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American Remakes of British Television

Transformations and Mistranslations

Edited by Carlen Lavigne and Heather Marcovitch

~~'" LEXINGTON BooKS A division of ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham· Boulder· New York· Toronto· Plymouth, UK EIGHT Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? The Embattled Self as a Guiding Theme in the British and American Productions of

Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch

"When people say to me, would you rather be thought of as a funny man or a great boss? My answer's always the same: to me, they're not mutually exclusive." - (British Series, Series 1, "Work Experience") "I guess the atmosphere that I've tried to create here is that I'm a friend first and a boss second, and probably an entertainer third." - Michael Scott (American Series, Season 1, "") A television series of British origin, The Office is filmed as a mock docu­ mentary examining the mundane work life of the employees of an unre­ markable paper supply company. The original British series debuted in 2001 and culminated in 12 episodes, followed by a two-part Christmas special in 2003. The American adaptation premiered in 2005, and while it was slow to develop a following in the , it ultimately amassed a sizable viewership and won critical acclaim with a number of major awards, including the 2006 Emmy for outstanding comedy series. 1 Given the number of stunning failures in the adaptation of television shows from Britain to North America,2 the success of The Office is intri­ guing and likely reflects a focus on issues that are universally relevant, but that have been tailored cleverly to suit the American audience. In this chapter, we examine how psychological theories of the self can be applied to the characters of The Office, with a primary focus on protag­ onist David Brent and his American counterpart, Michael Scott. 3 As a 143 Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 145 144 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch The main char:acter in both shows is the bumbling, socially inept, group, self theories focus broadly on the nature and content of people's politically incorrect boss who consistently makes comments that leave his conceptual beliefs about themselves, 4 including their self-schemas or rep­ staff recoiling in disbelief, anger, and embarrassment. Many similarities resentations of themselves, 5self-esteem or sense of personal worth, 6 and were retained between David Brent and Michael Scotti they believe that motivations such as self-presentation or concern with the way in which they are well liked, charming, funny, and effective leaders. In fact, they others view them. 7 Self-related constructs are central in terms of their are none of these things, although both characters manage to capture our importance to our daily lives, as the self is thought to influence our inter­ actions with others, and it is in tum modified by those interactions. In empathy with fleeting moments of humility and vulnerability. In addi­ tion to the regular gaffes of Brent and Scott, the heart of both shows is the other words, the self is relational-it is delineated to a great degree by our secondary plot that focuses on the blooming relationship between the relationships with other people. 8 Accordingly, interpersonal relation­ receptionist (; ) and the salesman (Tim Canter­ ships are of paramount importance in terms of helping us to define how we see ourselves and how we feel about ourselves. 9 bury; ), and the genuine frustration that the audience feels as While it is well established that there are sweeping differences be­ they continuously fail to initiate the relationship that they both obviously desire. The documentary style, the threat of downsizing and layoffs, and tween Western and Eastern cultural prescriptions of the self (e.g., American vs. Asian culture),10 research that has examined conceptions the constant satire of team-building exercises keep the two versions in and prescriptions of the self in America and western Europe, including very familiar cultural territories. Despite gross similarities in storyline and character development, the British culture, indicates that they are similar in fundamental ways. Es­ Americanization of the series has led to some revealing distinctions. Al­ sentially, both cultures prize independence, personal happiness, and self­ though inconsistent with the demographic makeup of Scranton, PA (ac­ promotion to obtain personal goals. 11 Although it can be argued that such needs are universal in nature,12 it is the similar way in which they cording to the 2000 Census), the staff is racially diverse, are expressed across these two particular societies that is relevant to issues standing in stark contrast to the predominantly white staff at Wernham Hogg. We assume this reflects the sensitivity of casting directors to the of translation. 13 need for racial and ethnic identification by the American audience; we In this chapter, we demonstrate that similarities in the prescriptions of want to see people who look like us. Moreover, this diversity provides the self for both British and Americans have resulted in the successful translation of the show to the American audience, although we also high­ the endless potential of inappropriate comments that can be offered by light subtle but important differences that point to culture-specific norms. Michael Scott. The hopelessness associated with a mid-level managerial job as dis­ Notably, the mock documentary style of the show capitalizes on the self­ related constructs that we discuss here, as it allows us to take a glimpse at played in the British series is certainly present in the American series, but toned down appreciably.14 This is consistent with a slightly stronger how people engage in self-presentational behaviors when they believe need in Americans to maintain happiness and a stronger sense of self­ that they are being watched by a television audience. This chapter begins promotion. In short, irrespective of their disdain for their job, the em­ with a discussion of the basic program content, which is largely common 15 ployees ultimately have to strive to achieve personal goals if they are to to both series but in which the few differences speak to individual cultu­ ral expectations. Subsequently, we tum to our primary focus, which in­ be believable to the American audience. Indeed, only in the American series do we see work actually getting done and as an inherent aspect of volves an analysis of the Brent/Scott character in relation to self theories and constructs. the plot storylines: Dwight and Jim are quite effective as salesmen, and even Michael occasionally shocks the viewers by demonstrating savvy business acumen. In contrast, David, Tim, and Gareth are never actually SETTING, THEME, AND CHARACTERS shown doing their jobs in any satisfactory manner. The British series also paints a more depressing picture for the back stories of its characters. For example, to demonstrate the bleakness in Tim's life relative to his The core elements of The Office have been retained in the American trans­ American counterpart, note that Tim is 30, still lives with his parents, and lation of the British version. The Wernham Hogg Paper Company in , located in South East England, heavily influences the cultural is never shown to have any friends outside of work. Jim, on the other hand, is only 27 in the first season, is portrayed as popular (although he and socioeconomic context of the Dunder Mifflin Paper Company, housed in Scranton, Pennsylvania (on Slough St., no less). In particular, often makes fun of his social life when he flirts with Pam), and is living with a roommate. Despite spending much of his time talking with Pam both are working-class cities and they are presented as nondescript, bor­ ing masses of concrete, in parallel to the company itself. Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 147 146 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch and playing pranks on Dwight, Jim is consistently the best salesperson in should be a spectator. In a fantastic parody of diversity training and ethnic and racial acceptance, a specialist is called in to talk about a com­ the office and he is recognized nationally by the company. Additional changes to the American series can be noted. Consistent plaint regarding an incident featuring the offensive portrayal of an un­ with office politics in Britain, the "water cooler" talk in the original series censored Chris Rock comedy routine. In an effort to "reenact the event with a more positive outcome," Kevin dispassionately reads some of the is racier, with significantly greater sexual undertones. 16 This may reflect material. Scott is taken aback by the poor performance and proceeds to greater use ot and higher tolerance for, humor in British culture. 17 As well, American standards for physical attractiveness constitute another reenact the comedy routine in its original form, which is precisely what subtle difference in the two versions of the show. Although both primary got him in trouble in the first place. Notably, there is tension between wanting to assume the responsibil­ female characters are portrayed as dowdy and lacking a positive body image, Pam is noticeably thinner than her British counterpart, Dawn. ity required of an office manager who must separate himself from the employees and the desire to play the part of "Mr. Popular," again reveal­ Finally, although probably intended as a way to increase revenue, the ing a conflict of personal identity. Both protagonists shift consistently shameless product placement in the American version does highlight the influence of advertising in staging and plot direction. For example, as from making inappropriate sexual or racial remarks to chastising others Brent's employees hang out at the local pub, Scott's group is often found for failing to take seriously. In mocking Hitler, Scott ignores the looks of horror from his workforce as he refers to himself as a "student of at Chili's. IS comedy," but later informs his employees that "there is a time for jokes.Jl22 In a similar vein, Brent mistakenly attributes "the best Ali G DAVID BRENT AND MICHAEL SCOTT: A CASE OF STUNTED impersonation" to his employee Sanj, and then corrects himself by saying IDENTITY FORMA nON that it must be "the other one." Incredulously, Sanj asks, "The other what? ... Paki?" Brent condescendingly replies"Ah, that's racist."23 Audiences identify with David Brent and Michael Scott because they Finally, in what is perhaps the cruelest of jokes, the culmination of the represent something familiar to both British and American people: the pilot episodes involve both protagonists-in the midst of strong rumors struggle to achieve a sense of personal identity, self-worth, and happi­ of employee layoffs-pretending to fire their secretaries as a way to light­ ness, and the struggle to find our place within the larger social context. en the mood and prove that they are fun-loving bosses. The conflict be­ Interestingly, despite the fact that they are middle-aged (and their at­ tween employer and comedian highlights the needs of the protagonists to tempt to deny it), both David Brent and Michael Scott struggle with is­ consider themselves as "better than average," 24 but also to be well liked sues that are more characteristic of adolescence and early adulthood, a by others in an attempt to bolster their low self-esteem. As Michael once time where identity is forged. 19 During this time, there is an elevated put it, he only needs "three, maybe two friends" so that he can say "Hey, need to be considered "popular" and "cool,"20 and behavioral inhibition look at me, I'm popular." 25 is very IOW. 21 The characterization of these men as "overgrown adoles­ cents" is easy to infer, as there is a concerted effort in both versions to reveal their insecurities, their desperation to be liked, their inability to SELF-ESTEEM ENHANCEMENT FROM INTERACTIONS WITH OTHERS monitor when a joke is appropriate or when it has gone too far, and their constant need to be the center of attention. In one of the most memorable scenes from the original series, Brent The low self-esteem of both protagonists is often obscured by the juxtapo­ interrupts a training exercise led by an outsider (Le., not him) to inform sition of seemingly narcissistic personality characteristics that likely oper­ the group that he used to be the singer/songwriter of the band Foregone ate at a subclinical level. Both men are highly self-focused, with a strong Conclusion and then goes home and brings back his guitar so he can play sense of grandiosity and an unusually high need for self-enhancement. a series of songs for his employees, effectively taking over the entire Both characters represent themselves as idols to their employees. Brent seminar. Ironically, unlike what we see in his actual job, Brent demon­ considers himself an expert, educator and mentor and he considers it nothing short of "shameful" when others do not seek his advice, as illus­ strates competence, passion, and talent as he plays these songs. It is a rare moment of admiration for the character, even though the "correct" be­ trated by his classic retort: "Those of you who think you know everything havior was for him to sit quietly during someone else's presentation. are annoying to those of us who do." Similarly, Scott likens himself to a Scott, on the other hand, may not have the musical prowess of his British doctor and subjects his staff to regular demonstrations of fairly trite skills counterpart, but he manages to become the focus of the group when he (e.g., "Let me show you how it's done" in reference to a customary phone 148 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 149

call). Both protagonists rely on platitudes as demonstrations of purported David: ... They won't remember.30 wisdom, for example, in referring to people who are starving as a ratio­ nale for not wasting food, even when the "food" in question is the Jell-O The Office U.S. mold that has engulfed Gareth I Dwight's stapler. The misuse of common wisdom to rationalize bizarre behavior can be seen in Scott's remark after Jan: Sometimes a manager, like yourself, has to deliver the bad news to the employees. I do it all the time. escaping a fire: "Yes, I was the first one out. And yes, I've heard 'women and children first.' But, we do not employ children. We are not a sweat­ Michael: Oh yeah, when have you ever done that? shop, thankfully. And women are equal in the workplace by law. So if I Jan: I'm doing it right now, to you. 31 let them out first, I have a lawsuit on my hands." 26 Although extreme in nature, the self-aggrandizing tendencies seen in Consistent with findings in the adult psychological literature, 32 threats to both protagonists mock the British and American cultural prescriptions self-esteem are met with defensiveness, anger and in some cases deroga­ that value individuality, personal achievement, and a very high sense of tion of those around them. While we see some of this behavior in David self-esteem.27 Viewed within the framework of self theories, both protag­ Brent (e.g., "Most people think I look about 30." / "Definitely not." I nOh, onists struggle to maintain a positive self-esteem in the context of a banal are you calling them liars?"),33 it is much more prevalent in Michael career and middling social life. Self-esteem maintenance takes many Scott's character, as illustrated by the following exchange: forms, one of which entails asserting excessive needs for authority Over Michael: Attention please. 's coming very soon and so we're their employees. Brent engages in a trivial power struggle continuously going to have our weekly suggestion box meeting. So you can get in your with Gareth as Scott does with Dwight; each assumes an air of power constructive compliments ASAP. over his own branch of the company in the face of threat. The threat of Ryan: Don't you mean "constructive criticism?" downsizing from corporate headquarters results in tremendous asser­ tions of control by both protagonists. Brent makes it clear that he'll be as Michael: What did I say? protective of his staff as he wants to be, eloquently remarking that "Wem­ Kelly: You said "constructive compliments." That doesn't make any sense. ham Hogg is one big pie, and if they've let me in charge of that one big pie, I'll be in charge of the pie, and the people are the fruit." 28 Scott's view Michael: Well Kelly, that was neither constructive nor a compliment, so can be summed up as follows: "The most sacred thing I do is care. And maybe you should stop criticizing my English and start making some sug­ gestions. K?34 provide for my workers, my family. I give them . I give them food. Not directly, but through the money." 29 In both cases, the delusion of control at the middle management level or is powerful and also plays into their interactions with their own supervis­ Is it a priority? Oh I dunno. Urn, what if there's a tornado, Pam? People's ors. Both Brent and Scott interact with their female supervisors Gennifer I legs are crushed under rubble. "Please, would you be so kind as to call my Jan) as if they are the ones in charge, and have to be constantly put back wife?" No, I can't, because we don't have any emergency contact informa­ in their place, as can be seen by the following interchanges: tion because Pam said it wasn't a priority. Think, think with your head Pam.35 The Office U.K. These examples underscore the need to maintain control over personal Jennifer: Have you made any redundancies? interactions with others, as well as a lack of ability to accept information David: I gave a speech, only this morning, to my staff, assuring them there that is potentially self-threatening (i.e., implications of incompetence). would not be cutbacks at this branch, and that there certainly wouldn't be The interchange also affirms Scott's particularly low self-esteem because redundancies. he is aware of being perceived as incompetent by those around him and feels the need to retaliate. Indeed, self-concept and self-esteem are deter­ Jennifer: Well, why on earth would you do that? mined at least in part by how we believe we are viewed by those around David: Why? Ooh, a little word that I think's important in management US. 36 Drawing on the principles of Sociometer theory,37 Scott's behavior called morale. is not based on the need to maintain or enhance self-esteem, but rather Jennifer: Well surely it's gonna be worse for morale in the long run when the need to feel valued by his colleagues. Several plotlines were designed there are going to be redundancies and you've told people there won't be. to capture this sentiment; embarrassing mishaps endured by Scott are all Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 151 150 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch ly exaggerated with the added pressure of the camera constantly follow­ but forgotten when he is made to feel as one of the gang. 38 As Scott once quipped, "00 1 want to be feared or loved? Um ... easy, both. 1 want ing their every move. There is a notable difference between Brent and Scott and how they people to be afraid of how much they love me."39 interact with the audience. Although Brent often seeks audience approval for his jokes and words of wisdom, the frequency is greatly reduced when there is a "new person" present in his company. During the infa­ SELF-PRESENTAnON: MANAGING HOW WE ARE SEEN BY RELEVANT OTHERS mous Jell-O gag in the pilot episode, for example, Brent focuses mostly on Ricky when all the corny jokes are delivered. In the parallel scene in the American pilot episode, Scott continues to seek audience approval As alluded to earlier, Brent and Scott can be best characterized as over­ rather than vie for Ryan's attention. This subtle difference in behavior grown adolescents. As Elkind elegantly describes, "Since [the adolescent] perhaps reflects Brenfs ability to ignore the temptation to impress the fails to differentiate between what others are thinking about and his own audience in certain social situations, which mental preoccupations, he assumes that other people are as obsessed would make him a slightly more mature character than Scott. The difference in maturity may be with his behavior and appearance as he is himself." 40 Furthermore, hard to quantify given the zaniness of the characters, but it is clear One consequence of adolescent egocentrism is that, in actual or impending throughout the run of the two shows: Scott's antics are more likely to be social situations, the young person anticipates the reactions of other people characterized as immature while those of Brent are more awkward and to himself. These anticipations, however, are based on the premise that oth­ ers are as admiring or as critical of him as he is of himself. pathetic. In a sense, then, the adolescent is continually constructing, or reacting to, an imaginary audience. It is an audience because the adolescent believes that he AUDIENCE IDENTIFICATION WITH CHARACTERS will be the focus of attention; and it is imaginary because, in actual social situations, this is not usually the case (unless he contrives to make it so). 41 Given the extraordinarily boorish demeanor of the characters, one might And finally, "a good deal of adolescent boorishness, loudness, and fad­ expect a strong sense of alienation from the audience. On the contrary, dish dress is probably provoked, partially in any case, by a failure to both Brent and Scott elicit our sympathy despite their arrogance, insensi­ differentiate between what the young person believes to be attractive and tivity, and socially inappropriate behavior. In the British series' final epi­ what others admire."42 sode, Brent gets fired and the vulnerability that he demonstrates while What makes the documentary style of The Office so fascinating from a pleading for his job is quite heart-wrenching. In comparison, there are psychological perspective is that the imaginary audience becomes a real­ more demonstrations of Scott's likeability (perhaps another cultural dif­ ity. The characters are very much aware that their actions and comments ference reflecting that Americans want to see their bosses as "just like are recorded and might end up on TV. Although most characters appear them"); poignant examples include how he bruises his ego so that he can quite adept at ignoring the camera (which perhaps speak to our societal defend Jan at a corporate meeting and the pure agony that he goes acceptance of the reality TV format), Tim I Jim treats the audience as a co­ through when forced to make a decision to let someone go. conspirator, passing onto us knowing glances of humor or disbelief and The compassion elicited from the audience reflects an understanding som~times even addressing the audience directly. But it is the Brent I of the motivation for interpersonal acceptance, need for belongingness, Scott character that spends by far the most time glancing at the audi­ and relatedness to others that defines all of us. Both Brent and Scott view ence-almost 4.5 times as many looks to the camera as all other charac­ their employees as family ("children") and both claim that people, and ters combined in the pilot episode of each series. It is essential to these their relationships with people, define the company. This is eloquently characters that they are perceived-even by us at home-to be clever, demonstrated in the to the Christmas special that wraps up the popular, and cool. Both characters will look to the camera to make sure British series: the audience is still interested in what they are saying and to share pri­ Brent: A philosopher once wrote you need three things to have a good life. vate jokes with the audience. As well, they look for audience approval One, a meaningful relationship, two, a decent job of work, and three, to after major jokes and pop cultural references. The adolescent acts in odd make a difference. And it was always that third one that stressed me, to ways as if an audience is watching; we get the impression that Brent I make a difference. And I realize that I do. Every day, we all do. It's how we Scott would act Similarly under normal conditions, but behavior is great­ interact, with our fellow man. 152 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 153 Interviewer: How would you like to be remembered? 14. Griffin, "The Americanization of The Office." Brent: Simply, as, the man who put a smile on the face of all who he met. 43 15. Kitayama et al~ "Cultural Task Analysis." 16. Kate Fox, Watching the English: The Hidden Rules of English Behavior (: And we think that Michael Scott would agree. Hodder, 2004). 17. See Marc G. Weinberger and Harlan E. Spotts, "A Situational View of Informa­ tion Content in Television Advertising in the U.S. and u.K.," Journal of Marketing 53 (1989), 89-94, for a discussion of media advertisin,l? in Britain vs. America. CONCLUSION 18. Griffin, "The Americanization of The Office. 19. Erik H. Erikson, "Identity and the Life Cycle: Selected Papers," Psychological Issues 1 (1959), 1-171. Whether calculated or coincidental, the American translation of The Office 20. David A. Kinney, "From Nerds to Normals: The Recovery of Identity among exploits the same constructs of the self that contributed to the success of Adolescents from Middle School to High School," Sociology of Education 66 (1993), the original series. In particular, the exploration of issues related to self­ 21-40. identity, self-esteem, self-presentation and the relational self captures the 21. Laurence Steinberg, "A Dual Systems Model of Adolescent Risk-Taking," Devel­ opmental Psychobiology 52 (2010), 216-24. American audience because it is represented authentically and it reflects 22. , , and , "Pilot," The Office: The what we are concerned with most in our everyday lives. The subtle dif­ Complete First Season (U.s.) (: Universal Studios, 2005). DVD. ferences in the American version-including an increased emphasis on 23. Ricky Gervais and Stephen Merchant, "Downsize," The Office: The Complete First work productivity and a more socially conservative approach-only Series (U.K.) (Los Angeles: Warner, 2001). DVD. 24. Mark D. Alicke, M. L. Klotz, David L Breitenbecher, Tricia J. Yurak, and Debbie serve to enhance our ability to identify with the quandaries, failures, and S. Vredenburg, "Personal Contact, Individuation, and the Better-Than-Average Ef­ achievements of these characters. Perhaps the critical lesson for success- fect," Journal ofPersonality and Social Psychology 68 (1995),804-25. translation, then, is to understand your audience. 25. and , "The Convention," The Office: The Complete Third Season (U.S.) (Los Angeles: Universal Studios, 2008). DVD. 26. B. J. Novak, "," The Office: The Complete Second Season (U.s.) (Los An­ geles: Universal Studios, 2007). DVD. NOTES 27. Crocker and Park, "The Costly Pursuit of Self-Esteem." 28. Ricky Gervais and Stephen Merchant, "Judgment," The Office: The Complete First L Jeffrey Griffin, "The Americanization of The Office: A Comparison of the Offbeat Series (U.K.) (Los Angeles: Warner, 2001). DVD. NBC Sitcom and Its British Predecessor." Journal of Popular Film and Television 35 29. , "," The Office: The Complete First Season (U.S.) (Los (2008), 154-63. Angeles: Universal Studios, 2005). DVD. 2. Griffin, "The Americanization of The Office," 154-63. 30. Gervais and Merchant, "Pilot." 3. Susan M. Andersen and Serena Chen, "The Relational Self: An Interpersonal 31. Lieberstein, "Health Care." Social-Cognitive Theory." Psychological Review 109 (2002), 619-45; Roy F. Baumeister 32. June Price Tangney and Peter Salovey, "Problematic Social Emotions: Shame, and Mark R. Leary, "The Need to Belong: Desire for Interpersonal Attachments as a Guilt, Jealousy, and Envy," in The Social Psychology Of Emotional And Behavioral Prob­ Fundamental Human Motivation." Psychological Bulletin 117 (1995), 497-529; Hazel lems: Interfaces of Social and Clinical Psychology, eds. Robin M. Kowalski and Mark R. Markus and Paula Nurius, "Possible Selves," American PsychOlogist 41 (1986),954-69. Leary, 167-95 (Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999). 4. Carol S. Dweck, Self-Theories: Their Roles in Motivation, Personality, and Develop­ 33. Ricky Gervais and Stephen Merchant, "Party," The Office: The Complete Second ment (Philadelphia: Psychology Press, 2000). Series (U.K.) (Los Angeles: Warner, 20(4). DVD. 5. Ziva Kunda, Social Cognition: Making Sense of People (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT 34. Larry Wilmore, "," The Office; The Complete Second Season Press, 1999). (U.s.) (Los Angeles: Universal, 2007). DVD. 6. Jennifer Crocker and Lora E. Park, "The Costly Pursuit of Self-Esteem," Psycho­ 35. Gene Stupnitsky and Lee Eisenberg, "," The Office: The Complete Second logical Bulletin 130 (2004), 392-414. Season (U.S.) (Los Angeles: Universal, 2007). DVD. 7. Mark R. Leary, Self-Presentation: Impression Management and Interpersonal Behavior 36. See Susan Harter, "Causes and Consequences of Low Self-esteem in Children (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996). and Adolescents," in Self-esteem: The Puzzle of Law Self-regard, ed. Roy F. Baumeister, 8. Andersen and Chen, "The Relational Self." 87-116 (New York: Plenum Press, 1993). 9. Mark R. Leary, "Sociometer Theory and the Pursuit of Relational Value: Getting 37. Leary, "Sociometer Theory." to the Root of Self-Esteem," European Review ofSocial Psychology 16 (2005),75-111. 38. See the memorable endings in "," "," and "Stress 10. See Hazel Rose Markus and Shinobu Kitayma, "Culture and the Self: Implica­ Relief." tions for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation," Psychological Review 98 (1991), 224-53. 39. Stupnitsky and Eisenberg, "The Fight." 11. Shinobu Kitayama, Hyekyung Park, A. Timur Sevincer, Mayumi Karasawa, and 40. David Elkind, "Egocentrism in Adolescence,"Chi/d Development 38 (1%7), 1029-30. Ayse K Uskul, ff A Cultural Task Analysis of Implicit Independence: Comparing North America, Western Europe, and East Asia," Journal ofPersonality and Social Psychology 97 41. Elkind, "Egocentrism in Adolescence," 1030. (2009), 236-55. 42. Elkind, "Egocentrism in Adolescence," 1030. 12. See Leary, "Sociometer Theory." 43. Ricky Gervais and Stephen Merchant, The Office Special (U.K.) (Los Angeles: 13. Griffin, "The Americanization of The Office." Warner, 2004). Friend, Boss, and Entertainer? 155 154 Janet J. Boseovski and Stuart Marcovitch __. "The Fight." The Office: The Complete Second Season (U.S.) Los Angeles: Univer­ REFERENCES sal, 2007. DVD. ' Tangney, June Price, and Peter Salovey. "Problematic Social Emotions: Shame, Guilt, Alicke, Mark D., M. L. Klotz, David L Breitenbecher, Tricia J Yurak, and Debbie S. Jealousy, and Envy." 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