his desire to reproduce the sublimity of untamed wilderness on canvas, removed some foreground tree stumps, which can be noted in an earlier sketch of Schroon, thus creating what Alan Wallach has termed a history painting.^' Cole was pictiorfng an earlier historic state, whUe, in present reaUty, the presence of tree stumps signaled the arrival of the beginnings of tourism and other forms of civilization in the area. On another level, Albert

Boime has defined a synchronic, ahistoric, prospective view into futurity, which even the present day viewer can have a share in. Boime has argued that the paintings of American

19th-century landscapists "traced a visual trajectory fi:om uplands to a scenic panorama below" for the "surrogate onlooker." "This Olympian bearing metonymically embraced past, present, and future."^" Cole stated: "I have taken the liberty of elevating myself a little as though on a tree top to get a glimpse of the nearest pond." The opposite 31

mountain Schroon seemed as godhead granting permission to the prospective viewer,

permission to take over the land (Manifest Destiny). In The View of Schroon the surrogate onlooker would get a view into the past, when Indians inhabited the land, and

later, their subsequent removalHe could view the present in Cole's time. Also, on

prospect, Schroon aJBforded a view into fiiturity, with bifurcated agricultural and industrial areas, including mills, fectories, ferms, canals, railroads in symbiosis with telegraph lines, and loss of forests. Embedded within the picture was the past and future history not seen.

By its absence, its presence was felt.

In addition to the high style of Romanticism, and contemporary socio-cultural issues, prevailing scientific thought intersected with the View of Schroon^^ Many scientists published in Silliman's American Journal of Science and the Arts, later retitled

American Journal of Science in 1880, whom Cole would have read." Through the

Journal, Cole may have known of the amateur scientist and meteorologist William C.

Redfield who studied fallen trees in connection with hurricanes. Redfield was primarily interested in the rotary motion of winds, which was his obsession. On this topic, he carried on a correspondence with Darwin. Cole may have foimd the writings of Redfield very interesting in view of his own interest in storm-blasted trees and the configuration and movement of clouds, winds, and hurricanes, as seen in Schroon.^^ Cole may also have known of the experimental physicist Joseph Henry, siace they both received patronage from the Hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer. Henry, who later became secretary of the

Smithsonian Institution in 1846, published in Silliman's Journal on 9 December 1830, on 32

electricity and terrestrial magnetism.^^ During Cole's time, the amateur scientists, such as

Redfield, carried on an active dialogue with the professionals, such as Henry and Darwin.

The point is that the flip side of Romantic Sublime fentasies of destruction were factual scientific accounts of real natural forces, whirlwinds, terrestrial magnetism, volcanoes, etc.

In the Viev/ ofSchroon, Cole touched on geological issues, such as geological age span over thousands of years, as it related to Lyell's work on imiformitarianism, laid out in his publication Principles of Geology (1830), also envisioning volcanism as he imagined

"pithy lava" fi-om a distant age flowing from the summit.^^ Cole had been to Vesuvius in

1832. The F/ew also held significance for his later images of the volcano Moimt Etna in

Sicily, which Cole, following in the footsteps of LyeU, actually climbed during his second

Eiaropean trip in 1842.^®

It is possible that Cole, in The Course of Empire, The Oxbow, and Schroon, was creating geomorphic forms in ways that would fescinate and entertain the public. The point is that he had a family to support and needed to make money during and after the

Panic of 1837. And this he was able to do even in the midst of the national economic crisis, when many people went into bankruptcy. Cole did very well financially, selling The

Oxbow for $500, The Course of Empire series for $3500, with $1289 in receipts fi-om its exhibition, and the two series, The Departure and The Return and The Past and The

Present, for $1000 per picture.

In May of 1844, Daniel Wadsworth wrote to Cole in the of persuading him to take as a pupil Frederic Edwin Church (1826-1900), the son of Joseph Church (1796- 33

1876), a prominent businessman from Hartford, Connecticut. To the young eighteen- year-old Frederic's great pleasure. Cole replied in the affirmative. Cole was then at the height of his career, and the yoimg Frederic Church was well aware of his privilege.

Church, already possessing a shrewd business sense derived from femily businesses, learned invaluable information from Cole concerning the economics and marketing of paintings to potential New York customers.®® However, more importantly, he learned from Cole the higher purposes of the landscape painter and his position in American society. Church followed this mission seriously and with great exuberance creating after

Cole moral and imaginative high styled heroic landscapes. Church would study with Cole until 1846 when, after a brief period in Hartford, he set up quarters in the Art Union

Building in New York. Throughout his very successful lifetime career, which would follow, Church maintained a great admiration for his teacher Cole.

Church's debt to his master's style, along with his own personal genius, is evident in his first important work Hooker and Company Journeying through the Wilderness from

Plymouth to Hartford, in 1636, which marked his debut in the annual exhibition of the

National Academy of Design in 1845. In Hooker and Company, Church created Cole's

"higher style of landscape," using a real event in history of the migration of the seventeenth-century Hooker party to new territory in the American wilderness. Thus,

Church adapted the work to America's increasing taste for the fectual and the realistic. As

Franklin Kelly has argued, the Hooker journey took on the associative religious aura of the flight into Egypt and the exodus of Moses, while, at the same time, offering a 34

contemporary New World typology which was the perfect precedent for America's

westward expansion and a confirmation of the nation's "Manifest Destiny."®^ Chiirch, in the tradition of Cole, was appfying the associationist landscape theories of Archibald

Alison, but in the context of a New World America approaching mid-century.

In 1847, Church created another major work indebted to Cole's "higher style," the allegorical painting Christian on the Borders of the Valley of the Shadow of Death, an image directly influenced by Cole's last series, which remaiaed unfinished at his death. The

Cross and the World (c. 1846-47). Church's Christian, which was derived fi-om the popular literary work Pilgrim's Progress by John Bunyan, was shown at the National

Academy exhibition that year. The painting was later included in the immensely popular moving panorama of Pilgrim's Progress, conceived in 1847 and opened to the public in

1850. The sixty or more large scenes, which also included Jasper F. Cropsey's The River of the Water of Life and Land of Beulah and Daniel Huntington's In the Mountain

Fastness (1850), were unroUed over the course of hours, along vs^h accompanjong lectures and .®" The enormous success of the overtly religious allegorical Bunyan panorama was a testament to the continued appeal and influence of Cole.

Church was only twenty-one when his teacher died in February 1848, but he had already shown the promise of his master's vision and he would become the guiding spirit of the landscape painters who made up the second generation of the Hudson River School.

Upon Cole's death, there was an upsurge of allegorical landscapes. Church continued to explore allegories after Bimyan, such as The River of the Water of Life (1848) and The 35

Plague of Darkness (1849), and, although aU traces of these two paintings are lost, the later was characterized by contemporary critics as reflecting Cole's most dramatic works and the grandeur of Martin.®^ However, following a trip to Mount Desert Island, Maine, in 1850, Church created the allegorical and imaginative The Deluge in a similar feshion to

Martin, Turner, and Cole, which was not a critical success, whereas his Beacon, off Mount

Desert Island of 1851 was hailed by critics as "a strong and truthful picture."^ The success of Beacon and the feilure of The Deluge marked a turning point in Church's career. Durand, following Church's example, also explored religious allegory in the manner of Cole in works such as God's Judgment upon Gog (c. 1851-52); however, in the aftermath of a hostile review, he abandoned allegorical subjects.^^ Jasper F. Cropsey

(1823-1900) visited Cole's widow Maria at the artist's studio with a friend John M.

Falconer in July 1850, and, following the visit, he became a staunch follower of Cole

Along with the works produced for the Bimyan panorama, Cropsey exhibited in his studio in 1851 The Spirit of War and The Spirit of Peace, works which had a similar significance to that of Cole's series.^' Along with Cole's influence, Peter Bermingham has noted that

Cropsey's The Millennial Age, of 1854, almost a replica of The Spirit of Peace, also reflected the themes of the primitive paintings of The Peaceable Kingdom series, by the

Peimsylvania Quaker, Edward Hicks (1780-1849), including a lion, a lamb and a child

(Book of Prophesy) representing a peacefiil coexistence of the coming millennium.^®

Cole's ultra-sublime Tornado in the Wilderness of 1831 is strongly reflected in Cropsey's

Storm in the Wilderness of 1851.®' J. Gray Sweeney has traced Cole's influence in other 36

artists, such as as seen in his The House Called Beautiful

(Pilgrim's Progress) (unlocated) (1852); the early work of , before he turned to the Barbizon style, as noted in his Religion Giving Peace to the World,

(unlocated) (1849) and his Hermit at the Shrine (1850); and finally, William L. Sonntag's series The Course of Civilization^^ However, by the early to mid-1850s, allegorical and imaginary works were no longer in demand by the American public and were considered outmoded/^

By 1852, Church and the other American Hudson River School painters were tending away from overtly allegorical paintings. By then, they were reading and following

John Ruskin's advise in his Modem Painters, which encouraged landscape painters to create detailed, scientific, "truth to nature" paintings, which were also demanded by the

American public. However, as both David Huntington and Franklin Kelly have demonstrated. Cole's continuing influence may be seen in Church's subtle encoding of religious meanings within his naturalistic landsapes.'" While, by mid-century, the realm of ideas within the American landscape paintings changed from overtly allegorical, mythical, or poetic themes in the manner of Cole, American landscape painting remained the locus of a continual investigation into the interaction of symbolism and meaning within a heroic landscape, however, in the naturalistic, scientific mode of mid-century America. Church became the architect and the archetype of this new Romantic-realist style.

During these years, Texas was annexed in 1845, the Oregon question was settled in 1846, and the Mexican War raged on from 1846 to 1848. The conflicts between 37

nationalism and sectionalism were coming to a head. Angela Miller has argued that

Church began to create a national typology where nationalism could be read as a type through an extension of local imagery to be interpreted synecdochically." In Church's

New England Scenery (1850), New England local imagery was projected as a model for the nation, albeit with a Northeastern bias. On the flip side of this, the South was seen as its antithesis.^'^ The New England composition represented a form of "regional apologetics" in which the Conestoga wagon carrying emigrants to the West would also carry New England values in the genesis of the new nation.'^ At the same time, implicit within the picture was a disparagement of the South over the issue of slavery. In turn, the

South attempted a counter-myth centering on Pocahontas and the Jamestown drama.In the decade before the Civil War, these sectional apologetics would become increasingly hostile.'' The most femous example of the local representing the national would be

Church's later work, the expansive Niagara (c. 1857), which became a national icon.

In April 1853, Church went with Cyrus West Field (1819-1892), later fknous as the projector of the Transatlantic Cable, to Colombia (then called New Granada) and

Ecuador. Church had been greatly influenced by Alexander von Humboldt's work of popular science. Cosmos, the &st two volumes appearing in English in 1845 and 1847.

As Stephen Jay Gould has argued. Church went to South America to immerse himself in

Humboldt's scientific and aesthetic theories, and his paintings thereafter, even subjects maximally distant from the South American tropics, bear the mark of Humboldt's 38

influence.'® While his &st South American pictures did not break new ground. The Andes of Equador (1855) began to push landscape to a new e)q)ansiveness and openness.

When Church made his second trip to South America in 1857 with another artist,

Louis Remy Mignot (1831-1870), it was obvious that he had inherited Cole's intense interest in volcanic action.'® On this second trip. Church hoped to witness the sublimity of volcanic action first hand. In a journal. Church wrote an eyewitness account of his exhilarating confrontation with the volcano Sangay:

I knew I could get no view of [it] that night without a scramble and as there was still a couple of hours of day light I grasped my sketch book and commenced ascending the hill which rose between us and the Volcano. The exertion of working my way through the tangled grass was tremendous. I toiled and toiled while every little eminence which I gained revealed still more elevated ones above, but my perseverance was rewarded finally, and I planted my feet on the summit. Dense clouds hung over the mountain tops everywhere and I looked in vein for a glimpse of Sangay or its smoke. Its proximity, though, was evident enough for the regular, impressive shaking of the earth and the tremendous peals which marked each explosion. Turning my back, I commenced a sketch of the picturesque mountains at the Southwest where the clouds did not hang low enough to cover the snow line. Gradually the clouds broke away, the sim shone and gilded with refined gold every slope and ridge that it could touch. Patches of open sky revealed the most lovely blue in contrast to the rich coloring. My sketch finished, I turned my face, and Lot Sangay, with its imposing plume of smoke stood clear before me. I was startled. Above a serrated, black, rugged group of peaks which form the crater, the colimms arose, one creamy white against an opening of exquisitely blue sky, delicate white, cirrus formed, flakes of vapor hung about the great cumulus column and melted away into the azure. The other, black and sombre, piled up in huge, roimded forms cut sharply against the dazzling white of the column of vapor and piling up higher and higher, gradually was diffused into a yellowish tinted smoke through which would burst enormous heads of black smoke which kept expanding, the whole gigantic mass gradually settling down over the observer in a way that was appalling. I commenced a sketch of the effect, but constant changes rapidly followed and new beauties were revealed as the setting sun crested the black smoke with burnished copper and the white cumulus cloud with gold. At intervals of nearly fovtr in five minutes an explosion took place; the first intimation was a firesh mass 39

of smoke with sharply defined outlines rolling above the dark rocks followed by a heavy, rumbling sound which reverberated among the mountains. I was so impressed by the changing effects that I continued making rapid sketches; but all the time I had fi-om the moment I saw the first of them imtil the sun set was twenty minutes. Dense clouds again settled over the mountains and night took the place of day. The curtain had dropped.^"

Church, in scientific terminology, was describing the heightened activity of the

South American macrocosm revolving around the tremendous verve of the erupting

Sangay. As von Humboldt had reconmended "colored sketches taken directly fi:om nature,"®^ Church was in the habit of making rapid sketches, not only in pencil, but also often in white gouache against a dark paper background, and often quick, multi-colored oil studies on the spot.®"

Church featured the famous volcano in his majestic, five-by-eight-foot. Heart of the Andes which was first shown in 1859 dramatically set off by black curtains, lit by gas jets, and surroimded by potted South American flora, in a single-picture exhibition at the

Tenth Street Studio Building in New York—a showing attended by thousands of people.

The work netted $600 a day at twenty-five cents per head.®^ This was the second major exhibition of his work independent of the National Academy of Design. The first one-man show had been of the enormous three-and-a-half by seven-and-a-half foot Niagara, which sold for $2500 to Williams and Stevens, the exhibitors, with $2000 paid for copyright.^'^

The masterpiece Heart of the Andes answered Humboldt's call for a specific regional zone within a "heroic landscape painting.Following the great success o?. Niagara, which had brought him international feme. Heart of the Andes was shown in Great Britain to 40

tremendous applause. In keeping with the spirit of Heart of the Andes, his later successfiil and monumental Cotopoxi (1861) would again feature the archetypal cosinic protagonist, the erupting volcano.

At the time that Church completed his sensational Twilight in the Wilderness

(1860), the nation was coming to a North-South innpasse, on the brink of the Civil War.

Twilight in the Wilderness has been seen as symboHic for this explosive issue feeing

America. Franklin Kelly has noted that the eagle, am American symbol, perched on top of the dead tree in the left foreground held unmistakable nationalistic significance, suggestive of recent political tensions. In. addition, the symboHs of the rustic cross, on the foreground tree stump, made reference to Cole's late work Th& Cross in the Wilderness, reflecting the notion of spirituality in nature and as a summons to trust in God during times of stress.

Numerous other associations have been noted within the work. In Humboltian terms, the work may be seen as part of a trilogy of cosmic zones covering the entire New

World hemisphere, with the other two parts of the trilogy being Heart of the Andes and the later The Icebergs, which was painted in 1861 ais a result of a five week excursion to the Arctic with the Rev. Louis Noble. In Twilight, «Church created one of his finest meteorological dramas, a summa of his lifetime stucly of clouds, in keeping with the tenets of Ruskin. In another point of view, David Huntington has defined the work as "the ultimate wUdemess landscape—high art rooted in the depths of the American experience"-- and representative of "America as the Second Begiraning."^^ Thus the complex work was encoded with references to nationalistic, religious, arad scientific meanings. 41

By the time of Church's departure for Europe in 1867, he was, without question,

the premier landscape painter ra America—his only close rival being Albert Bierstadt

(1830-1902) who specialized in paintings of the American West. However, by the third

quarter of the nineteenth century, an interplay of events changed the face of America. In

the aftermath of the Civil War, the United States was no longer seen as the second Garden of Eden, and the vision of a republican millennium was shaken. Darwin's blockbuster publication (1859) created a slow, resovmdrng impact on the hegemony of the cultural, scientific, and artistic communities.®^ The great debates between the scientists Asa Gray (1810-1885), Darwin's supporter, and Louis Agassiz

(1807-1873), Darwin's chief opponent, caUed into question issues of nature and God in

America.By 1880, the national mood for Romantic and heroic landscapes began to wane, as young artists were traveling to Europe and studying French Realism at the school ofBarbizon. Church had long since retired to Olana, far away from the art scene. At his death in 1900, he had fulfilled his mission and he, along with Thomas Cole, had left a tremendous, endtmng legacy. Chapter Two

On Saturday, 1 Jitoch 1856, a stately funeral boat procession conveyed the remains of Rear-Admiral (1791-1856) from the north to the south shore of Sydney Harbor. A few days later, on 3 March, the Sydney Morning Herald described the event:

At a quarter past eight the State barge was taken in tow by the pinnance of the 'Jxmo,' a 's flag indicating the rank of the deceased, being placed half-mast at the bow of the boat. The boats nine in number ~ containing ofBcers of both H.M.S. in the harbour, hoisted ensignes [sic] and pendants, half-mast and blue, in accordance with the flag of the deceased Admiral.^

The progress of the procession was marked by the firing of a twenty-two-gun- salute for a vice-admiral from two flagships. Phillip Parker King had long been regarded as one of the elite in the British , in addition to being one of the most weU- liked and highly respected men in New South Wales. Therefore, it was highly appropriate for this seaborne ceremony to honor a great Australian. The Reverend W.B. Clarke, as

"special friend," went in the barge with the cofBn, and preached the memorial service at

St. Thomas Church the following Sunday."

Two "archetypal"^ depictions of the somber event were painted by the artist

Conrad Martens (1801-1878), as commissioned by the King family. Phillip Parker King 43

had been Martens's earliest friend in the colony and a patron of long-standing. Thus, it was fitting that Martens should be commissioned to produce such works. While one painting, dominated by the duslq^-pink of sunset, takes on a pastoral aura, the other, in the silvery-blue tones of twilight, evokes a deeper mood of grandeur and mourning.'* The paintings, singular in Martens's oevvre, have since become highly valued as historic documents and works of art.

Phillip Parker King had been Commander of the HMS Adventure, which accompanied the HMS Beagle on the first Beagle voyage (1826-1830). The British

Admiralty had provided two vessels, one to serve as a rescue vessel, as was customary on most expeditions carrying out surveys in dangerous waters.^ In this capacity, King had performed the strenuous assignment of surveying the coasts of , Tierra del

Fuego, , and . Since (1809-1882), author of On the Origin of

Species (1859), was present on the second Beagle voyage (1831-1836), the voyages have become femous. In addition to Phillip Parker King, who settled in New South Wales in

1831, many other men who had sailed on the Beagle voyages came to live in Australasia, including Captain Robert FitzRoy (1805-1865), second Beagle commander, who became governor of ; the first lieutenant, (1798-1864); the midshipman, (1817-1904), son of Phillip Parker King; Syms Covington

(1813-1861), Darwin's assistant; and Conrad Martens. The artist whom Martens had replaced onboard the Beagle in South America, Auguste Earle (1793-1838),® had also 44

been a resident in Australasia—literally, lands south of Asia, but, in a more general sense, the term means Australia and New Zealand^—from 1825 to 1828.

Conrad Martens was bom in London on 21 March 1801. Elizabeth Ellis, at the

State Library of New South Wales, has traced his family heritage to merchant/bankers from Hamburg in northern Germany back to the fifteenth century. By the eighteenth century, femily members had expanded their business to the commercial centers of Venice and London. Conrad Martens's grandfather (1704-1785), his namesake, had left

Hamburg for Venice in 1735 and there married Mary Doran, a Londoner. He remained there as German Consul in Venice for fifty years. J. Christoph Heinrich (Christopher

Henry) Martens (1750-1816) was bom in Venice, but moved to London in 1782 to establish another branch of the business at Cmtched Friars. As Austrian Consul General in

London until his death, he married Kentish-bom Rebecca Tumer, and they had three sons,

Henry (1790- ), John William (1794-1864), and Conrad, and one daughter, Mary Ann, none of whom carried on the family business which ceased to exist upon the fether's death. All of the sons became artists. While Henry, "Battle-Martens," remained in

England, John William moved to Canada, and Conrad came to Australia as a traveler and remained there for the rest of his life.^

In England, Conrad Martens began art lessons at the age of twenty-one taking classes from the well-known Copley Fielding. Martens's early work of the English countryside reflected the teacher's influence which was described by another famous 45

stxident of Fielding, John Ruskin (1819-1900). Ruskin had taken watercolor classes from the master in 1835, and he recorded what he had learned in Praeterita:

...Copley Fielding taught me to wash colour smoothly in successive tints, to shade cobalt throu^ pink madder into yellow ochre for skies, to use a broken scraggy touch for the tops of mountains, to represent cahn lakes by broad strips of shade with liaes of light between them...to produce dark clouds and rain with twelve or twenty successive washes, and to crumble burnt umber with a dry brush for foliage and foregroimd.'

However, Ruskin afSrmed that Fielding "produced some of the most perfect and feultless passages of mist and rain-cloud which art has ever seen."^°

Fielding was a feshionable painter and taught in the medium of watercolors in the

Romantic style, exhibiting regularly at the Old Watercolour Society, of which he was elected President in 1831. Urged by Fielding, Martens would have viewed the Society exhibitions and seen works by John Cozens (1752-1797), Thomas Girtin (1775-1802), and

J.M.W. Turner (1775-1853).^^ Fielding also would have encouraged Martens to visit the

Royal Academy where he would have listened to lectures by Turner, who was the

Academy's Professor of Perspective from 1820-1829. As noted by Susanna de Vries-

Evans, Commonwealth Government Approved Valuer of Australian Nineteenth-Century

Art, Martens, after seeing the work of Turner and reading Wordsworth, copied sheets of poetry which were found in between drawings and studies in his sketchbooks of the twelfth-century ruins of Tintem Abbey (scene of Turner's work and Wordsworth's poem).^^ Thus, like the American arch-Romantic Thomas Cole (1801-1848), Martens had a strong background in the early English Romantic landscape painting traditions. These 46

influences came tlirough. in Conrad's early work, which he displayed, along with his brother Henry, at the Royal Society of British Artists in 1833.^^ He had a circle of friends in England, including a Miss Eliza Moxon, with whom he corresponded for most of his life.^'

Why he left England on 10 May 1833 is open to conjecture. On that day, Martens boarded the HMS Hyacinth, a ship bound for a three-year voyage around the world via

South America and , under the cotnmand of a Captain Francis Price Blackwood.

This was 18 months after the Beagle had left for South America in 1831.'^ The artist began a diary entitled "Journal of a Voyage on board H.M.S. Hyacinth, commenced May

19. 1833" which ultimately covered his journeys on board the Hyacinth, the Beagle, the

Peruvian, and the Black Warrior, until his arrival in Sydney Harbor on 17 April 1835.^®

The Hyacinth visited Gibralter, Madeira, the Canary Islands, the Cape Verde

Islands, Salvador, before dropping anchor on 4 July 1833 at . At Rio, by happenstance. Martens heard that Augvist Earle, the topographical and scientific artist employed by Fiti^Roy on the Beagle had left the ship due to ill health. Martens, on impulse, immediately altered his course and joined the Beagle which was being prepared at

Montevideo, Uruguay, for a second run south.'' Concemiag Martens, Captain Robert

Fit2Roy wrote the following to Darwin who was away in Argentina digging up the fossilized bones of mastodons and giant sloths:'^

If Mr. P[arry, an English merchant in ], has written as he intended, you have heard of Martens ~ Earl[e]'s successor ~ a stone pounding artist who exclaims in his sleep "think of me standing upon a pinnacle of the Andes, or sketching a Fuegian Glacier!!!" By my faith in Biraipology, I am sure you will like him ..much: he is ~ or I am wo[e]fully mistaken ~ 'rara avis in 47

navibus, Carloque simillima Darwin' [a rare bird on ships and very like Charles Darwin]/'

While on board the Beagle, Martens drew a self-portrait, dated June 1834, in which he personified himself as a rugged young seafering artist-adventurer.

On the Beagle, Martens was thrown among scientists and hearty shipmen who were skilled in scientific observation and draughtsmanship. The Midshipman Philip Gidley

King, teenage son of Captain Phillip Parker King, Lieutenant John \^ckham, and John

Lort Stokes (1811-1885) were skilled in hydrographic survey profiles and chartmaldng.

Martens had the responsibility of making a series of long watercolor land profiles, which were designed to conqjlement marine charts made by Lieutenant Stokes, both of which were inspected and initialed by Fit2Roy. From FitzRoy, a skilled meteorologist, who had been influenced by Luke Howard and Thomas Ignatius Forster, Martens became skilled in the analysis of cloud classifications and formations.^® Under their influence, Martens's work during the voyage developed along the lines of increasing empirical, topographical accuracy."^ Even after the Beagle voyage, Martens would continue to employ this methodology in his work.

Darwin was unsurpassed in his skills of scientific einalysis and observatiorL EEs interests ranged from geology, botany, and zoology, as well as shooting, skinning, stuffing, and preserving specimens, which were sent back to Darwin's former professors in

Cambridge for analysis.^ Martens, as scientific illustrator, would oflien accompany

Darwin on his exploratory excursions, along with Covington, Darwin's assistant.^ 48

After a horrendous rounding of Cape Horn sailing toward the South Pole in an

eastward direction into the surging waves roaring up from Antartica, where the Pacific

met the Atlantic, of which Martens got a few sketches from his ship porthole, the Beagle

re-entered the Straights of Magellan in May-June 1834, having first sailed through in

January. Here, Martens made several drawings and paintings of Mount Sarmiento, the

"king of mountains of ," which could be seen from the southern arm of

the passageway. The majestic mountain not only inspired Martens, but also Darwin who

wrote of its vast glacier of blue ice, with gigantic icebergs cracking off with a roar and

crashing into the sea below with a thundering boom causing a huge wave to rise up in a

great wall and rush out to sea threatening to engulf the schooner." The thrilling sight

ajBforded Martens some of his most breath-takingly Romantic and Sublime sketches and paintings in both watercolors and oils. On 9 June, he wrote on a sketch, "the mountain

rises to about three times the height here seen, but aU is hidden by dark misty clouds—a sunny gleam lights the upper part of the glacier giving its snowy surface a tinge, which appears almost rose colour contrasted with the blue of its icy crags—a faint rainbow was likewise visible to the right of the glacier.An intersection of the Romantic and the scientific may be seen in ^'^fartens's oil painting of Beagle off Mt. Sarmiento, which combined an awe inspiring glacial sublimity with a scientifically accurate topographic description of the coastline, along with evidence of geological and meteorological observation. The sketches and paintings were mentioned by Captain FitzRoy in his 49

subsequent letter of introduction carried by Martens to Captain Phillip Parker King, then living just outside of Sydney. This paintiag was sold to BCing in April 1838.'^

Darwin brought with him, on board the Beagle, Charles Lyell's Principles of

Geology (1830) and editions of Alexander von Humboldt's works, such as Ideen zu einer

Physiognomik der Gewdchse (1805), Ansichten derNatur (1808), and Voyage aux regions equinoxiales du novcveau continent... (1814-19). Humboldt, in his earlier writings, which foreshadowed his Cosmos, published in English in 1845 and 1847, provided stirring descriptions of South American vegetation and landscape topography, along with offering advice to scientists, writers, and traveling landscape painters. Darwin loved and was greatly influenced by Humboldt; no doubt. Martens also read and enjoyed the writings of the German explorer along with him. Martens also read LyeU."®

Therefore, Martens, close to Cole m. the 19th-century Romantic landscape painting tradition, predates Frederic Church (1826-1900) in South America. The work of Darwin, and the influence of Humboldt can be seen in Martens's Condors preying on a dead guanaco. Martens's rendition of the South American wilderness, along the basaltic cliffe of the Santa Cruz River, followed Humboldt's advice and provided a cosmic unity which was accurate in its specifics, while, at the same time, foretold, in a chilling fashion,

Darwin's law of natural process."' In keeping with the theme, FitzRoy wrote a chilling description of the Basalt Glen in Romantic prose:

The glen...is a wild looking ravine, boimded by black lava cliffs. A stream of excellent water winds through it amongst the long grass, and a kind of jungle at the bottom. Lions or rather pumas shelter in it, as the recently tom remains of guanacoes showed us. Condors inhabit the basaltic clifis. Near the river some imperfect columns of basalt give to a remarkable rocky height, the semblance of an 50

old castle. Altogether it is a scene of wild loneliness quite fit to be the breeding place of lions.^°

While Martens was preparing sketches fer the aforementioned painting, in April-

May 1834, the Beagle had run aground and was beached and tilted on her side for two weeks while the ship's carpenters repaired a leak. Martens's watercolor of the ship has disappeared. However, an engraving of it in Fit2Roy's Narrative remains one of the finest illustrations in the volume.^ ^

Martens's adventure on the Beagle had followed fi-om Montevideo, Uruguay, down the coastline of Argentina, to Ports Desire and St. Julian, on the coast of Patagonia, commencing on to Tierra del Fuego (termed by the Beagle"s crew "Terror Del—Land of

Shipwrecks")^" via the Straights of Magellan on a westward course entering the Pacific, then circling Cape Horn, in an eastward direction fi:om the Pacific to the Atlantic, arriving at the Falkland Islands, then back to "Terror Del," advancing to the Santa Cruz River and the basalt cliSs in April 1834, again re-entering the Pacific Ocean through the Magellan

Channel, commencing on to Chileo, and finally arriving at Valparaiso Harbor on 23 July

1834. During the adventure, the quieter temperaments of Martens and Darwin acted to counterbalance the passionate fliry of FitzRoy.

In Valparaiso, Martens met and stayed with a German artist, Johann Moritz

Rugendas (1802-1858). Rugendas, whose illustrations had been printed in Humboldt's

Voyage aicx regions equinoxiales du noiiveau continent, a copy of which Martens would have seen on board the Beagle, had also published Voyage pittoresque dans le Bresil,

(issued in four parts, Paris 1827-35) which had received the praise of Humboldt. His 51

painting style, which fevored bright colors and ejqjansive vistas, can be noted in some of

Rugendas's and Martens's joint views of Valparaiso, a creative association which

influenced Martens's work thereafter.

On 10 November 1834, while in Valparaiso, FitzRoy received a letter from the

Admiralty refiising to pay expenditures incurred and he was forced to suddenly let go of

Martens, along with one schooner.^'* From Valparaiso, Martens shipped on board the

Peruvian, under a Captain Smeetman, bound for . During the voyage. Martens

included in his sketch book elaborate notations and pictures of cloud studies and ocean studies, displaying an extensive knowledge of meteorology and oceanography. From

Tahiti, on 4 March 1835, he took passage for Sydney aboard the Black Warrior, an

American merchant ship, commanded by a Captain Millet. On 9 April, they arrived at Port

Jackson In mid-May 1835, he met and visited with Phillip Parker King in New South

Wales, carrying with him a letter of introduction from Fit2Roy, which contained comments on the artist's character and circumstances:

He.„is well liked by my shipmates and myself. He is a quiet—industrious- good fellow... He thinks of visiting and perhaps settling at Sydney... You will be able to judge of his abilities, by a glance at his works, fer better than by any words of mine. He has a host of views of Tierra Del, in his sketchbook. His profession is his maintenance?^

Nine months after ^/brtens had arrived, the Beagle finally reached Sydney Harbor

(12 January 1836), with FitzRoy and Darwin aboard, before their journey back to

England. Martens would stay behind in Sydney, not knowing at the time that here he would spend the rest of his life. His great luck was to meet Phillip Parker King. BCing was 52

Eving on half-pay from the Navy, along with being Commissioner of the London-based

Australian Agriculture (A.A.) Company. King also had close ties to many influential

people in New South Wales,^^ many of whom would become Martens's clients and

patrons, affording him a wealth of commissions right from the very beginning of his stay/^

Martens held a comer on the market, since he was the only professional landscape

painter in Sydney. He rented a room in a lodging house on Bimker Hill run by Joseph

Pashley, an ex-convict, who also ran a tailoring business. In Bimker HUl, Martens could

mingle with some of Sydney's wealthiest citizens, while, at the same time, he could pass

by a section known as the Rocks, which was a waterfront district allotted to ex-convicts.^^

Also, Martens woiild have noted Aborigines walking about the community. Upon his arrival. Martens bought a pony and began to travel, sketching interesting sights, such as the "seats" of landowners, after which he would provide the owner with a sketch of his land and then wait for a commission. Martens's earnings are very well documented due to the survival of two account books and many letters. Tim Bonyhady,

Historian, has noted that, during the first seven years of his stay in Australia, Martens made a substantial earning of over £300 annually, which compared favorably with other

well-paid members of society.^'

When Darwin arrived in Sydney Cove on the Beagle (12 January 1836), he visited

Martens at his first studio on Bridge Street, and there he viewed Martens's striking pictures of areas in the Blue Mountains, which inspired Darwin to visit the sites."*"

Martens had painted the awe-inspiring "grand amphitheater" which encloses the Jamison 53

Valley as described by Darwin in his journal: "One stands on the brink of a vast precipice.

Below is the grand bay or gulf... the line of cliff diverges away on each side, showing headland, behind headland, as on a bold Sea coast." Darwin speculated as to how the

Blue Mountains had been formed, alternating between the theories of his new mentor

Charles Lyell concerning marine denudation and the concept of erosion.'^^ In a second painting of the area, entitled In the valley of the Grose..., Martens had painted a view which drops abruptly into a deep gorge, with a front-centered, Rosa-style storm-blasted tree originating from below and rising up into the picture plane, with sharply rising forest and clifif-walls extending into the background and forward into the observer's space. The viewer, the only human entity present, is drawn into a wild and hostile environment."*"

No doubt. Martens was painting these sites of topographic and geologic interest in a sublime, exhilarating feshion in order to seU. By comparison. Martens's counterpart in the America, Thomas Cole, was creating similar crowd-pleasers in his early career, including Cole's Mountain Sunrise (1826) and his Sunny Morning on the Hudson River

(1827), with its companion In the Catskills (1827), the later two sold to the patron Henry

Ward.'*'' Cole's incredible views in the CatskJU Mountains encort^assed a broad sweep of the Hudson Highlands, from which there was no better place to appreciate the immensity of geological events that had shaped the area. Both artists were appealing to a mixed audience that included poets, scientists, wealthy businessmen, and the public at large.

Both were highly successfiil in their endeavors. 54

Martens received major commissions from several key biisiness-figures in New

Sotrth Wales. Patrons often made their views and desires known as to the overall composition of the paintings. In August 1836, Martens visited Throsby Park, the home of the "pastoralist" Charles Throsby, whose estate included the Quarrooilli Falls, later renamed the FitzRoy Falls in honor of Sir Charles Fit2Roy, Governor of New South

Wales. Martens received commissions to paint two juxtaposed or complementary views, one a Sublime view of the Falls, the other an image of the Throsby "station" as a pastoral

Arcadia dotted with sheep and a shepherd."^ By comparison, as Elizabeth Mankin

Komhauser has discussed. Cole had been commissioned by his patron Daniel Wadsworth to paint his neo-Gothic house on his estate Monte Video as reflecting the patron's views on a national landscape and a cultivated taste. In View ofMonte Video, the Seat of Daniel

Wadsworth, Esq. (1828), Cole afforded the viewer a grand panoramic sweep, which, on the one hand, included Sublime mountain wilderness, and, on the other, a view of the magnificent home along with cultivated gardens, a boathouse, and a working fermu'^^

Martens also received a major commission from Hannibal Hawkins Macarthur (1788-

1861) to paint his grand John Verge designed Greek Revival home in Martens's Vineyard,

Parramatta (1840). The powerftil Hannibal Macarthur, cousin of Phillip Parker King, held extensive "pastoral," or sheep-herding interests, which had been inherited from his uncle, John Macarthur (1767-1834). John Macarthur had, by grazing and cross-breeding

Merino sheep, developed a flock, starting with approximately 26,000 and increasing the number to over 300,000, and thus built a giant sheep and wool industry in Austraha."*® 55

Another major commission was that of Tempe, Seat of A.B. Spark Esq. (1838) for the

prosperous landowner, banker and merchant A-B. Spark who had tastefully named his property after the beautiful valley of Tempe near Mount Olympus. In keeping with the themes. Martens produced idyllic Arcadian vistas. Elizabeth Ellis states that Martens's

Camden Park House of 1843, a homestead which was also owned by the Macarthur clan, represents one of the artist's ultimate house portraits.'*^ As described by Dr. John

Lhotsky, the visitor emerges "from a forest of gum trees" onto a "parterre" and "views with astonishment" the extensive spread including the chastely-styled Italianate villa.'^^ By comparison, Thomas Cole's Landscape, the Seat of Mr. Featherstonehaugh in the

Distance (1826) presented a rougher, more Americanized, grand panoramic portrayal of a patron's landholdings.

Martens also had a significant circle of scientific patrons with Alexander Macleay

(1767-1848) and his son William (1792-1865) at the top of the list. Having been the

Secretary of the Linnaean Society from 1798 to 1825 in England, Alexander Macleay, upon his arrival in Sydney in 1826, became Colonial Secretary under Governor Darling.

Macleay's home in Sydney at Elizabeth Bay, with its magnificent botanical gardens, which,

as described by Elizabeth Johns, "met the most rigorous British standards,"^® became a

rendezvous for visitiog scientists, including Charles Darwin, Coxmt Paul E. de Strzelecki,

Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, and John Gould, the ornithologist, who

returned to England in 1840 to publish his 5/rcfe of Australia (1840-1848). Other guests at the Elizabeth Bay House, which Martens painted in 1839, were Captain Phillip Parker 56

Iving, Sir John Jamison, and the Reverend William Branwhite Clarke (1798-1878), the

"fether of Australian geology."^® Clarke, pastor and neighbor of Martens, had actually discovered gold in Australia before the gold rush of 1851 but kept it a secret. Besides an interest in geology, he shared an interest with Martens in astronomy, as shown when

Clarke reported in the Sydney Morning Herald, on 9 April 1857, that Martens " threw an image of the eclipse through his inverted telescope upon a white screen. Martens owned a telescope through which they both viewed the solar eclipse.

The artist was not only inspired by these scientists but also by Htmiboldt. As

Bernard Smith, Australian Art Historian, and others have argued, Humboldt, "who...by

1810 was, with the exception of Napoleon, the most famous man in Europe," had a wide influence on scientists, writers, and artists of his day.^~ He advocated a minute botanical, zoological, geological, and meteorological analysis within an ecological cosmic whole which was imique to each geographic and temperate zone. Each temperate zone had its own specific typology, or "typical landscape," of which he highly preferred the tropics.

Smith states that Martens demonstrated Humboldt's "typical landscape" in his Five

Islands, South Coast, New South Wales. Martens incorporated typical vegetation, including the eucalyptus and the cabbage-tree palm, together with hanging vines, not to mention the waratah and the grasstree, in the foregroimd, along with geologically accurate sandstone platforms, and all of this he elevated to the fiiU stature of an artistic interpretation in an awe-inspiring cosmic whole.^^ 57

In comparison to the tropics, concteming the "frigid North," Humboldt wrote in

Aspects:

In the frigid North, in the ncidst of the barren heath, the solitary student can appropriate mentally all that has been discovered in the most distant regions, and can create within himself a world firee and ircqjerishable as the spirit by which it is conceived.

Although preferring the tropical ferns and palm trees, concerning the northern trees, he stated:

These trees of our native lajid have often suggested or recalled to our minds images and thoughts, either »of a melancholy, or a grave and elevating, or of a cheerful character. The influences of the physical on the moral world,~that reciprocal and mysterious action and reaction of the material and the immaterial,— gives to the study of nature, when regarded from higher points of view, a peculiar charm, still too unrecognized.^^

In this regard. Cole's Oxbow demo«nstrated Humboldt's "typical northern landscape." Cole incorporated typical nortthem vegetation in a mid-summer picture, including northern forest ferns underneath the remnants of a deciduous beech tree, with a dispersal of deciduous birch trees and ever^een conifers, such as spruce, filling out the high wildemess area on the left, along witl* a topographically accurate view of mountains and river, adjacent to planted fields, dottedl with deciduous oak and other hard-wood trees in the middle of the planting fields which acted as plowing guides, along with trees in rows which acted as boundary lines, together witth shocks of summer-harvested northern winter wheat on the right,^^ interspersed with sigius of human and animal Ufe in progress, with birds on the wing soaring through the drannatic passing of meteorologically accurate nimbus storm clouds, all within a masterfiallly rendered Romantic cosmic whole. 58

In terms of Cole, one could ask—Were the worlds of the arch-Romantic Cole and the naturalist-explorer Hiimboldt mutually exclusive?, or did their worlds overlap, or intersect, to a degree? An argument could be made that there was a measure of overlap which changed over time. One could test the hypothesis of mutual exclusivity of the various spheres, or the alternate hypothesis of overlap or intersection, along with a measure of the change in overlap over time as noted in the later work of Cole's student

Frederic Church, followed by a measure of surprise of lack of surprise with the results.

No doubt. Cole would have learned of and been influenced by Himiboldt's theories during his visits to Europe, and also through his contemporaries who knew the naturalist- explorer, including the scientist Benjamin Silliman and the artist S.F.B. Morse.^®

Conversely, Humboldt, who was a product of the Enlightenment era, also lived during the time of the Romantic movement. Humboldt, who promoted the unity of poetry and art, also hinted at Romantic prose in his writings, as in his description of the "exhalted sublimity" of nature in his introduction to Volume E, Cosmos. However, the direction of intersection would show that, in time, the arch-Romanticism of Cole, (which united the spheres of the beautifiil and the sublime in landscape art with not only contenqjorary scientific ideas but also imaginative and associative literary, religious, historic, and philosophical ideas in the interplay of poetry and painting), would, by mid-century, be overtaken by a stronger intersection with science and realism as noted in the Romantic- realist paintings of Cole's pupil Church. 59

In the United States, the Romantic-realist style of landscape painting would extend from the mid-1850s to the early 1880s. Whereas, toward the end of his life in the late

1870s, Martens would create in Australia some of his greatest masterpieces in his brand of

Romanticism- But, the Romantic landscape period in Australia did not end with Martens.

Following Martens in Australasia, William Charles Piguenit (1836-1914) arrived late as a

Romantic-realist painter &st in Tasmania and later in New South Wales, producing his major works between the late-1860s until 1903.

In addition to the intersections with literature and science, in Australia, as in the

United States, a Gothic revival was one of the forms in which Romanticism expressed itself. Martens built his home at Rockleigh Grange in 1843 in a Gothic-style sandstone, following an English architectural pattern book. The Gothic theme prevailed throughout the home. Martens's painting of the Government Stables (1842) for Governor, Sir

George Gipps, displayed that commodious Gothic-designed structure in a spacious pastoral landscape. In keeping with the Gothic theme. Cole in the United States, in his arch-Romantic feshion, created impressive fictional narrative medieval pairings, including

The Departure and The Return, finished in 1837 for William Paterson Van Rensselaer

(1806-1872) of Albany, and Past and Present, completed in 1838 for Peter Gerard

Stuyvesant (1778-1846) of .^®

Both Martens and Cole could be characterized as being quietly religious, with a social conscience. They were active members of their church communities, and each even took a hand in the building and design of their churches. In 1839, when Cole's home 60

church was destroyed by fire, he made designs, in the Gothic style, for a new church and

took part in the building committee, with the new structure of St. Luke's Episcopal

Church, Catskill, New York, completed in the early part of 1841.®° Martens designed, or

assisted the architect James Hume, with plans for the first Anglican Chxirch of St. Thomas,

in the Norman Revival style, at St. Leonard's, near Sydney. In addition, the church

decorations and fittings, including the font, were skillfiilly carved by Martens firom local

white sandstone in 1845.^^ Cole also extended his interest in to participating

in the building designs of the State House in Columbus, Ohio,®" and in his painting of the

imaginative The Architect's Dream (1840), which was an intersection of architectural

history with arch-Romanticism.®^

Following the economic depression which hit Australia after 1841, Martens would

never again experience the wealth and security which he had enjoyed since arriving in the colonies. By 1842, his income had plummeted to £60 and would remain at that level until

1847 with only slight improvement until 1853.®"* During the depression, he wrote letters home to his brother, Henry, and his lifelong fiiend, Eliza Moxon, which reflected a severely depressed situation. His art was his maintenance and his situation fluctuated drastically. Like his contemporary, John Skinner Prout (1806-1876), who lived in

Australia firom 1840 to 1848, Martens had to resort to making lithographic views of

Sydney and advertising for students.

The severe national economic slump mostly consisted of a gradual drop in wool prices. England, in financial distress with foiled com harvests, imported less and less 61

Australian wool. Suddenly, the value of wool and pedigree Morino sheep plummeted.

During the depression, Hannibal Hawkins Macarthur and A.B. Spark went bankrupt.

While Hannibal was forced to seU. his home Vineyard and work as a Police Magistrate,

Spark remained in his Tempe House and grew and sold vegetables.®^

To increase his commissions. Martens went on tour, 1851-1852, to the Condamine

River area and the Darling Downs, the Liverpool Plains, Hunter Valley, and Port

Stephens. His hosts were gentlemen of Sydney who had moved north during the depression as gentlemen "squatters" in a search for new pastures for sheep and agriculture. Their spreads were known as "stations" with "runs," like an American ranch.

Major patrons included the Leslie family who were intermarried with the Macarthur family. The rugged and pioneering Patrick Leslie (1815-1881), along with his brothers

George (1820-1860) and Walter (1818-1891), bravely forged a path through the impenetrable primeval Queensland rainforest and foimd a way to the Darling Downs, opening the area to the wool radustry. Patrick Leslie named the route through the rainforest Cunningham's Gap after the Botanist Alan Cunningham who had originally explored the area.®® On commission. Martens would first produce a gentle pastoral landscape, such as his Crossing Place, Canning DoMms (1854), for Emmeline Leslie (nee

Macarthur) (1828-1911) and her husband George Leslie. Then, he would produce an alternate image, such as Forest, Cunningham's Gap (1856), also for the Leslies. The Gap remained a rough bridal path through dense rainforest with intense undergrowth into virgin Australian bush. On his tour. Martens had to pass through the treacherous Gap 62

twice, once during a severe electrical-thxinderstorm, an experience which, no doubt, greatly influenced the effect produced in his painting. The Sublime image of the lone traveler encoimtering the terrors of unexplored, unknown wildemess in Cunningham's

Gap was juxtaposed with the pastoral ideal of Canning Downs.®^ Martens's contrasted images were an equivalent to the American Cole's Beautiful versus Sublime pairings.

However, underlying the sense of peace and order were continuing conflicts. One conflict was with the original inhabitants who lived on the land, the Aborigines.^^ Another conflict began with the discovery of gold. The California gold rush of 1849 caused a stampede over water from Australia to California. But a new discovery in Australia, first in Bathurst, followed by huge diggings in Ballarat and Bendigo in 1851, caused a reverse stampede. Gold changed the fece of Australia, including stimulating an onrush of immigration, the democratization of the government (In 1852, the principle of responsible government in Australia would be conceded by the English parliament in all colonies except due to the continuance of its convict period), along with the building of railroads, aU of which interfered with the widespread sheep and cattle pastureland for grazing. In later years, when the gold rush began to dwindle, the new immigrants, along with freed convicts, would look for land to settle on. Under the legislation of "free selection before survey," they would attempt to force the squatters to unlock the land, with bushranging and frontier violence run rampant. The Leslie brothers had long since left the Downs by 1854.®^ 63

Martens returned home in 1852 to his wife, Jane, and daughters, Rebecca and

Elizabeth, after nine months of what was to be his last sketching tour. Martens had been

the first artist to sketch and paint the Queensland area thereby creating unique historic documents which remain of great interest today. However, during the wool depression years. Martens had fewer patrons in general and he was left with free time to study and experiment with Romantic themes for his own enjoyment.

One theme Martens had explored previously in 1835, and again in 1848, was the sub-tropical coastal lUawarra rainforest in New South Wales. Martens was attracted to the area both for its scientific interest and for its exoticism. There was no better place for

Martens to follow Humboldt's suggestion to study the aspects and character of tropical vegetation.™ In his painting Bush Scene, Brisbane Water or Ulawarra (1858), Martens represented the fiiU range of tropical vegetation in the scientifically informative image, along with exploring the moody and mysterious Romantic aspects of the rainforest. While utilizing a vertical format to emphasize the great height of the giant cabbage-tree palms and fig-trees in a dark and eerie rainforest interior, with, a towering tree trunk dominating the center, along with tangled dense vines and smaller palms and ferns, Martens incorporated an Arcadian "aboriginal" in the filtered light at the center. Paintings of the lUawarra, and similar sub-tropical forests and fern gxillies, were very popular and attracted buyers in both Australia and England.

Unable to travel to Europe, Martens suffered from artistic isolation. As compensation, he amassed a huge collection of books and journals which he studied 64

diligently, copying interesting passages into his Commonplace Book. When Martens

delivered his Lecture upon Landscape Painting as President of the newly formed Sydney

Sketching Club in 1856, he was able to quote from a lecture delivered at the Royal

Academy earlier that year. Martens owned volumes of Ruskin's Modem Painters (1843-)

and C.R. Leslie's The Life of John Constable (1843).

After reading Leslie, Martens may have decided to try Constable's practice of

painting in the open air. In 1849, he had painted two oil paintings at Burrangalong Cavern

south of Bathurst in New South Wales which he described as having done "on the spot,"

in "his wild and romantic abode. His paintings of the cavern of stalagmites marked a

conscious shift in style to a fresh, rapid, vigorous painting stroke.

Bonyhady relates that Martens had copied into his Commonplace Book notations on Constable's twenty cloud studies done in 1821.^^ This, along with his prior knowledge of weather conditions learned from FitzRoy on the Beagle, and having just passed through the treacherous Cunningham's Gap during an electrical thunder storm, all provoked

Martens to create a series of violently Romantic storm paintings. No doubt the storm pictures were also iadicative of the depressed mood of the coxmtry during the wool depression and of his own financial straits. His first storm painting. Storm over the

Darling Downs, showed a dark, foreboding, cloud-clustered mountain overshadowing a gloomy valley, with strokes of lightning overhead, just at the break of the stomx In one of his most Sublime paintings. North Head, Port Jackson (1854), under an intense drama of storm clouds, wind, and rain, two ships are tossed in a turbulent sea, with enormotis 65

breakers crashing against the rocky clifife on which two men and a dog struggle for

safety/^ Two ships tossed in the turbulent sea may have reminded Martens of bis own

past experience in the surging waves while circling Cape Horn on the Beagle. Martens

created a series of storm pictures of Sydney Harbor, the finest of which was View of

Neutral Bay—The Breaking of the Storm (1858) for Governor William Denison. By the

late 1850s, Martens's intrigue with storm pictures quieted to serene blue and gold

tonalities over a peacefiil Sydney Harbor as seen in the wonderfully delicate and pristine

View of Sydney Harbour from above Tivoli (1864)7'^

Although Martens had increased his earnings after his tour to the Darling Downs in

1851, over the next ten years his income slowly diminished again. In 1863, Martens was

over 60 years old and unable to travel in search of commissions as he had done previously.

In need of financial security, for the first time in his life he sought and gained employment

as Assistant Parliamentary Librarian, with a salary of £300 annually.'^ After the

Parliamentary Librarian's death in 1867, Martens was placed in charge of the Library for

the next eleven years.^^ At the age of seventy-two. Martens received his first public

commission firom the National Gallery of Victoria, in Melbourne. Still with strong hand-

eye co-ordination, he created two magnificent sublime wilderness views of the dramatic

Apsley waterfeUs, the first sold to the Victoria Gallery in 1873, and the second sold to the

Art Gallery of New South Wales in 1875.'' Martens died at Rockleigh Grange on 21

August 1878. In his obituaries, he was proclaimed "the Sydney artist par excellence" and

"the acknowledged fether of colonial art in Australia."'® 66

As noted, with the death of Conrad Nfertens, Romantic landscape painting did not conclude in Australia due to the late arrival on the scene of William Charles Piguenit

(1836-1914). In the late 1860s, this artist began painting impressive, awe-inspiring pictures of Tasmania's wild mountain ranges, which had been hitherto unexplored, later painting in New South Wales in a career that extended into the early twentieth century.

W.C. Piguenit, a Romantic-realist, was proclaimed "the last important colonial landscape painter in Australia.Bom in Hobart, Tasmania, in 1836, Piguenit started working at the age of fourteen as a draughtsman in the Tasmanian Survey OfiSce, where he would be employed for the next twenty-three years until 1874, after which he would produce some of his finest sublime wilderness scenes as a professional landscape painter.^" Bonyhady states that Piguenit, by the time of his death in 1914, had won public acclaim with representation in Australian and Tasmanian art museums to a degree that outstripped all other colonial painters, which was a testament to the continued public taste for Romantic landscape art well into the twentieth century.*^

Piguenit, with no formal art training, received guidance from the Scottish artist

Frank Dunnett (1822-1891), who arrived at the Tasmanian Siarvey Department as draughtsman/Uthographer in 1860, having previously studied English landscape painting with J.M.W. Turner it is believed.*" Piguenit would also have attended exhibitions where he no doubt observed and learned from the work of numerous artists including Martens, John Skinner Prout, Ruysdael, Varley, J.M. W. Turner, even Salvator

Rosa.®^ Piguenit's work has been compared to that of the contemporary late-Romantic 67

Scottish artist Peter Graham. (1836-1921), several of whose works, including Autumnal

Showers (1869), The Mist Wreath Hath the Mountain Crest, and. Rising Mists, were

bought by the National Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne and the Art Gallery of New

South Wales in the 1870s and 1880s.*^

Piguenit had strong links with scientists and explorers in Tasmania, including

James R. Scott and Robert M. Johnston. In feet, he accompanied Scott in 1871 to the

previously unexplored Huonville and Port Davey areas on Tasmania's south-west coast;

then, in 1873, he went with Scott to Lake St. Clair, the Murchison and Eldon Valleys, also

accompanying the R.M. Johnston party of scientists in 1874 to the Western Highlands.®^

Christa E. Johannes, Curator of Art at the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, relates

that years later in 1892, Piguenit delivered a lecture before the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, entitled "Among the Western Highlands of Tasmania,"

in which he quoted Scott in appreciation of "the magnificent view that suddenly burst(s)

upon the eye" on finally reaching the summit overlooking the Arthur Plains in south-west

Tasmania, also commenting on their wild experience going through "HeU's Gate," a giant chasm between high clifife on the Davey River.Piguenit had been an original member of that Australasian Association from 1888. After moving to Sydney in 1880, Piguenit would return to Tasmania for one last exploratoratory excursion in 1887, joining Charles

Sprent's "West Coast Party," which consisted of many eminent Tasmanians, including

James Backhouse Walker, Colonel W.V. Legge, and R.M Johnston, who would publish his Systematic Account of the Geology of Tasmania in 1888.®' 68

Piguenit would achieve public acclaim through the purchase of several of his paintings by the Art Gallery of New South Wales—the first being Mount Olumpus, Lake

St. Clair, Tasmania (1875), acquired while Piguenit was stiU living in Tasmania.^®

Piguenit had painted the mountain following his second trip with Scott, a view he had seen from a boat on Lake St. Clair.®® In this work, Piguenit created a quietly romantic view of untouched wilderness devoid of human presence save for the one small sailboat on Lake

St. Clair, which added a sense of vast scale to the panoramic ejqjanse akin to the misty moimtain coverage in^ Spate in the Highlands by the Scottish late-Romantic artist Peter

Graham.'" A later work, painted after Piguenit had moved to Sydney in 1880, and equally worthy of comparison with Graham's mist covered mountains is Piguenit's The Upper

Nepean, New South Wales of 1889. In this image, Piguenit showed an increased ability in his handling of paint and in three-dimensional composition as compared with his Mount

Olympus, Lake St. Clair, Tasmania, done fourteen years earlier. Mount Olympus was a flattened, two-dimensional image, with the mountain range running parallel to the picture plane. By contrast, in the overpoweringly sublime The Upper Nepean, with two men scampering over the rocks in the middle distance, imder mist-shrouded clifife densely overgrown with clinging trees, the river Nepean zigzags back into the picture space and extends outward, enveloping the viewer's space.'^

In 1890, the Darling River flooded which threatened the sheep stations in

Queensland and the Hves of tens of thousands of sheep. Piguenit had written of the disaster to his cousin Fanny in England: 69

Nothing to eqxial [the floods] has occurred since 1864~indeed, old residents say they surpass in severity anything that has been recorded since the white man first settled in Australia. The rainfeU has been tremendous and enormous bodies of water, coming [from] the inland rivers have overflown [their banks] and submerged himdreds of square nniles of country. An idea of what has taken place can be formed from the fact that the Darling which averages, in ordinary seasons, from 100 to 200 yards in width, is now in some points 30 to 40 miles...the country being so entirely covered with water as to resemble a sea.'"

Piguenit created a series of paintings of the flood, winning "Mr. Wynne's Prize" in

1890 for his picture entitled 'Out West' During the Flood of1890, the Gunda Booka

Range. However, it was not imtil five years later that he created his historic masterpiece

The Flood in the Darling, 1890, which was exhibited and bought in 1895 by the Art

Gallery of New South Wales. The work was later shown at the Grafton Gallery in

London in 1898. Press reports proclaimed the work "Piguenit's chef d'oeicvre," and described it as follows:

In the foreground and middle distance you have an expanse of water, on the horizon the outline of a range of low hills. A solitary clump of mangroves lift their heads with any degree of assertiveness above the flood. A few birds hover over some tufts of grass. They are the only signs of life abroad. The scene is one of silent desolation. Overhead, however, there are bustle and confusion worse confoxmded. Indeed, as a study of rain clouds this picture is, perhaps, the best example we have had from any local artist.'^

While Piguenit's painting depicted the immensity of the natural disaster, he eliminated aU signs of hxmian life, choosing not to illustrate the direct effect the disaster had upon thousands of victims, both human and animal.

Piguenit's history painting, a depiction of the after-effects and desolation following the great Australian flood, draws a parallel with Church's panoramic American iconic painting of Niagara Falls, painted in 1857. Both artists employed a scientific approach to 70

the study of the great force and movement of water, on land, as noted especially in

Church's hydraulically-energized Niagara, and in the sky, as noted in Piguenit's superb meteorological cloud-schema. Both images functioned as symbols of God's Divine wrath, however, in the aftermath of the Australian flood, and in the depiction of the rainbow in

Church's Niagara, the works also offered a promise of God's Divine mercy.''* As

Church's international acclaim commenced withMagaror in 1857, so The Flood in the

Darling, 1890 marked Piguenit's debut on an international stage ia 1895.

Piguenit had, since the 1880s, served as Committee Member, Treasurer, and Vice

President in the Art Society of New South Wales, joining in on anmial exhibitions, conversaziones, sketch club and life classes with members of the Heidelberg Group, which included TomRoberts (1856-1931), Arthur Streeton (1867-1943), Charles Condor (1868-

1909), and David Davies (1862-1939). As Bonyhady has stated, while the Heidelberg

Group, for whom and Aestheticism were their main sources of influence, painted moonrises and midday heat in a "glare aesthetic," using "contrasting types of light" in "high-keyed landscapes," Piguenit, who was twenty years older, "offered an alternate vision of landscape" of wilderness subjects "swathed in mists and clouds."®^

However, Andrew Sayers, Australian Art Historian, has argued that Piguenit's position as

"the last colonial artist" distorts his position in relation to the Heidelberg Group. Sayers notes that, like the Heidelberg Group, Piguenit tended to "dissolve his landscapes into atmosphere" creating "landscapes of contemplation." Sayer argues that Piguenit, in his last major work Moimt Kosciusko (1903), which was commissioned in 1902 to mark the 71

political and national event of the federation of Australian colonies in 1901, displayed a contradiction between the "desire to dissolve his subject" and "the requirement to make an unequivocal grand statement."®^ Piguenit's Movent Kasciusko presented Australia's highest mountain at its ioaccessibly massive summit, enshrouded in whirling clouds, emerging boldly into the onlooker's space.

By 1903, Piguenit withdrew from the art scene having already made outstanding achievements. He was a modest man—quiet and elusive, and never married. It was said of him that he "was one of the best known of our Australian artists; but... was personally known to a comparative few."^^ With W.C. Piguenit's retirement in 1903, the Romantic- realist era in Australasia drew to a close. 72

Chapter Three

The &st exhibition of the new Canadian Academy of Arts, later to be renamed the

Royal Canadian Academy, opened in Ottawa, Canada, on 6 March 1880. Long awaited, it turned out to be a spectacular event. The Governor-General, John Douglas Sutherland

Campbell, The Marquis of Lome (1845-1914) and husband of 's second youngest daughter, Princess Louise (1848-1939), had chosen Lucius R. O'Brien (1832-

1899) as the first president of the Canadian Academy of Arts.^ At the opening of the exhibition, along with the Governor-General, were senior officials of the Canadian government, Ottawa's social elite, and academicians. Dennis Reid, Curator of Canadian

Historical Art at the Art Gallery of Ontario and the authority on Lucius O'Brien, states that, at the gala event, O'Brien received the "lion's share of attention."" He exhibited twelve works in all which represented the height of Romantic landscape painting in

Canada. The oil painting. Northern Head of Grand Manan, a magnificent rendition of a scene which had been enjoyed and painted by both Canadian and American artists, had been lent by the Honorable George Brown (1818-1880), one-time leader of the Liberals, who had helped to spearhead the Confederation of Canada in 1867. Another painting exhibited was a small canvas. Low-tide on Bay Chaleur, which O'Brien had first shown in 73

New York at the National Academy of Design's annual exhibition in 1878. However, the major highlight of the show holding a place of honor in the exhibition was O'Brien's oil painting of the noighty tributary of the St. Lawrence, the S^uenay River, located just down-stream from Quebec, a picture which has since enjoyed the highest esteem in the

National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, for over 110 years.^

This was one of Lord Lome's imperial plans."* The founding of the Canadian

Academy of Arts, which was based on the British Royal Academy, along with plans to found a National Art Museum, had been a major interest of Lome since his arrival in

Canada in January of 1879 as Queen Victoria's representative.^ He had inherited this interest from his predecessor. Lord Dufiferin, Frederick Temple Blackwood, 1st Earl of

Dufferin (1826-1902).®

The Marquis of Lome recognized in O'Brien the ideal choice for the &st Academy president. O'Brien, highly-cultured and politically astute, was Canadian by birth. His

&ther, Edward George O'Brien, an Anglican Tory, who could claim aristocratic lineage, had owned major businesses in Shanty Bay and later in Toronto, includiog land development, steamboat and railroad operations, and a newspaper business. After attendrag Upper Canada College, Lucius worked in an architect's office as a civil engineer, and later joined in partnership in the Quetton St. George business, which imported European wines, brandies, and fine foods. At the same time, he developed, promoted, and advertised himself as an artist, O'Brien's major early influences in art and science were the artist Paul ICane (1810-1871), who produced dramatic canvases of Indian 74

life in a similar feshion to the American artist George Catlin (1796-1872)/ along with a series of artist-engineers and scientists. The list of important figures include the surveyor- engineer Sanford Fleming (1827-1915), who founded the Canadian Institute (later Royal

Canadian Institute) in 1849, Henry Youle Hind (1823-1908), organizer of the Assiniboine and Expedition 1858-1860, his younger brother William G.R- Hind (1833-

1889) who accompanied him as artist on expedition, and, finally, William Annstrong

(1822-1914), an artist, surveyor, draughtsman, and civil engineer.^ Much of their landscape art reflected their background, consisting of an almost geometric, topographical style, also following in the British picturesque tradition, as seen in William Armstrong's

Arrival of the Prince of Wales at Toronto (1860) and in William G.R. Hind's Foot of

Rocky Mountains (1862).' O'Brien's early art work followed closely in this vein.

From these beginnings, O'Brien's career would ultimately epitomize the British

Canadian Romantic landscape tradition in Canada, which began in the 1870s and reached its height in the 1880s. From 1874, O'Brien skillfiitLy served as vice-president of the

Ontario Society of Artists (OSA), during which time he founded and developed the

Ontario School of Art.^° As O'Brien traveled with OSA members, and on Quetton St.

George business, in the United States and abroad, he became familiar with contemporary

American and British Romantic art. The Historian J. Russell Harper has noted a similarity between the work of O'Brien and that of George Caleb Bingham (1811-

1879), as seen in O'Brien's painting Indian Summer; a Fishing Party, of Rama Indians

Outside the Narrows of Lake Simcoe (1874). The painting was a portrayal of 75

contemporary native Ontarians from O'Brien's childhood home near Lake Simcoe."

Alternately, in contrast to his conten:5>orary native scene, O'Brien's Lords of the Forest

(1874), which was displayed at the Centennial Exposition in September 1875, portrayed the popular "nationalist" theme of the Indian as evoking the long-past Golden

Age of noble savagery/^ In keeping with the times, as Jeremy ElweU Adamson, Associate

Curator of Later Canadian Art at the National Gallery of Canada, discusses, while O'Brien took an interest in the new natural sciences such as geology and meteorology, he, along with his generation, also read JohnRuskin (1819-1900). Ruskin, who was one of the most influential writers on art topics in the English-speaking world during the 19th- century, published his widely-read and monumental five-volume series Modern Painters between 1843 and 1860. Ruskin promoted his higher ideals of "truth to nature," which, he argued, were embodied in the work of J.M.W. Tijmer (1775-1851).^^ Elizabeth

Brown, Gallery Curator at the Whyte Museum of the , has noted that much of O'Brien's work throughout his life displayed a particular Ruskinian fescination for detail, which paid close attention to changing light and weather eflfects.^'^ O'Brien's A

Dirty Day on the Atlantic Coast of 1878, as Reid has stated, reflects a "Tumeresque detritus," including a wrecked lifeboat and bits of broken spar, along with a Tumeresque and Ruskinian attention to tossed waves and churning storm-clouds. The work also suggests the watercolors of the English artist David Cox (1783-1859), who painted in the manner of Dutch seventeenth century marine-scapes.^^ 76

O'Brien's sensational S'wnrae on the Saguenqy (1880), his diploma-painting celebrated at the first exhibition of the Canadian Academy of Arts, reflected a familiarity with the work of Albert Bierstadt (1830-1902) and the Romantic landscape painting tradition of the American Hudson River School. As Reid states:

The grandiose, almost operatic scale of the picture perhaps stiU appears reserved in comparison to Bierstadt's huge western pictures of the sixties and seventies, but it is in response to them nonetheless. And the colours—sofbly glowing pinks, blues, greens, and yellows—appearing here for the first time, he also took from Bierstadt.^®

In the Romantic-realist tradition of Bierstadt, as seen in his paintings of the American

West, and of Frederic Edwin Church (1826-1900), as epitomized in his American national icon Niagara (c. 1856), O'Brien chose a natural setting that was in itself intrinsically sublime.^' However, in O'Brien's point of view, as the Canadian Art Historian Elizabeth

MuUey has argued, here he has created a representation of the "British Emphre at Large."^®

In the nineteenth century, English-speaking considered themselves to be both

British and Canadian. Thus, m. Sunrise on the Saguenay, O'Brien created not only a vision of British but also a view of a heightened sense of power derived from the Imperial Center.^® As in the United States, in the Romantic era, the

English-speaking British Canadiatis began to see the entire expanse of Canada as theirs for

the taking by the grace of God, and Sunrise on the Saguenay epitomized this nationalistic

theme."°

Sunrise on the Saguenay transported the surrogate onlooker into a meditatively

Romantic sublime view of a British Canadian Garden of Eden. The ethereal pastel 77

lightness of mountains and water, with a few boats giving only the hint of mankind, evoked, as Robert Rosenblum has described, a "sense of almost supernatural presence in a remote landscape."^^ However, beneath the calm surfece of the British Canadian nationalistic and imperialistic Simrise on the Saguenay were layers of past Canadian history.

The Sunrise on the Saguenay obscured in a elusive past the disappearance of the ancestral St. Lawrence Iroquoians, following Jacques Cartier's visits in 1534-5, with the area later inhabited by visiting Hurons, Algonkians, and the warring Iroquois nations, aU of whom fished in the waters, hunted wild game, and participated in the European fiir trade.^ By the 1880s, the Indians had been removed to Reserves as the British Colonial

OfiSce acquired the land for immigrants as settlers. Maureen Ryan, Canadian Art

Historian, has stated that, in O'Brien's day, there had been a dialogue taking place as to how to represent the Indian, "the other," within the construct of the British Canadian wilderness landscape. In Sunrise on the Saguenay, the issue was masked over. However, as previously noted, in other works by O'Brien, he portrayed Indians as "portraits" of neighbors in Ontario, the Rama Indians of 1874, and, alternately, as exemplars of the

"noble savage" or of the "dying race" as seen in his Lords of the Forest of 1874.^

Sunrise on the Saguenay also overlaid the history of the thin ribbons of settlement of the major colony of along the banks of the St. Lawrence. The French habitants, or farmers, who settled along the St. Lawrence, and among the towns of

Quebec, Trois-Rivieres and , were fervently Roman Catholic, and spoke a dialect 78

of pure Parisian French, as opposed to the French , living in the Maritime regions,

who originated from a different linguistic region, that of southwestern France.^'* With

French expansion into the fiir trade, the organization of which came into existence under

the leadership of in 1608, yoimg Frenchmen traveled to the

Canadian west. After 1713, lines of trading posts (the Pastes du Nord) were established

which enabled the French flir traders to control most of the trade of the upper MSssissippi

and Missouri River basins and to explore west as fer as the Rocky Mountains. Their basic success depended upon the extent to which the Europeans had taken on Indian characteristics. The young "wood-runners," or "bushlopers," (as the English called them) began living with the Indians, thus developing into a distinct group of hivemants, who would later settle with their wives and femilies along the St. Lawrence.^ After the conquest of French Canada by the British in 1763, the , like the Indians, also came to be seen as "the other," with a similar dialogue going on between Canadian artists, their patrons, along with the 19th-century British Canadian society, as to how to represent thempictorially. As John Barrell, British Historian, has argued concerning the figure in British landscape imagery, Canadian landscape images portrayed Canadian habitants, and also the Indian, in a romanticized fashion glossing over the harsh reality of their oppression.^® The Canadian Cultural Historian J.M. Bumsted has asserted that cultural hegemony in the area was never achieved. In reality, Canada became a mixed bag of not only French Canadian Catholics but also Irish and Scottish Highlanders, who came mainly from the more isolated western region of and adjacent islands, where 79

Gaelic was still the common langu^e and where Roman Catholicism survived, making

Gaelic the third most common European language in British North America. In addition,

American Loyalists mixed in with not only the previously mentioned groups but also other vernacular cultures which sumved, including isolated groups of British immigrants who retained their Devon and Waterford accents, and German people who spoke their native language in the streets of Limenburg.^'

Beneath the surfece of Sunrise on the Saguenay was an underlying history of political disruption first stimulated by the exuberance of Jacksonian democracy in the

United States. The American Historian Alfred LeRoy Burt has argued that, since the people living next door in the former colonies were fully self-governing, this provoked political discontent in Canada. The constitutional struggle in British North America intensified with responsible government, first starting in in 1848, and subsequently spreading across Canada."^ Following this, the American Civil War stimulated the Canadian move to Confederation in 1867."^ However, federation brought political deadlock, with the coexistence of British Canadians, French, along with other nationalities firxnly divided.

As a consequence of Confederation, which released Canada from imperial restraints, paradoxically, feith in the British Empire was reborn in the colonies just as it was dying in Britain. George Brown, leader of the Upper Canadian liberals, who, along vwth John A. Macdonald's conservatives, and George Etienne Cartier's Bleus, spearheaded the coalition at the Quebec conference of 1864, afterwards rushed 80

immediately to Ei^land to discuss federation with Great Britain. After Confederation, instead of pulling away from Great Britain, many Canadians developed a strong sense of belonging to a British inqjerialist community, eventually to become the British

Commonwealth of Nations.^" The formation of the Imperial Federation League in 1884, which dissolved in 1893, and in which Lucius O'Brien took an active part, marked an interim stage over the crisis of constitutional imion between the colonies and the empire.^^

Thus, in Canada, a surge toward national independence stimulated a coimterforce toward the protection and continuity of the British Empire.^^ It is interesting to note that the proposal for Dominion Union was modeled not on the American system, but on that of the

British Empire—with French nationalism running as a coxmtercurrent. In French Canada, the liberal French Canadian professionals aligned themselves against the conservative

British Canadian merchants (the business bourgeoisie). Confederation also concerned the issue of the building of railroads, especially the Intercolonial Railroad which opened its new line in 1876 and ran from Riviere-du-Loup, on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, to Halifax, Nova Scotia, a line which many artists immediately took advantage of. The second important railroad was the Canadian Pacific Railroad, under construction from

1878 to 1885, which linked the Atlantic to the Pacific.^^

During the time of O'Brien's preparation of the Sunrise on the Saguenay, human intervention in the region was extensive. As stated, the Intercolonial Railroad line ran to the St. Lawrence and the area was the locus for ship building and other trades.^'* Canadian

Art Historian Ellen Ramsey states that the Saguenay River valley formed the basis of 81

Canada's logging industry, and uncontrolled fires ravaged the valley denuding mountains and filling the valley with a choking smoke.^^ George Monro Grant, in Picturesque

Canada, edited by Lucius O'Brien, called for preservation of the forest wilderness to coimterbalance the massive loss of trees; and his message coincided with efforts by scientists, such as G. M. Dawson, who made a study of forestry loss, timber reseeding, and reforestation.

Also, during O'Brien's time, tourism ran high in the Saguenay area. The Saguenay was heavily congested with steamboats freighted with holiday makers and tourists, who often stayed, "for ," in vacated habitants' cottages. However, as Ramsey states,

O'Brien's painting reflected a "mental remapping" of the area. Instead of seeing any of the bustle of activity in the Saguenay region and instead of seeing the presence of log jams at the height of industrial production, smoke and fire, the viewer is shown "a dignified promenade of boats and men upon a restfiil and perfect scene."^® In a similar fashion to

Frederic Church's monumental Niagara, so also O'Brien created a Romantic re- interpretation of the Saguenay River area in his magnificent rendition of Sunrise on the

Saguenay.

Following the opening of the Canadian Academy of Arts in Ottawa in 1880, Lord

Lome purchased paintings from three new Academy members, AUan Edson (1846-1888) from Montreal, T. Mower Martin (1838-1934) from Toronto, and (1855-

1936) from Doon, Ontario, all to be gifts for Queen Victoria. In addition, Lucius O'Brien was commissioned to paint two new paintings for the Queen's Royal Collection.^^ In 82

keeping with the spirit of the power of Canadian nationalism within the world view of

British , O'Brien painted two views of the "conquered city" of Quebec, including the panoramic and masterftdly executed View from the King's Bastion, Quebec

(1881), which was similar to works by both Princess Louise, who was herself an accomplished artist, and Albert Bierstadt, as seen in Bierstadt's The Saint Lawrence River from the Citadel, Quebec (c. 1881). O'Brien's second commissioned work, Quebec from

Point Levis (1881), which was beautifully done, also reflected the influence of Bierstadt as seen in his The Citadel, Quebec, from the St. Lawrence (c. 1880). O'Brien and Bierstadt had met each other as guests of Lord Lome at the Citadel and may have even painted the views at the same time. However, O'Brien's work, along with his later commissioned painting, Quebec on the Queen's Birthday (1882), for Prince Leopold, the brother of

Princess Louise,^® were images that represented a majestic and powerfijl British Canadian imperial presence. In another turn, in 1882, O'Brien painted the wildly sublime, raw and powerfiil, Kakabeka Falls, Kamanistiquia River, which, as Reid states, was also an image of imperial power, but which posed almost a coiinterpoint to the three highly controlled and orderly Quebec canvases.^®

O'Brien remained president of the Royal Canadian Academy for ten years from

1880 to 1890. In addition, after being approached by entrepreneurs from Chicago, the

Belden Bros., O'Brien, between 1880 and 1884, took on the editorship of the massive publication Picturesque Canada, which was modeled after Picturesque America, published in the United States in 1872 and 1874. Along with George Monro Grant, 83

principal of Queen's University at Kingston, who acted as literary editor, O'Brien produced, about ninety-five of the 520 wood- and steel-engravings for the publication, with some illustrations contributed by other RCA members, however, with the majority of contributions from American artists such as of the American Hudson

River SchooL'^° O'Brien's lifelong arch-rival John Arthur Eraser (1838-1898), whose drawing was rejected for publication, raised a ruckus over the fact that so much of the work was being done by Americans. However, even though he had a point, this feiled to ruffle the feathers of O'Brien.

During this time, O'Brien's developed in two directions—on the one hand increasing his ability to create, through looser paint handling in watercolor and oil, sublime

Romantic works such as Sunrise on the Sa^enay and the magnificent Kakabeka Falls,

Kamanistiquia River (1882), while, on the other hand, developing refined, controlled tonal gradations rendered in texture for the engravings of Picturesque Canada^^

However, O'Brien seems to have combined both techniques in his exhilarating rendition of a storm-tossed steamboat just offshore from the "sleeping giant," or the mythical final resting place of the "Ojibwa Hercules," according to Indian legend, in his Thunder Cape, seen in an engraving by R- Schelling in the first volimie of Picturesque Canada.'"' David

C. Miller has discussed the iconology of the storm-tossed ship in Romantic art, which often related to the theme of "hunaan crisis," or in national terms, to the "ship of state."^^

Beginning in 1885, the Royal Canadian Academy members feced a new challenge with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Sir John A. Macdonald, the Prime 84

Minister of Canada, had hired a private company, under the direction of William Cornelius

Van Home, to route the Canadian Pacific Railroad firom the low Yellowhead Pass of the

Rockies to the southern plains, and then to the high Kicking Horse Pass and the unknown ranges beyond. The Confederation was at last connecting firom East to West. At the same time, in 1885, the Macdonald government passed a bill to establish Rocky Mountain

(later BanE^ National Park which was on the CPR line. Eventually, the CPR was to pass through three newly created national parks, including Banfi^ Yoho, and Glacier National

Parks. Thus, as the Canadian Art Historians Elizabeth Brown and Allan Pringle discuss, two very different motives were at work which continue to this day, one for the protection of and the other for the exploitation of Canadian landscape.'^ The Canadian ideological conflict over landscape echoes the same entanglement of interests in the United States.

Joshua C. Taylor, former Director of the National Collection of Fine Arts at the

Smithsonian Institution, in the Forward to National Parks and the American Landscape, and Curator-Author William Treuttner have pointed out that the congressional act setting up Yellowstone as the first National Park, on 1 March 1872, was the result of years of conflicted lobbying. The setting up of the American National Parks was largely inspired by the influence of 19th-century artists, writers and explorers: Thomas Cole, with his

"Essay on American Scenery," 1835, William CuUen Bryant, Ralph Waldo Emerson,

Henry David Thoreau, Alexander von Humboldt, Albert Bierstadt, and Thomas Moran."*^

Van Home, as Pringle states, initiated a fer-reaching advertising campaign in North

America and Europe to promote the Canadian Pacific Railroad.'^^ In the spirit of national 85

and imperial power derived from Canadian landscape, the Rocky Mountains were represented as the new symbol of nationhood; and RCA academicians, charged with representing Canada's nationalistic landscape, were drawn to the North West.'^^ As a promotion. Van Home issued free railroad passes to artists of the RCA to paint the breathtaking northwestern scenery. Original passes went to John Fraser, O'Brien, and

John Colin Forbes (1846-1925), who traveled and sketched with O'Brien. O'Brien became a spokesperson for the syndicate and aided in the promotion of passes for other artists, including Marmaduke Matthews (1837-1913), Thomas Mower Martin (1838-

1934), Forshay Day (1837-1903), and Frederic Marlett Bell-Smith (1846-1923)."*® The academicians went for both aesthetic and practical reasons following a decade of national economic depression which had crippled the Canadian art market.'*'

O'Brien took three trips on passes. The first, in 1886, was to Rogers Pass in the high Sielkirk Mountains, where he camped near the Kicking Horse Pass, and stayed at

Glacier Hotel (then called Glacier House) ia the Rocky Mountains, in the midst of which he was called home to his wife who died on 10 November 1886. The second trip in 1887, with his sister Loo, was to Banff and Lake Louise, areas which impressed O'Brien as beautiful and magnificently-colored sweeping vistas; however, he preferred the sublime

force of the mountains higher up, and he ascended to the higher Rocky Moimtains ranges.

The third trip in 1888 was to , British Columbia, with Loo again.

The harrowing ride over the high Kicking Horse Pass thrilled O'Brien and he produced the spectacular Through the Rocky Mountains, a Pass on the Canadian 86

Highway (1887) commemorating the experience. Dennis Reid provides a stirring description of the painting/" In the work, O'Brien directs all diagonals to the world's longest and steepest gradient, across Kicking Horse Bridge, where two steam engines in tandem labor to pull a railroad train, which pierces the deep mountain gorge, in the highly

Romantic dynamically charged scene. From the precipitously steep mountains with snow and glaciers at their sublime peaks lost in steamy mist, to the spruce-lined BCicking Horse

River moving in from the left foregroimd, and the right foreground trees feUed by the

"destroyer's axe," all point in a diagonal to the central force and power of the railroad forging higher and higher up the pass.^' The view presents a moving panorama unrolling outwardly and through the central core, as viewed by the train occupants and by the surrogate onlooker who enters into the action of the picture.^" A great surge of Romantic sublime excitement comes through in this spectacular work by O'Brien. O'Brien wrote a memorable letter home for publication about the experience:

Six miles to the west begins the descent of the Kicking Horse Pass. At the divide, which is also the boundary between the Northwest and British Columbia, the water runs east to the Atlantic and west to the Pacific Ocean. The western slopes of the moxmtains are much steeper than the eastern. The Kicking Horse River rises in a mountain lake and rushes westerly down a precipitous gorge in a foaming torrent. The railway has to follow its descent as best it can, clinging to the slopes in a serpentine path which often overhangs the stream, flashing white through the tree-tops himdreds of feet below. The sides of the pass are dominated by the highest mountains on the line. Mount Stephen and Cathedral Mountain being seven thousand feet above the track. The grade of the railway is extraordinarily steep, making the bare possibility of a runaway train or carriage frightftil to contemplate. But every possible precaution is taken and one feels that the risks are controlled and the line is practically safe; still enough is left for pleasing excitement and a stirring of the nerves... If, by special fevor, one is permitted to go on the front of the forward engine, the grandeur of the pass and the forces of nature overcome and controlled by the hand of man, are fiiUy realized. There can be but a few things in the way of 87

locomotion to compare with the sensation of a spin down the Kicking Horse on the front of the engine.^^

O'Brien was expressing the thrill of the event which would also change the entire look and mappery of Canada, not to mention the relationship of the East with the West.

The painting, it would seem, also afforded a highly charged political message related to the promotion of the railroad, the economics of tourism, with many of the same elements that were occurring in the United States with western expansionism, including sectionalism versus nationalism, and including the removal of the Indians from their native lands.

The CPR would continue to support academicians on the free pass program and with special commissions for years. Artists, such as Thomas Mower Martin, Marmaduke

Matthews, F.M. Bell-Smith, and others, continued to provide northwestern paintings for

RCA-OSA exhibition well into the twentieth century.Bell-Smith recalled in a letter his pleasant recollections of his visit to Lake Louise in the company of Albert Bierstadt, who made journeys to the Canadian Rockies in 1889 and 1990. As there was no hotel, they camped out on the lake shore. Pringle has noted that the younger Bell-Smith, who was greatly inspired by Bierstadt, became fescinated with the North West and later was hailed by Canadian critics as "the Premier Painter of the Rockies."^^

O'Brien married his second Katherine Jane Brough at St. James Cathedral on

17 November 1888. In 1889, they traveled to London, England for his one-man exhibition in Thomas McLean's Gallery in the Haymarket. Present at the private viewing, on 22 June 1889, were the Marquis of Lome and Princess Louise, along with many of the 88

members of higher London society. In keeping with the spirit of British Canadian imperialism, as Reid relates, that same evening, O'Brien, along with many of his guests, attended the annual dinner of the Imperial Federation League/*'

O'Brien stepped down from the presidency of the RCA in 1890. During his ten year term as president, he brought the fledgling Academy, which, in the beginning, mostly drew its membership from Quebec, Ontario, and , and, consequently, had a largely eastern bias, to a vastly broadened national and international arena.^^ Robert

Harris (1849-1919), a younger artist, and lifetime friend of O'Brien once said of him:

Well Mr. O'Brien is a very tall slight man with aquiline features big black & gray whiskers and probably about forty five years old. He is very quiet and deliberate in his manner an exceedingly good talker and a refined man generally. He is a landscape painter exclusively choosing generally marine views, he is a very enthusiastic boatnoan. He is a Canadian by birth, his fether was a colonel in the Army & he is related to Lord Dufferin. He has money & an interest in a wine merchants business here which enables him to keep good prices in his pictures. His landscapes are among the very best done here for he gets a good deal of the real character of Canadian scenery in them and they are firankly done. Then he is a very genial nice man and we get on splendidly.—That is enough to give you a very slight idea of him. If he had more fire and vivacity it would make him ten times the man he is.^®

Robert Harris, French-trained figure painter, took over the presidency of the RCA in

1893, after the elderly Otto Jacobi (1812-1901) had held the post for two years. Rebecca

Sisler, RCA, stated that it was "O'Brien's special gift to be able to unite artists in an awareness of their own worth and capabilities," and it was '"Harris who set that vision firmly on a workable modem base."^^

In the 1890s, the British Canadian nationalistic and imperialistic "collective spirit" which drew its enthusiasm from the sublime Romantic-realist landscapes of O'Brien began 89

to decline in the fece of changing artistic trends in Canada.^" The unified devotion and vision which related the landscape to the national destiny of British Canada as a second promised land, along with the intimate connection with the land through travel and knowledge of sciences, such as geology, botany, and meteorology, began to subside. It was replaced by subjective and introspective points of view, commxmicated through an interest in painterly techniques, along with atmospheric and muted tonal qualities, more in keeping with the idea of "art for art's sake."®^ Young Canadian artists looked to France for inspiration instead of Great Britain, going to Paris for training, and learning the French

Barbizon style, French Impressionism, the Aestheticism of James Abbott McNeill Whistler

(1834-1903), along with the new realistic figurative compositions. Expansive sublime wilderness compositions were increasingly replaced by inner-directed and domesticated landscapes, along with rural- and city-scapes.

In keeping with the times, O'Brien's later artistic works, in the 1890s, began to reflect a new inner vision and introspection.®" Pure aesthetic concerns began to outweigh the Romantic-realist imperatives of the 1870s and the 1880s. His Niagara (1890), Cape

Gaspe (1894), and Towing Barges on the Hudson River (1895) are all examples of this later style, which tended to be more impressionistic, with a tonal and moody aspect, along with a deeper and richer saturation of color.

O'Brien, as he drew away from the RCA and OSA, remained on friendly terms with the yoimger generation of artists. Always an organizer, he established a Palette Club in 1892, selecting the younger member artists himself including F.M. Bell-Smith, Homer 90

Watson, Robert Harris, George A. Reid (1860-1947) and Mary Hiester Reid (1854-1921).

O'Brien planned staged exhibitions with the Palette Club that went on very successfully for several years.®^ One of the Club members, George Reid, had studied with the well- known figure painter Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine

Arts in Philadelphia, later studying at The Julian Academie in Paris.

During O'Brien's lifetime, he had brought the artists of the Royal Canadian

Academy from a fledgling stage to international prominence. His painting oeiivre, as Reid states, had spanned the entire (Queen Victoria ascended the throne in 1837 and she died in 1901),^ with the early work of his youth in the British Picturesque tradition; rising to the height of British Canadian nationalistic and imperialistic Romantic- realist landscape painting in the 1870s and 1880s; and then, in the 1890s, producing some major works which intersected with the new Impressionism and Aestheticism of the younger generation of artists trained in Europe. At his death, on 13 December 1899,

Lucius R. O'Brien had fulfilled his mission. Conclusion

In tracing the romantic impulse in 19th-century landscape painting in the United

States, Australia, and Canada, we have examined crosscurrents in the lives and artistic oetcvres of the &st and second generation Romantic and Romantic-realist landscape painters and painting movements in the three English-speaking coimtries which followed the generation of Turner, Constable, and Martin in England. We have investigated the various multi-directional parts of the dynamic Romantic Impulse in order to arrive at a sense of the whole Romantic Explosion in the construction of overarching Paradigms, or

Archetypes. The overarching paradigms are based on previous art historical and multi- disciplinary analysis, which, rather than fixed in universal scholarly consensus, remains contested and remains always a step ahead opening to new ground calling for re- interpretation anew. Thus, the overarching paradigms remain open to new explication. In the constmction of a paradigm of characteristics of the first generation Romantic landscape painters in a given English-speaking coimtry, we have focused on the American arch-Romantic landscape painter Thomas Cole (1801-1848) and the Australian Romantic landscape painter Conrad Martens (1801-1878). For a paradigmatic construct of second generation Romantic-realist landscape painters, we have featured the American Frederic 92

Edwin Church (1826-1900), the Australian William Charles Piguenit (1836-1914), and the

British Canadian Lucius Richard O'Brien (1832-1899).

In terms of the Romantic landscape painting movement in the English-speaking world. Cole and Martens of the first generation came closer to Turner, Constable, Martin, and Copley Fielding in England. However, what they did with the landscape theory brought about new original prototypes in the history of Romantic landscape painting. The extent to which the arch-Romantic Cole poimded on the "delightfiil horror," the Sublime, and the excitement and brilliance that he injected into landscape paintings of the primeval

American wildemess, the New Eden, marked an original beginning in American landscape art which was synonymous with the rise of the American Hudson River School.

Moreover, the imagination and keen intelligence that Cole threw into his "higher styles of landscape paintings" fescinated the American public. His dynamic and emotionally- charged, interactive landscapes offered the 19th-century American audience endless stimulating . They contained highly structured narratives that investigated

myth and legend, literature, history, religion, and science, and were often simultaneously

juxtaposed with his own Romantic prose or with citations from Romantic verse. Further,

the complexity of the artist's works afforded multiple layers of interpretation, such as the

interplay between God's nature and human conduct in classical or literary themes, and an

articulation of contemporary cultural or socio-political human drama. Cole played out his

majestic sublime themes within the vast panoramic theater of the American wildemess. 93

While Cole set the stage for the new generation in the English-speaking world, it could also be argued that there was no archetypal precedent for the Romantic-scientific juxtapositions which were created by Cole's contemporary Martens, beginning first on the

Beagle voyage in 1835, and later in Australia. Thus, Martens set a complementary or correlative paradigm shift. In his own harrowing sublime adventure with. Darwin, FitzRoy, and the other scientists on the Beagle, Martens began to capture not only geologically, zoologically, and meteorologically accurate accoimts, but also a certain romantic sublime effect. In addition, the readings of Lyell and Hiraiboldt, along with Martens's creative association with Rugendas, had a lasting influence both in South America and later in

Australia. Humboldt, in his preference for exotic tropical zones, assisted Martens in an acclimatization to the of Australia, known as an antipodal inversion, or topsy­ turvy land, with the as the one saving grace. Martens, armed with British

Romantic landscape theory, and seeing through the eyes of Hvmiboldt, was able to combine the Romantic with the scientific in paintings of the Australian fem gullies and sub-tropical lUawarra rainforests, the Burrangalong Cavern, along with the Australian mountains and waterfeUs. In turn. Cole was highly stimulated by the British and American scientific communities, including Lyell and SiUiman, and he too would have been aware of and been influenced by the reverberations of Humboltian thought which was a profovmd characteristic in the whole international artistic and scientific Romantic movement. Both

Cole and Martens incorporated into their paintings spectacular geomorphic forms, such as volcanoes and whirlwinds, which sold to an enthusiastic crowd, at home and abroad. 94

Cole and Martens made landscape painting a highly successful profession, and incredibly, both succeeded in supporting their femilies with their art even during national economic depressions which struck the United States in the Panic of 1837 and Australia with the wool depression of the 1840s. While Cole traveled to England and Europe on two occasions, the iSrst from 1 June 1829 to 25 November 1832, and the second from 7

August 1841 to 30 July 1842, by contrast, upon Martens's arrival in Australia, he remained there for the rest of his life. However, Martens was not isolated considering his connections with scientists and other learned members of the New South Wales society, along with his systematic and assiduous study of British books and journals. Both artists' oeicvres reflected, not only the sublime and spiritual aesthetics in their respective countries, but also the ethos of geopolitical progress and expansionism versus the destruction of forests, along with the fate of the American Indians and the Australian Aborigines. While, after Cole's untimely death in 1848, his arch-Romantic "higher style of landscape painting" experienced an upsurge in popularity via the second generation of the American

Hudson River School into the mid-1850s, Martens created his Romantic themes for an appreciative audience right to his death in 1878.

By contrast, the second generation of Romantic-realist landscape painters. Church,

Piguenit, and O'Brien, all bom in their respective countries and receiving their initial training there, were fiirther removed from England, Church having been the fortvmate student of his mentor. Cole. With the exception of O'Brien, they visited Great Britain and 95

styles and oewres. During the rise of the second generation of Romantic-realist painters, beginning in the 1850s in the United States, and later in Australia and Canada, the political ethos of the land came more to the fore. While in the United States the new rallying cry was for landscape icons that projected the myth of Manifest Destiny, in Canada the great push was for a British Canadian Nationalism which drew its power from the British

Imperial Center. The natural science disciplines, such as geology and meteorology, increasiogly dominated the international arena, and aU three artists turned to an increasingly scientific analysis of nature within their Romantic-realist landscape paintings.

No doubt, they all read publications ofRuskin's Modem Painters, published from 1843 to

1860, which encouraged "truth to nature" and naturalism.

Church and the American public were strongly influenced by Humboldt's Cosmos, appearing in English in 1845 and 1847, which supported the idea of America as the New

Eden within a Grand Cosmic Scheme. Church became the American archetype of the

Romantic-realist style synthesizing the great heightened Sublime effects of Cole along with

Humboldt's science together with American nationalistic symbolism. Church embodied the paradigm of the 19th-century artist-explorer-traveler, going twice to South America in

1853 and 1857, traveling to the Arctic in 1859, and to Europe, , the Near

East, and Greece in 1867. His series of masterworks, especially the American national icon Niagara (1857) and the majestic Heart of the Andes (1859), shown in single-picture exhibitions both in the United States and London, brought him international acclaim and 96

sold for high, prices. Church's career, which represented the paradigmatic construct of the

Romantic-realist period in the United States, extended into the late-1870s.

Like Church, Piguenit, in Australasia, was extraordinary as a scientific artist- explorer venturing numerous times, during the 1870s and 1880s, into previously unexplored, rough Tasmanian wilderness along with eminent Tasmanian scientist- explorers. Although Piguenit did not travel to London until 1898, and again in 1900, his

Sublime mist-covered wilderness scenes demonstrated an influence of the late-Romantic

Scottish painter Peter Graham. Piguenit's huge canvases of the tremendities of Tasmanian and Australian nature draw a parallel with Church, as noted in his powerful history painting of TTie Flood in the Darling, 1890 (c. 1895), which brought him international fame, along with his Mount Kosciusko (1902-3), a national subject marking the federation of the Australian colonies in 1901. With the completion of his iconic Mount Kosciusko,

Piguenit finalized the Romantic-realist paradigm in Australia.

The third Romantic-realist landscape painter, the British Canadian O'Brien, although of the second generation, marked the beginning of Romantic landscape painting in Canada. O'Brien not only added to the second generation paradigmatic construct his remarkable painting oeicvre, but also his great gifts as leader, organizer, and teacher.

O'Brien served as the first president of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts fi*om 1880 to

1890, having been appointed by the Governor-General, The Marquis of Lome. His famous diploma-painting for the Royal Canadian Academy, Sunrise on the Saguenay

(1880), which symbolized eastern Canadian nationalism with a strong British influence, is 97

a second generation counterpart to Church's Niagara and Piguenit's Mount Kosciusko. In

1887, following the completion of the CanadJan Pacific Railroad, which finally connected

Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific, O'Birien's Through the Rocky Mountains, a Pass on the Canadian Highway, became a national, icon for the new western symbol of

Canadian nationhood, the Rocky Mountains. In contrast to Church and Piguenit, O'Brien, and many of his British Canadian colleagues, maintained strong ties with the British center, and was a member of the Inqierial Feoderation League. By the end of the 1880s, the Romantic-realist period had ended in Camada. However, O'Brien, in contrast to

Church and Piguenit, did not stop there, but ikept on and created later masterworks which were inspired by the Impressionism and Aestlheticism that had come into increasing popularity with the new younger generation cof Canadian artists. 98

Endnotes

Chapter One:

1. ¥\bfioodC.^2sry. The Art ofThomas Cole: Ambition and Imagination. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1988, p. 95-105.

2. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 98.

3. See Kathleen Nicholson. Turner's Classical Landscapes: Myth and Meaning. New Jersey: Press, 1990. See also Inge Hero Id. Turner on Tour. New York: Prestel, 1997.

4. Nicholson, p. 29-30.

5. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 98-99.

6. See Kurt Badt. John Constable's Clouds. Translated from the German by Stanley Godman. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1950. See also Ronald Parkinson. John Constable: The Man and his Art. hondon: V&A Publications, 1998. Michael Rosenthal. Constable. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1987. Raymond Lister. British Romantic Painting. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

7. Von Humboldt had been influenced by the earlier naturalist-explorers John Reinhold Forster (1729-1798) and his son George (1754-1794), who had accompanied Captain (1728-1779) on his second voyage to the South Sea Islands in 1772. Bernard Smith has given a most interesting and insightful account of the Cook voyages in his European Vision and the South Pacific 1768-1850: A Study in the and Ideas.'London: Oxford University Press, 1960, p. 64. For von Humboldt's influence, see Smith, p. 224-242, and p. 257.

8. William CuUen Bryant. The Poetical Works of William Cullen Bryant. Two Volumes. Edited by Parke Godwin. New York: Russell &. Russell, 1967, Volume I, p. 219.

9. For a lively discussion of the era and an interpretation of Cole's paintings, see Christine StanseU and Sean Wilentz. "Cole's America: An Introduction," in William H. Truettner and Alan WaUach, eds. Thomas Cole: Landscape into History. Contributions by Christine StanseU and Sean Wilentz, Alan Wallach, J. Gray Sweeney, and William H. Truettoer. National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. New Haven: Press, 1994, p. 3-21. 99

10. Angela Miller has provided an insightfiil discussion of national and sectional issues as they relate to landscape painting in The Empire of the Eye: Landscape Representation and American Cultural Politics, 1825-1875. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993.

11. 'EdsNaxd-'P^sssD-Jacksonian America: Society, Personality, and Politics. Revised Edition. Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1969, 1978, p. 296-297.

12. For a thought provoking discussion and presentation, see William H. Truettner, ed. The West as America: Reinterpreting Images of the Frontier, 1820-1920. Exhibition Catalogue. Contributions by Nancy K. Anderson, Patricia Hills, Elizabeth Johns, Joni Louise Kinsey, How^ard R. Lamar, Alex Nemerov, and Julie Schimmel. WasWngton and London: Published for the National Museimi of American Art by the Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991. See also Robert V. Remini. The Jacksonian Era. Second Edition. Edited by John Hope Franklin and A. S. Eisenstadt. WheeHng, Illinois: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1989, 1997, p. 44-56.

13. See Matthew Baigell and AUen ECaufinan. "Thomas Cole's 'The Oxbow': A Critique of American Civilization," m Arts Magazine. Vol. 55, No. 5, (January 1981): 136- 139, for a discussion of economic issues.

14. John Ashworth. 'Agrarians' &'Aristocrats': Party Political Ideology in the United States, 1837-1846. New Jersey: Humanities Press, Inc., 1983, p. 149, 235-260.

15. Ibid, p. 235-260.

16. Ibid.

17. Roderick Nash. Wilderness and the American Mind. Third Edition. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1967, p. 8-22.

18. Ibid, p. 23-43.

19. Ibid, p. 24-46.

20. Ibid, p. 35.

21. Ibid, p. 41. 100

22. For further discussion, see Perry Miller. The Life of the Mind in America: From Revolution to the Civil War. Books One through Three. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1965, p. 269-313. See also Perry Miller. Errand into the Wilderness. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1964, p. 209.

23. Tymn, ed. Thomas Cole: The Collected Essays and Prose Sketches. St. Paul, Minnesota: The John Colet Press, 1980, p. 16.,

24. Angela Miller. The Empire of the Eye., p. 22.

25. Perry Miller. Errand into the Wilderness, p. 214.

26. There are several interpretations of The Course of Empire. A partial listing mcludes the following: EUwood C. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole: Ambition and Imagination.University of Delaware Press, 1988, p. 131-187, Alan Wallach. "Thomas Cole: Landscape and the Course of Empire," in William H. Truettner and Alan Wallach, eds. Thomas Cole: Landscape into History. Contributions by Christine Stansell and Sean Wilentz, Alan Wallach, J. Gray Sweeney, and William H. Truettoer. National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. New Haven:. Yale University Press, 1994, p. 23-112. Angela Miller. The Empire of the Eye: Landscape Representation and American Cultural Politics, 7525-/575. Ithaca: ComeUUniversity Press, 1993. Oswaldo Rodriguez Roque. "The Exhaltation of American Landscape Painting," in Metropolitan Museum of Art. American Paradise: The World of the Hudson River School. Introduction by John K. Howat. Exhibition Catalogue. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1987, p. 29-30. Nash, p. 82..

27. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 144-46.

28. Ibid, p. 178.

29. Ibid, p. 71.

30. Ibid, p. 217.

31. Ibid, p. 178.

32. Hans Huth. Nature and the American: Three Centuries of Changing Attitudes. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1957, p. 76-77.

33. Angela Miller. The Empire of the Eye., p. 39-48. 101

34. Albert Boime. The Magisterial : Manifest Destiny and American Landscape Painting, c. 1830-1865. Washington, D.C.; Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991, p. 53.

35. Barhara-l^ovak. Nature and Cultiire: American Landscape and Painting, 1825- 1875. Revised edition with a new preface. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

36. Alan Wallach. "Making a Picture of the View from Moxmt Holyoke," in David C. MiUer, ed. American Iconology: New Approaches to Nineteenth-Century Art and Literature. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993, p. 80-91.

37. BaigeUandKaufinan, p. 136.

38. Lee Parry. '^Landscape Theater in America," Art in America. LXIX, No. 6 (1971): 52-61.

39.

40. William H. Truettner. National Parks and the American Landscape. Catalogue of an exhibition held at the Smithsonian Institution National Collection of Fine Arts, June 23-Aug. 27, 1972, presented as part of the National Parks Centennial Year.

41. Michael Williams. "The Clearing of the Forests," ia Michael P. Conzen, ed. The Making of the American Landscape. Boston: UnwinHyman, 1990, p. 164.

42. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 201.

43. Earl A. PoweU. Thomas Cole. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1990, p. 80-81.

44. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 205.

45. Powell, p. 81.

46. Cited in Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 201.

47. Powell, p. 35.

48. David C. Huntington. The Landscapes of Frederic Edwin Church: Vision of an American Era. New York: George Braziller, 1966, p. 25. 102

49. In Modern Painters, John Riiskin referred to this anthropomorphism as the "pathetic Mlacy." For citation and fiirther discussion, see Robert Rosenblimi. Modern Painting and the Northern Romantic Tradition: Friedrich to Rothko. London: Thames and Hudson, cl975, p. 36.

50. Novak. Nature and Culture., p. 157-202.

51. See Wallach. "Landscape as History," in Thomas Cole: Landscape into History, p. 51.

52. Albert Boime. The Magisterial Gaze: Manifest Destiny and American Landscape Painting, c. 1830-1865. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991, p. 1.

53. For documentaries on the imping and treatment of American Indians, see EUwood C. Parry. The Image of the Indian and the Black Man in American Art, 1590-1900. New York: George Braziller, Inc., 1974. See also Txxx'tVcae.x.The West as America.

54. In Cole's day, scientists and artists shared interests in their separate fields, often working in tandem. As Novak has stated, the sciences and the arts were aligned together with the common theme of God in nature. Novak. Nature and Culture., p. 47. The dominant science in much of the nineteenth century was geography, which was divided into natural history and geophysics. Natural history included the life sciences and geology. Geophysics was the study of the physical properties of the earth surface, the ocean, surrounding atmosphere, and the planets, and including gravity, terrestrial magnetism, and meteorology. See Nathan Reingold, ed. Science in Nineteenth-Century America: A Documentary History. American Century Studies. New York: Hill and Wang, 1964, p. 60. American scientists were part of an international community. They corresponded, in a continual dialogue, with Canadian, Australian, British, and European scientists, such as Alexander von Humboldt, Charles Lyell, and Charles Darwin. The great Swedish botanist Carl von Linne (Linnaeus) (1707-1778) stimulated a lively international network of scientists linked with the principle object of sharing classifications of plants, and later, zoological specimens, all under the heading of the great chain of being. However, with the coming of evolution, upon the publication of Charles Darwin's revolutionary work. On the Origin of Species, in 1859, the climate was drastically altered. Reingold, p. 29-58. Bernard Smith. European Vision and the South Pacific 1768-1850., p. 5. 103

55. EEwood C. Parry. "Acts of God, Acts of Man: Geological Ideas and the Imaginary Landscapes of Thomas Cole," in Two Hundred Years of Geology in America: Proceedings of the New Hampshire Bicentennial Conference on the History of Geology. Edited by Cecil J. Schneer. Hanover, New Hampshire; Published for the University of New Hampshire by the University Press of New England, 1979: 53-71. Franklin Kelly. "Myth, Allegory, and Science: Thomas Cole's Paintings of Mount Etna," Arts in Virginia. Vol. 23, No. 15, (1983): 3-17.

56. Nathan Reingold, ed. Science in Nineteenth-Century America: A Documentary History. American Century Studies. New York: Hill and Wang, 1964, p. 92-107.

57. Ibid, p. 62-92.

58. Kelly. "Myth, Allegory, and Science," p. 12. Parry. "Acts of God,", p. 60-61.

59. KeUy. "Myth, Allegory, and Science."

60. Kelly. "A Passion for Landscape: The Paintings of Frederic Edwin Church," in Franklin Kelly, with Stephen Jay Gould, James Anthony Ryan, and Debora Rindge. Frederic Edwin Church. Exhibition Catalogue. National Gallery of Art. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989, p. 34.

61. Franklin KeEy. Frederic Edwin Church and the National Landscape. New Directions in American Art. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988, p. 7-8.

62. Gray Sweeney, "The Advantages of Genius and Virtue: Thomas Cole's Influence, 1848-58," in Truettner and WaEach, eds. Thomas Cole: Landscape into History, p. 119-123.

63. KeUy. "A Passion for Landscape," p. 40-41.

64. Ibid, p. 44-45.

65. Sweeney, p. 121.

66. Peter Bermingham. American Art in the Barbizon Mood. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press for the National Collection of Fine Arts, 1975, p. 13.

67. Ibid, p. 13.

68. Ibid, p. 14-15. See also EEwood C. Parry. The Image of the Indian and the Black Man in American Art, 1590-1900. New York: George BraziEer, Inc., 1974, p. 38-40. 104

69. Bermingham, p. 16-17.

70. Sweeney, p. 127-130.

71. Kelly. Frederic Edwin Church and the National Landsc^e, p. 42.

72. Himtington. The Landscapes of Frederic Edwin Church.: Vision of an American Era. Kelly. Frederic Edwin Church and the National Landscuxpe.

73. Miller. Empire of the Eye., p. 168-169.

74. Ibid, p. 167-207.

75. Ibid, p. 176.

76. Ibid, p. 179.

77. Ibid, p. 187.

78. For an discussion of von Humboldt's theories, see Stephien Jay Gould. "Church, Humboldt, and Darwin: The Tension and of Art and Science," in Franklin Kelly, with Stephen Jay Gould, James Anthony Ryan, anid Debora Rindge. Frederic Edwin Church, p. 94-107.

79. Kelly. "Myth, Allegory, and Science." Parry. "Acts of God."

80. Quoted in Huntington. The Landscapes of Frederic Edw^n Church: Vision of an American Era., p. 45-46.

81. Quoted in Novak. Nature and Culture., p. 68.

82. Hxmtington. The Landscapes of Frederic Edwin Church- Vision of an American Era., p. 31.

83. Ibid, p. 5.

84. Ibid, p. 1-2.

85. Kelly. "A Passion for Landscape," p. 58.

86. KeUy. Frederic Edwin Church and the National Landscape., p. 119-120. 105

87. Huntington. The Landscapes of Frederic Edwin Church: Vision of an American Era., p. 78-83.

88. Gould.

89. Novak. Nature and Culture, p. 61-65.

Chapter Two:

1. Quoted in Patricia R. McDonald and Barry Pearce. The Artist and the Patron: Aspects of Colonial Art in New South Wales, 2 March-1 May 1988. Art Galleries of New South Wales, 1988, p. 49.

2. Elena Grainger. The Remarkable Reverend Clarke: The Life and Times of the Father of Australian Geology, York: Oxford University Press, 1982, p. 123.

3. Elizabeth Ellis. Conrad Martens: Life & Art. Sydney, New South Wales: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1994, p-. 114.

4. Ibid, p. 117.

5. Susanna De Vries-Evans. Conrad Martens: On the Beagle and in Australia. Brisbane: Pandanus Press, 1993, p. 38.

6. Ellis, p. 5.

7. Tim Bonyhady. Images in Opposition: Australian Landscape Painting, 1801-1890. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985, p. 80. The illustrated printed accounts of the Beagle voyages were jointly authored by Phillip Parker King, first commander, Robert FitzRoy, second conomander, and Charles Darwin, whose scientific observations form the final volume. Engravings were after drawings and paintings by Earle, Martens, FitzRoy, and the fCings, fether and son. See Phillip Parker BCing. Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle...Volume I Proceedings of the First Expedition, 1826-1830. London: Heruy Colbum, 1839. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1966. Robert FitzRoy. Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle... Volume II Proceedings of the Second Expedition, 1831-1836. With accompanying Appendix. London: Henry Colbum, 1839. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1966. Charles Darwin. Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and 106

Beagle... Volume 111. Journal and Remarks. London: Henry Colbum, 1839. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1966.

8. Ellis, p. 1.

9. JohnRuskin. "Praeterita:" Outlines of Scenes and Thoughts, Perhaps Worthy of Memory, in My Past Life. Boston: Dana Estes & Company Publishers, [1885], p. 179-80.

10. Quoted in Bernard Smith. European Vision and the South Pacific 1768-1850: A Study in the History of Art and Ideas. London: Oxford University Press, 1960, p. 235.

11. De Vries-Evans, p. 11-12.

12. Ibid, p. 18.

13. Much later in Marten's life, in his Lecture upon Landscape Painting, delivered at the Australian Library in 1856, Martens not only put forth his concept of art, but also named the masters who influenced him in his student days. He praised Francis Danby (1793-1861), Turner, recommending the study of his Liber Studiorum, Clarkson Stanfield (1793-1867), David Cox (1783-1858), George Cattermole (1800-1868), and Copley Fielding. Conrad Martens. Conrad Martens: A Lecture upon Landscape Painting. Transcript by Bernard Smith. Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1994. See also Lionel Lindsay, Australian Art Historian, in Lionel Lindsay. Conrad Martens: The Man and His Art. Revised and enlarged edhion. Sydney and London: Angus & Robertson, Ltd., 1920. Revised edition, 1968.

14. Martens was also friends with Eliza's brother, John Moxon, and her cousin, Octavius Browne, brother of Hablot Knight Browne (1815-1882). Hablot Knight Browne was better known by his pseudonym "Phiz" because he gave "phizzes" (physiognomies, faces) to Charles Dickens (1812-1870) characters, and also because it chimed with Dickens's pseudonym of "Boz," a variant and diminutive of Moses. Raymond Lister. British Romantic Painting. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989, Illus. 63. Ellis, p. 2-4.

15. De Vries-Evans, p. 31.

16. Conrad Martens, 1801-1878. Conrad Martens: Journal of a Voyage from England to Australia 1833-35. Transcript by Michael Organ. Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1994.

17. De Vries-Evans, p. 31-35. 107

18. Ibid, p. 41.

19. Ellis, p. 8.

20. Smith, p. 235. FitzRoy, who would become the "father" of modem daily weather forecasting, had twenty-two barometers, for research to forecast the onset of storms. In addition, while Captain Cook had only one chronometer on board, FitzRoy had twenty-two for accurate measurements of longitude determinations, aH of which would have made a profound impression on Martens. De Vries-Evans, p. 38.

21. De Vries-Evans, p. 40. Land profiles by Martens, FitzRoy, Earle, King, and Wirkham are in the Hydrographic Department, Royal Navy Archives, now part of the British Ministry of Defense, p. 49, n. 108. Martens's coastal profiles would later be used by the British forces in the 1982 Falklands War. p. 73, n. 151.

22. Ibid, p. 44.

23. While at Port Desire, on Christmas Eve 1833, Darwin and Martens had gone hunting for fi-esh game for Christmas lunch. While Darwin shot a 170-lb guanaco (similar to a llama, but slightly smaller). Martens took down a young ostrich of 40-Ibs, or so, which the ship's cook plucked, gutted, and barbecued. The bird was half-eaten when, halfway through Christmas limch, Darwin realized with horror that they were eating a Petises ostrich—one of the rarest birds in the world. However, he managed to salvage parts of the bones and feathers which were shipped back to his professors. Years later, it was determined that the bird Martens had shot was not a Petises ostrich but an even rarer bird, smaller and softer-feathered, which scientists named the "rhea Darwinii." Ellis, p. 9.

24. De Vries-Evans, p. 69.

25. Charles Darwin. Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle... Volume III. Journal and Remarks., p. 279-182.

26. Quoted in De Vries-Evans, p. 79.

27. F.W. Nicholas. Charles Darwin in Australia: With Illustrations and Additional Commentary from other Members of the Beagle's Company including Conrad Martens, , Captain FitzRoy, Philip Gidley King, and Syms Covington. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989, p. 11.

28. Smith, p. 154; p. 235. 108

29. R.D. Keynes, ed. The Beagle Record: Selections from the Original Pictorial Records and Written Accounts of the Voyage ofH.M.S. Beagle. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980, p. 205-9.

30. Robert FitzRoy. Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle... Volume II Proceedings of the Second Expedition, 1831- 1836, p. 348.

31. Ibid, p. 336.

32. The term Tierra del Fuego y Hielo meant "Land of Fire and Ice," in Spanish, in reference to the stone-age Fuegian, or Yahgan, Indians, who lit fires to keep alive in the ice and snow for two-thirds of the year. The Fuegian Indians, who lived in desperate circumstances, were fierce and brutal. Many years later, the witness of their animalistic behavior would help Darwin to strip away the veneer of civilized man as he developed his theory of the evolution of man. De Vries-Evans, p. 59-68.

33. Ellis, p. 11. See also Hugh Honour. The European Vision of America. Exhibition organizers: William S. Talbot, The Cleveland Museirai of Art, and Irene Bizot, Reunion des Musees Nationaux. Published by the Cleveland Museum of Art, 1975, p. 266-281. See also De Vries-Evans, p. 84-86.

34. On this second Beagle voyage, the British Admiralty had not provided FitzRoy with a second rescue vessel, as had been provided for the first Beagle voyage under Phillip Parker King. FitzRoy, fearing the fierce Fuegians who would attack if the Beagle were shipwrecked, had paid for a second vessel, christened The HMS Adventure in commemoration of the first Beagle voyage, out of his own pocket along with Martens's salary. When the disturbing letter finally arrived firom the Admiralty informing FitzRoy that he would receive no compensation for purchase of the schooner or payment of the artist, he was forced to let both go, thus, abruptly ending Martens's adventure on the fieag/e. Ellis, p. 11.

35. Quoted in Ellis, p. 16.

36. Grainger, p. 120-23.

37. Ellis, p. 16.

38. De Vries-Evans, p. 97.

39. T\Bi'QQV!yhzAy. Images in Opposition: Australian Landscape Painting, 1801-1890. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985, p. 10-11. 109

40. Darwin would buy two works from Martens both commemorating their voyage in South America.

41. F. W. Nicholas. Charles Darwin in Australia: With Illiistrations and Additional Commentary from other Members of the Beagle's Company including Conrad Martens, Augustus Earle, Captain FitzRoy. Philip Gidley King, and Syms Covington. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989, p. 37-43.

42. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 74-75.

43. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 56-57.

44. McDonald and Pearce. The Artist and the Patron., Catalogue no. 38. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition, p. 52.

45. Elizabeth Mankin Komhauser, '"all Nature is new to Art': Painting the American Landscape, 1800-1900," in National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut. New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian & American Landscapes. Exhibition Catalogue. Contributions by Elizabeth Johns, Andrew Sayers, Elizabeth Mankin Komhauser, Amy Ellis, and Patrick McCaughey. National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut, 1998, p. 72.

46. Jane de Falbe. My Dear Miss Macarthur: The Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur (1828-1911). Kenthurst: Kangaroo Press Pty Ltd., 1988.

47. Ellis, p. 111.

48. Cited in Ibid, p. 111.

49. Elizabeth Johns, "Landscape Painting in America and Australia in an Urban Century," in National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut. New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian & American Landscapes. Exhibition Catalogue. Contributions by Elizabeth Johns, Andrew Sayers, Elizabeth Mankin Komhauser, Amy Ellis, and Patrick McCaughey. National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut, 1998, p. 30. McDonald and Pearce, p. 30.

50. Smith, p. 207.

51. Quoted in Ellis, p. 33. See also Grainger. The Remarkable Reverend Clarke: The Life and Times of the Father of Australian Geology. 110

52. Smith, p. 152-5. Kurt Badt. John Constable's Clouds. Translated from the German by StarJey Godman. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1950, p. 23-34.

53. Smith, p. 239.

54. Alexander von Humboldt. Aspects of Nature. Two Volumes. Translated by Mrs. Sabine. London: 1849, Volume Two, p. 31.

55. Ibid, p. 16.

56. Concerning the survival of winter wheat, which was planted in the fall and harvested in the summer, along the Connecticut River Valley, Timothy Dwight had written 'Trom some cause, of which I am ignorant, the coimtry lying eastward of a line which may be fixed about thirty miles east of Connecticut River is unfavorable to the production of wheat. This cause I have in vain attempted to investigate. It seems difScult to ascribe it to the nature of the soil, for every kind of soil is found in this tract, whether clay, sand, loam, or gravel, and these in all their varieties and mixtures. On the western side of this line each of these soils, when neither too moist, nor too lean, wiU yield wheat weU. On the eastern side though wheat grows in many places, yet in many it will not grow at all, and flourishes ia very few." Timothy Dwight. Travels in New England and New York. Four Volumes. Edited by Barbara Miller Solomon with the assistance of Patricia M. King. The John Harvard Library. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1969, Volume I, Letter XXXVII, p. 273. The cultural geographer. Pierce F. Lewis describes the New England soil as "marginal at best, impossible at worst,"... "except for the fertile bottom lands of the Connecticut River Valley." Lewis, "The Northeast and the making of American geographical habits," in Michael P. Conzen, ed. The Making of the American Landscape. Boston: UnwinHyman, 1990, p. 85.

57. An analysis of the northern horticulture was performed by John Begeman, Associate Agent, Urban Horticulture, Cooperative Extension, College of Agriculture, The University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.

58. While living in Paris from 1810 to 1814, Humboldt was taking painting lessons from Francois Gerard, and there he met Morse in Gerard's studio, also accompanying Morse to the Lou\Te. He was one of the first to congratulate Morse on his demonstration of the telegraph before the French Academy of Science. See Halina Nelken. Humboldtiana at Harvard. Widener Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, March 22-May 2,1976. Ill

59. For further reading, see EUwood C. Parry. "Gothic Elegies for an American Audience: Thomas Cole's Repackaging of Imported Ideas," American Art Journal. Vol. 8, No. 2 (1976): 27-46.

60. See EUwood C. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole: Ambition and Imagination. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1988, p. 242.

61. Ellis, p. 32.

62. Parry. The Art of Thomas Cole., p. 210; 221.

63. Ellwood C. Parry. "Thomas Cole's Imagination at Work in 'The Architect's Dream,"' American Art Journal. Vol. 12, No. 1 (1980): 41-59. See also Parry. "Gothic Elegies..."

64. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 10-11.

65. De Vries-Evans, p. 127.

66. De Vries-Evans, p. 163. Jane de Falbe. My Dear Miss Macarthur: The Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur (1828-1911). Kenthurst: BCangaroo Press Pty Ltd., 1988.

67. Julie Ewington. Conrad Martens and the Darling Downs. Brisbane: Queensland Art Gallery, 1998.

68. Maurice French. Conflict on the Condamine: Aborigines and the European Invasion. Toowoomba: Darling Downs Institute Press, 1989.

69. Ellis, p. 59.

70. Seeing the Rainforests in 19th-century Australia. Sydney: Rainforest Publishing, 1989, p. 21.

71. Ellis, p. 114.

72. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 92-93.

73. De Vries-Evans, p. 173-4.

74. Ellis, p. 117.

75. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 11. 112

76. Ellis, p. 81.

77. De Vries-Evans. p. 194-195.

78. Ibid, p. 84.

79. Christa E. Johannes and Anthony V. Brown. W. C. Piguenit, 1836-1914 Retrospective. Hobart: Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, 1992, p. 9.

80. Ibid, p. 10.

81. Bonyhady states that Piguenit not only achieved public acclaim with representation in Australasian art museums, but also, in his lifetime, promoted the establishment of two national parks, particularly the Kuring-gai Chase National Park on the northern outskirts of Sydney in 1894. He did this in conjunction with Eccleston du Faur, who was one of the main founders of the Art Gallery of New South Wales and a promoter of Piguenit. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 83.

82. Johannes and Brown, p. 10.

83. Ibid.

84. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 82. See James HoUoway and Lindsay Errington. The Discovery of Scotland: The Appreciation of Scottish Scenery through Two Centuries of Painting. National Gallery of Scotland, 1978, p. 152-165.

85. Johannes and Brown, p. 13-19.

86. Ibid, p. 14-15.

87. Ibid, p. 25-27. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 90.

88. Johannes and Brown, p. 18-19.

89. Ibid, p. 16

90. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 81-82. See Hollo way and Errington. The Discovery of Scotland., p. 152.

91. Johannes and Brown, p. 27-28. 113

92. Piguenit had been corresponding with, his second cousin Fanny since 1886 when she (Miss Frances Selrna Piguenit) had written to him after seeing his paintings in the 1886 Colonial and Indian Exhibition in South Kensington, London. Quoted in Ibid, p. 30.

93. Quoted by Andrew Sayers in National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut. New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian & American Landscapes., p. 185.

94. See Jeremy Elwell Adamson, "Nature's Grandest Scene in Art," in Jeremy Elwell Adamson. Niagara: Two Centuries of Changing Attitudes, 1697-1901. With essays by Elizabeth McKinsey, Alfred Runte, and John F. Sears. Washington, D.C.; Corcoran Gallery of Art, 1985, p. 11-82, See also article by Arr^ EUis in National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut. New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian & American Landscapes., p. 165.

95. Bonyhady. Images in Opposition., p. 155.

96. Andrew Sayers, "The Shaping of Australian Landscape Painting," in National Gallery of Australia, Canberra and Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut. New Worlds from Old: 19th Century Australian & American Landscapes., p. 64-65.

97. Johannes and Brown, p. 9.

Chapter Three:

1. Domas^eid. Lucius R. O'Brien: Visions of Victorian Canada. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1990, p. 45. R.H. Hubbard. Rideau Hall: An Illustrated History of Government House, Ottawa, from Victorian Times to the Present Day. Montreal & London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1977, p. 55.

2. KQid. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 46.

3. Ibid, p. 45-46.

4. Hubbard, p. 48-49.

5. Rebecca Sisler. Passionate Spirits: A History of the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts, 1880-1980. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin, cl980, p. 25. 114

6. Hubbard, p. 36-37. ADan Pringle. "Albert Bierstadt in Canada," American Art Journal. VoL 17, No. 1 (Winter 1985): 2-27, p. 3-4. In the spring of 1882, Lome realized his other ambition, that of the developnnent of a Canadian scientific connnunity, with the founding of the Royal Socziety of Canada. In his travels, he had encountered a Smithsonian expedition from Waishington in the Canadian West, and had since visualized a scientific and literary instfitute for Canada, along with the Royal Canadian Academy of Arts and a National Gallery. In late May, after the founding of the scientific society, he went, in the company oof his guest scientists, namely the geologist Sir John William Dawson (1820-1899*) of McGUl University, Pierre Chauveau (1820-1890), N.H.E. Faucher de Saimt-Maurice (1844-1897), Sir James Le Moine (1825-1912), and Professor George Lavwson, to visit the National Gallery, his first imperial ambition. Hubbard, p. 56-57. As in the United States and Australia, in Canada, the artistic and scientific communitie=s worked in conjunction with and had a major influence on each other both nationally and internationally. See G.F.G. Stanley, ed. Pioneers of Canadian Science: Symiposium presented to the in 1964 / Les Pionniers de lex science canadienne: Colloque presente a la Societe Royale Du Canada en 19C54. Published for the Society by Press, 1966. See also Ricchard A. Jarrell and Norman R. BaU, eds. Science, Technology, and Canadian History: The First Conference on the Study of the History of Canadian Science and Techno*logy / Les Sciences, la technologie et I'histoire canadienne: Premier Congres sur I'hiistoire des sciences et de la technologie canadiennes. Kingston, Ontario. WTaterloo, Ontario, Canada: Wllfired Laurier University Press, 1980.

7. J. Russell Harper. Painting in Canada: A Histo^ry. University of Toronto Press, 1966, p. 147-151.

8. Reid. Lwc/wj i?. O'Brien., p. 13-17.

9. J. Russell Harper. Painting in Canada., p. 153-1161.

10. For fijrther discussion, see Heather Ann Bruce. IThe Origins and Development of the Art School System in 19th Century Ontario. Matster of Museum Studies Thesis. University of Toronto, 1983.

11. J. Russell Harper. Painting in Canada., p. 177. Reid. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 28-29.

12. 'R&id. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 32-33.

13. Jeremy Adamsoru From Ocean to Ocean: 19th ^Century Water colour Painting in Canada. Exhibition Catalogue. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1978, p. 6-7. 115

14. 'E^zzii&ih.BTovm. A Wilderness for All: Landscapes of Canada's Mountain Parks, 1885-1960. With an essay by Allan Pringle. Whyte Museum of the Canadian Rockies, Banfi^ , 1985.

15. Reid. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 36-37.

16. Dennis Reid. "Our Own Country Canada": Being an Account of the National Aspirations of the Principal Landscape Artists in Montreal and Toronto 1860-1890. Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada for the Corporation of the National Museums of Canada, 1979, p. 318. OnBierstadt, see also Gordon Hendricks. ABierstadt: An essay and catalogue to accompany a retrospective exhibition of the work of Albert jBfersfacfr. Fort Worth: Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, 1972. Gordon Hendricks. Albert Bierstadt: Painter of the American West. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1974.

17. Adamson. From Ocean to Ocean., p. 16.

18. Elizabeth MuUey. "Lucius R. O'Brien: A Victorian in North America," Journal of Canadian Art History. VoL 14, No. 2 (1991).

19. Reid. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 4.

20. Ibid.

21. Robert Rosenblum and H. W. Janson. 19th-century Art. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1984, p. 382.

22. Bruce G. Trigger. Natives and Newcomers: Canada's "Heroic Age " Reconsidered. Krngsley and Montreal: McGiIl-Queen's University Press, 1985, p. 144-148.

23. For fiirther reading, see Maureen Ryan. "Picturing Canada's Native Landscape: Colonial Expansion, National Identity, and the Image of a 'Dying Race,'" RACAR, Revue d'art canadienne/Canadian Art Review. VoL 17, No. 2 (1990): 138-149.

24. J.M. Bumsted. Interpreting Canada's Past. Two Volumes. Second edition. Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1993, p. 366-369.

25. Ibid, p. 370-371.

26. John Barrell. The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730-1840. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

27. Bxmisted, p. 363-392. 116

28. Alfred LeRoy Burt. The Evolution of The British Empire and Commonwealth from the American Revolution. Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1956, p. 251-256; p. 267.

29. Ibid, p. 362-363.

30. Ibid, p. 445.

31. Raid. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 5; 90.

32. Carl Berger, ed. Imperialism and Nationalism, 1884-1914: A Conflict in Canadian Thought. Issues in Canadian History. Toronto: The Copp Clark Publishing Company, 1969.

33. For continued reading on these subjects, see Desmond Morton. A Short . Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1983. Donald Creighton. The Road to Confederation: The Emergence of Canada: 1863-1867. Boston: Houghton Mufflin Company, 1965. Douglas V. Vemey. Three Civilizations, Two Cultures, One State: Canada's Political Traditions.'Dmham: Duke University Press, 1986. Bumsted. D.N. Sprague. Canada and the Metis, 1869-1885. With a foreword by Thomas R. Berger. Waterloo, Ontario, Canada: WilfredLaurier University Press, 1988. Jane Errington. The Lion, the Eagle, and Upper Canada: A Developing Colonial Ideology. Kingston and Montreal: McGiU-Queen's University Press, 1987.

34. Ellen L. Ramsey. 'Ticturing the Picturesque: Lucius O'Brien's Sunrise on the Saguenay," Revue d'art Canadienne /Canadian Art Review RACAR. XVH, 2, (1990): 150-157.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid.

37. Reid. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 47.

38. The painting was presented to Prince Leopold upon his marriage to Princess Helen Frederica Augusta, daughter of HSH George Victor, Prince of Waldeck-Prymont. Ibid, p. 49.

39. Ibid, p. 50.

40. Susanne Marie Briant. The Work of Lucius R. O 'Brien in Picturesque Canada. Master of Museology Thesis. University of Toronto, 1977. 117

41. Reid. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 51-55.

42. George Monro Grant, 1835-1902, ed. Picturesque Canada: The Country As It Was And Is. Illustrated under the supervision of L.R. O'Brien, Pres. R.C.A. With, over five hundred engravings on wood. Two Volumes. Secaucus, New Jersey: The WeUfleet Press, 1988, Volume I, p. 261-263.

43. David C. Miller, "The Iconology of Wrecked or Stranded Boats in Mid to Late Nineteenth-Century American Culture," in David C. MiUer, ed. American Iconology: New Approaches to Nineteenth-Century Art and Literature. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993, p. 186-208.

44. Elizabeth Brown. A Wilderness for All. Allan Pringle. "National Park Landscape Painting and the ," in Elizabeth Brown. A Wilderness for AIL, p. 24-28.

45. William H. Truettner. National Parks and the American Landscape. Catalogue of an cjdiibition held at the Smithsonian Institution National Collection of Fine Arts, Jime 23-Aug. 27, 1972, presented as part of the National Parks Centennial Year., p. 13-33. Joshua C. Taylor. "Forward," in Truettner. National Parks and the American Landscape., p. 7.

46. Allan Pringle. "William Cornelius Van Home: Art Director, Canadian Pacific Railway," Journal of Canadian Art History. Annales d'histoire de canadien. Vm/l (1984).

47. Pringle. 'National Park Landscape Painting and the Canadian Pacific Railway," in Elizabeth Brown. A Wilderness for AIL, p. 25.

48. Allan Pringle. "William Cornelius Van Home: Art Director, Canadian Pacific Railway," p. 66.

49. Ibid, p. 53.

50. Reid. Lucius R. O 'Brien., p. 80.

51. Ibid.

52. On the moving panorama, see Lee Parry. "Landscape Theater in America." On the configuration of the railroad in 19th-century art, see Leo Marx. The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1964. 118

53. Quoted inReid. LuciusR. O'Brien., p. 81.

54. Pringle. "William Cornelius Van Home., p. 66.

55. Pringle. "Albert Bierstadt in Canada," ylwer/caw /owrwa/. Vol. 17, No. 1 (Winter 1985): 2-27, p. 12-14.

56. 'R&id. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 89-90.

57. Sisler. Passionate Spirits: A History of the Royal Canadian Academy., p. 29.

58. Quoted in Reid. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 45.

59. Sisler. Passionate Spirits: A History of the Royal Canadian Academy, p. 47-48.

60. Adamson. From Ocean to Ocean., p. 16.

61. Reid. Lucius R. O'Brien., p. 98-114. Harper. Painting in Canada: A History., p. 217-234, p. 245-261.

62. Reid. Lucius R. O 'Brien., p. 103-114.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid, p. 2. 119

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