How African American Males (Re) Construct Their Identities, Self-Presentations, and Relationships Offline and Online

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Performing Self through Social Media: How African American Males (Re) Construct Their Identities, Self-Presentations, and Relationships Offline and Online

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Ronald L. Parker, B.S., M.A.

Graduate Program in Educational Policy and Leadership

The Ohio State University

2015

Dissertation Committee:

Richard J. Voithofer, Ph.D., Advisor & Co-Chair

James L. Moore, III, Ph.D., Co-Chair

Osei Appiah, Ph.D.

Copyrighted by

Ronald L. Parker

2015

Abstract

This qualitative study investigated how adult African American undergraduate males at a predominantly white institution (PWI) (re)constructed their identity, self- presentation, and relationships on Facebook (www.facebook.com), a popular social network site (SNS). The results of the study provided insight into how undergraduate

African American males integrated their internal and external self and social media to construct and represent “who they are” on-campus and on this particular social network site. In addition, the results revealed how the participants created, managed, and facilitated their relationships in both environments, while providing useful insights into how they endured the historically negative images that have tried to define this population.

Grounded theory methods including constant comparison analysis, were used to interpret the interview and supportive data from twenty-one (21) undergraduate African

American male participants (e.g., online demographic questionnaire, two individual semi- structured interview sessions, and screen captured Facebook profile pages). To this end, the study revealed eight major themes: a) online identity construction - participants are influenced by their early identity in constructing their online identities, b) race, gender, and online caution - participants described how they monitored themselves as they interacted in various online and offline spaces, c) professional brand/image control - participants shared how they constructed their professional brand and protected their

ii personal image, d) blended consciousness including academic inferiority and representation in media - participants highlighted how they dealt with their conscious duality in academic settings and how these experiences impacted their online interactions with their White counterparts, e) making his voice heard including political voice and religious voice - participants shared how Facebook created a space for them to make their voices heard when expressing their political and religious thoughts and views, f) academic use of Facebook - participants described how they directly and indirectly used

Facebook for academic purpose, g) the performance - participants conveyed how they developed their self-presentation and managed their interaction with their audience, and h) anchored relationships/Offline preferred - participants expressed how they preferred to have important conversations with established relationships in both offline and online environments especially with close family members and friends. The findings also pinpointed that these participants actively integrated social media technology into their daily educational and social experiences. More importantly, the study showed a high level of awareness in both offline and online settings of creating and maintaining positive identities and self-presentations among the participants.

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Dedication

To the Most High God and Creator of the universe

To my ancestors

To my mother, Nikolia G. and my father, Wallace

To my daughter, Ronisha Nicole and grandson, JuRon Emanuel

Acknowledgments

“And we know that all things work together for good to those who love God, to those who are the called according to His purpose.” Romans 8:28

This doctoral journey has been truly a test of my faith and perseverance while working in a very demanding environment. I juxtapose this journey with my fraternal experience. That being said, I have some many to thank. First and foremost, I joyfully give all adoration, honor, and praise to the most high God of this universe. In spite of my imperfections, you decided to love me in such a way that words can’t describe accurately.

I know you have plans for me that I can’t even imagine but I am ready to serve your purpose for my life

To my dissertation committee, I would like to thank my dissertation committee members collectively and individually for the support, dedication, patience, professional expertise and constructive feedback provide throughout this journey. Dr. Appiah, I would like to thank you for being a part of my Master degree project. It was your research projects that spark the idea of becoming a social scientist. I watched you conduct your research in such a professional and ethical manner that goes beyond reproach. As I conducted myself throughout this project, you served as a research role model to emulate.

More importantly, I appreciate your support and willingness to reach out during this journey with constructive feedback and scholarly excellence. Dr. Moore, I would like to v

thank you for being the Paul-like role model and mentor during my doctoral journey.

Upon our first meeting, it became transparent that God place you in my life to provide

that tough love and to develop a “scratchline” mentality. Your mentorship constantly

challenged me to reach deeper and strive for a higher level of excellence. During my

professional frustrations, you served as a godly vessel forcing me to rely on His word and

know that He has thoughts and plans for me, not for harm or evil, but for a future and

hope. Finally, I would like to thank you for believing and trusting me to produce videos

for the advancement and achievement of African American males throughout the

educational pipeline. Dr. Voithofer, I would to thank you for traveling along this journey

with me and for supporting me academically, professionally, and personally. It was your

push to listen to God and embark on this journey. In addition, I greatly appreciate the

iteration process that pushed me toward excellence by making sure that my “I’s” were

dotted and my “T’s” were crossed to ensure that this dissertation came into fruition. More

notably, I want thank you for the wonderful discovery moments of getting to know and

learn each other’s patterns and style. I can honestly say that I know you want me to

become an outstanding researcher. Thank you for sharing other parts of your world beyond this long journey.

To my daughter, Ronisha Nicole, thank you for being my number one cheerleader. Your phone calls, text messages, sense of humor, and true friendship help take away the loneliness during this process. Your pursuit for academic excellence makes me super proud to be a father and a dad. More importantly, I love your spiritual walk in

pursuing God and being a strong mother to my amazing grandson, JuRon. Yes, you have

your dad back.

To my five accountability brothers, James, John, Terrance, Scott, and Percy, it

goes without saying, “faithful are the wounds of a friend.” I can’t imagine my life

without each of you. I thank you for exemplifying what it means to be “real friends” and

a brother’s keeper. James, our friendship extends back to high school and I believe God placed you in my life for a lifetime. You have truly been my “brother from another mother”. John, you know “college days swiftly pass” but our friendship remained strong beyond our collegiate experience. Thank you for always being transparent and straightforward during some candid conversations. Terrance, I want to thank you for being a true friend and brother during a very difficult time in my life. I will never forget when you opened up your home during my career transition. The road trips to fraternal conventions and St. Louis are permanent memories of laughter and unforgettable experiences. During this journey, I want to thank you for serving as a sounding board.

Scott, I want to thank you for inviting me into your extended family. The Sunday family meals tradition with your parents and siblings are exemplary. Also, you witnessed the beginning of this journey from a perspective of no other. You have seen the trials and tribulations up close and personal. I want to thank you for all your words of support, encouragement, and understanding. Percy, I want to thank you for your amazing spirit and kindness beyond measure. Your pledging metaphors serve as a reminder that iron sharpens iron. I want to thank you for being on this emotional rollercoaster with me.

Your excitement and cheerleading helped me push through the finish line.

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To my church family members, Pastor Dr. Wise, III, Media Ministry team

(Brother David, Brother Carlos, Brother Michael, Sister Judy, and Brother Darryl), and a special thanks to Brother Ricardo M., Brother Victor C., Brother Boston, Brother Shaun

B., and Brother Sunny for your continue love, support, and brotherly bond in Christ.

Special thanks to my Alpha Brothers in Christ - Carlos B., Murv E., George L., and

Curtis S. Special thanks The Proverbian women of Faith Ministries Church include Sister

Lori L., Sister Anita S., Sister Cheryl N., Sister Cynthia G., Sister Kim C., Sister Gayle

L., and Deaconess Bernice C.

I would like to give a thanks to the following queens for their support and encouragement through this journey: Dr. Desiree Vega, Dr. Gabrielle St. Leger, Dr.

Christa Porter, Dr. D’Andra Mull, Dr. Javuna Adams-Gaston, Dr. Paticia Lather, Dr.

Valerie Lee, Rabekah D. Stewart, M.A., and the late Dr. Suzanne Damarin.

I would be remiss to not acknowledge Deb Zabloudil, Director of the Office of

Student Services in the College of Education and Human Ecology, for your support and encouragement from the very beginning. Your patience and kind spirit are unwavering.

You are a pillar and true champion for the success of all students but your spirit of service comes from a genuine place of love. Thank you for always smiling and sharing words of encouragement. You are one amazing precious ruby.

Finally, to my participants in this study, without you this project would not exist. I want to express my deepest and sincere heartfelt thanks for your willingness and time to share your thoughts and experiences. I appreciate each of you for sharing your life and letting me inside your world with such easy and readiness. It was my honor to meet and

viii get to know each one of you. I can tell that some of my questions made you think about your identity more deeply. The images and narratives of Black men have been primarily negative but your intelligence, passion, dedication, and presentation are opposite of media’s representation. After meeting you, I can’t wait to witness your impact on our society. I will continue to cheer for each of you as God guides you toward your purpose.

Vita

June 1981 ...... Glenville High School, Cleveland, OH

April 1987 ...... B.S. Mathematics, University of Dayton

August 2005 ...... M.A. Education, The Ohio State University

January - May 2012 ...... Graduate Teaching Assistant The Ohio State University

May 2015 to present...... Instructor The Ohio State University

Publications

Parker, R. L., & Moore, J. L., III (2014). Black male college students: Their perspective of media and its stereotypical angle of blackness and maleness. Black History Bulletin, 77(1), 10-15.

Fields of Study

Major Field: Educational Policy and Leadership

Minor Field: Film/Video Production

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii Dedication ...... iv Acknowledgments...... v Vita ...... x Table of Contents ...... xi List of Tables xv List of Figures ...... xvi Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 Background of the Study ...... 1 Statement of the Problem ...... 5 Purpose of the Study ...... 11 Research Questions ...... 11 Research Approach ...... 12 Significance of the Study ...... 13 Assumptions ...... 16 Definition of Key Terms ...... 17 Chapter 2: Literature Review ...... 20 Introduction ...... 20 African American Images in America’s Mass Media...... 21 The Press...... 23 Film...... 27 Music...... 44 Television...... 55 Summary...... 62 African American Males Experiences through Educational Pipeline ...... 63

Education during Slavery...... 64 Early childhood and secondary experiences of African American males...... 66 Secondary Experiences for African American Males...... 69 Postsecondary Experiences for African American Males at PWIs...... 73 Peer Groups...... 76 Student involvement on campus...... 77 Summary...... 83 Identity and Black Identity Development ...... 85 Cross Model of Psychological Nigrescence...... 88 Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity...... 90 Symbolic Interactionism ...... 92 Computer-Mediated Communication ...... 94 Social Networking Sites ...... 97 BlackPlanet...... 97 Facebook...... 99 Chapter Summary ...... 107 Chapter 3: Methods ...... 110 Introduction ...... 110 Rationale for Qualitative Study ...... 112 Overview of the Research Design ...... 115 Institutional Review Board (IRB) ...... 117 Conceptual Framework ...... 117 W.E.B Du Bois’ Double Consciousness ...... 117 Roots of Coolness in African Culture ...... 121 Majors and Billson’s Cool Pose ...... 122 Erving Goffman’s Dramaturgical Perspective ...... 125 Conceptual framework diagram ...... 132 Research Sites ...... 139 Sample Population ...... 140 Recruitment ...... 140 Sample Size ...... 142 Data Collection Methods ...... 143 Online Demographic Questionnaire...... 143

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Semi-structured Individual Interviews...... 145 Facebook Profiles...... 147 Data Analysis ...... 149 Grounded Theory ...... 150 Ethical Consideration ...... 153 Role of the Researcher ...... 156 Background of the Researcher...... 156 Trustworthiness ...... 161 Credibility...... 161 Transferability...... 166 Dependability...... 167 Confirmability...... 168 Limitations ...... 170 Chapter Summary ...... 171 CHAPTER 4: Results ...... 172 Introduction ...... 172 Descriptions of the Participants ...... 173 Emerging Categories ...... 177 Online identity construction...... 178 Race, gender, and online caution...... 183 Branding/Image control...... 187 Blended Consciousness...... 192 Making his voice heard...... 197 Academic Use on Facebook...... 203 The performance...... 208 Anchored relationship/Offline preferred...... 210 Chapter Summary ...... 214 Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations ...... 216 Introduction ...... 216 Overview of the Study ...... 216 Summary of Findings ...... 217 Research Question #1...... 217 Research Question #2...... 221 xiii

Research Questions #3...... 225 Conclusion ...... 228 Discussion of Findings ...... 231 Through the lens of Self...... 231 Through the lens of others...... 235 Through their relationships...... 238 Facebook’s academic potential...... 240 Social media and the college athletes...... 242 Social media and Greek fraternities...... 244 Social media and politics...... 246 Monitoring and tracking on Facebook...... 247 Implications for Higher Education Stakeholders ...... 251 Recommendations ...... 252 Undergraduate African American male students...... 253 Recommendations for University Faculty and Administrators ...... 254 Recommendations for Parents...... 254 Recommendations for Future Research ...... 255 Final Thoughts ...... 257 References ...... 260 Appendix A: Institutional Review Board Approval Letter ...... 287 Appendix B: Recruitment Letter/Email Message ...... 289 Appendix C: Informed Consent ...... 292 Appendix D: Demographic Questionnaire...... 297 Appendix E: Initial Semi-structured Individual Interview Guide ...... 302 Appendix F: Follow-Up Semi-structured Interview Guide ...... 307 Appendix G: Sample of Interview Coding in HyperRESEARCH ...... 309 Appendix H: Sample of Initial Codes ...... 311 Appendix I: Sample of Categories ...... 313 Appendix J: Description of the Research Team Members ...... 315 Appendix K: Research Team Members’ Pledge of Confidentiality ...... 317 Appendix L: Participants’ Demographics Data ...... 319 Appendix M: Participants’ Online Demographic Data ...... 322

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List of Tables

Table 4.1: Distribution of Frequencies and Percentages of ACT and SAT Composite College Entrance Exam Scores ...... 174 Table 4.2: Distribution of Frequencies and Percentages of Daily Internet and Facebook Time by Academic Level ...... 176

List of Figures

Figure 1. Facebook User's Personal Data ...... 127 Figure 2. Facebook User's Favorites ...... 127 Figure 3. Conceptual Framework Diagram ...... 133

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Chapter 1: Introduction

This qualitative study examined how African American undergraduate males

(re)constructed their identities, self-presentations, and relationships on Facebook, a popular online social network site. To provide a context for the motivation of the investigation the following sections included the background of the study, the statement

of the problem, the purpose and significance of the study, and the research questions that

guided the inquiry. In addition, a brief discussion of the methods and definition of terms were also included in this chapter.

Background of the Study

According to Ellison (1970), the counter narratives of African Americans’ images and representations are deeply rooted in struggles of oppression and discrimination.

Beginning in the 20th century, these struggles were framed by American mass media,

which has played a major role in creating an oppressive environment for African

American males and reinforcing notions of second-class status (Bogle, 2001; Cripps,

1977; Dates & Mascaro, 2005; Squires, 2009).

Grounded in claims of social and cultural neutrality driven by the perceived anonymity of the Internet, some social scientists argued that the digital world may offer an environment where social differences are magnified minimumly (Negroponte, 1995).

According to these perspectives, physical differences in the offline world are invisible or increasingly anonymous in the cyberspace environment (Turkle, 1995). The idea that

racism, sexism, and classism would finally have no place in our online digital world was

quickly dispelled. In 1998, Hoffman and Novak acknowledged that offline issues of race,

class and gender existed on the Internet and recognized that a “digital divide” among race and socio-economic groups in America. Bailey (1996) argued that marginalized and underrepresented groups were having similar alienating online experiences. They were

often silenced or ignored during online encounters with others. Thus, racial identities

were highly salient in online social interactions. Further, Burkhalter (1999) asserted that

racial stereotypes may be even more influential and potent on the Internet because of the

anonymous environment allowed users to hide behind their virtual selves and act on negative impulses. Over the years, many social scientists have shedded light on Internet- base racial encounters. With the advent of social network sites (SNSs) and their increasing usage, these social trends have proliferated because public or semi-public web- based spaces that allow individuals to interact online with other individuals.

In 2009, Watkins examined the racial and class differences that shape how the youth utilized social media. He found that the same racial language was used to describe offline groups and communities that surfaced among online groups and communities. He asserted that “frequent characterization of Myspace as ‘trashy’ and ‘uneducated’ underscores the widespread belief among collegians that Myspace was used chiefly by a community of digital undesirables—black, Latino, and angst-ridden teenagers—people they consistently describe as ‘creepy’” (p. 83). Further, he challenged the social neutrality myth that the notion of race, class, gender, and other social identity markers don’t matter online. He explained that young online users, especially white college students, maintain

“digital gates” around their online environments. Thus, issues of race and social identity

play a key role in identity construction on social network, sites including Facebook.

Beginning in the late 1990s, the introduction and emergence of SNSs, such as

SixDegrees (1997), LiveJournal (1999), and AsianAvenue (1999), began to attract more

people to online social environments. AsianAvenue, MiGente (2000), and BlackPlanet

(late 1999) were ethnic sites that had limited functionality until both AsianAvenue and

BlackPlanet re-launched in 2005 with better social interaction functions compared to

traditional online communities (boyd & Ellison, 2007). In 2004, Facebook launched its

site exclusively for Harvard college students only and offered new accounts to all college

students in the following years. By 2006, the site opened its membership to everyone 13

years of age and older with a valid e-mail address. This gave a broad range of individuals like high school students and other institutions, such as commercial businesses access to this emergent dominant social network site (Cassidy, 2006; Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, &

Zickuhr, 2010). Since 2006, Facebook has become one of the most highly researched digital environments where topics such as uses and gratifications theory (Raacke &

Bonds-Raacke, 2008), college retention issues (Junco & Timm, 2008), social capital

(Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Steinfield, Ellison, & Lampe, 2008; Valenzuela,

Park, & Kee, 2009), national politics (Woolly, Limperos, & Oliver, 2010), and identity

construction (Grasmuck, Martin, & Zhao, 2009; Zhao, Grasmuck, & Martin, 2008) have

been investigated, to name a few. Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe (2007) suggested a

positive relationship between the use of Facebook and social capital more specifically.

Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) defined social capital as “the sum of the resources, actual

or virtual, that accrue to an individual or group by virtue of possessing a durable network

of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (p.

1145). Grasmuck et al. (2009) shared the belief that ethnic minority groups’ presence is

well articulated and alive in the Facebook community. This was in spite of the absence of

a choice to show race in a user’s profile (Ginger, 2008) that perpetuates past Internet

marginalization in anonymous online communities.

Nevertheless, according to Zhao et al (2008), this online “nonymous” (i.e.,

opposite of anonymous) site offered an infrastructure that allowed its users to formulate

their self-concept, particularly one’s identity and self-presentation of what they want others to perceive him/herself in a number of ways. Kendall (1998) and Zhao et al.

(2008) suggested that online environments were not entirely anonymous. Various offline acquaintances, such as family, friends, colleagues, and peers maintain their relationships online as well. Zhao (2006) called these fluid offline-based online relationships,

“anchored relationships”. Similarly, initial online relationships via some Internet groups can develop into offline relationships (Kendall, 1998; Rheingold, 1995; Turkle, 1995).

Zhao et al. (2008) proclaimed that identity construction has not been thoroughly studied in nonymous online spaces, like Facebook. When it comes to underrepresented groups and cultures, the research inquiry continues to be under-researched (Grasmuck et al.,

2009). Yet, many scholars consider Facebook as an ideal, rich online environment to examine identity construction, self-presentation, and social connectedness with friends, family members, and a space to meet new people in cyberspace (boyd & Ellison, 2007;

Cassidy, 2006; Ellison et al., 2007; Grasmuck et al., 2009; Lee, 2011; Zhao et al., 2008;

Hilsen & Helvik, 2014).

Statement of the Problem

From a historical perspective, the largest marginalized groups in the U.S. have

included indigenous American Indian, Asian, Latino, and African American people.

These groups have had to counter racist stereotypes in order to avoid the total suppression

and annihilation of their own images. Some of the strategies that African Americans have

used to counter this marginalization have historically included both subtle and hostile protest of imposed stereotypical images (Cripps, 1977; Squires, 2009; Jackson & Hopson,

2011). The history of African Americans’ images and representations are often deeply

rooted in struggles against oppression and discrimination. Since their arrival on American

soil, the images of Blacks on print media, roles in plays, in films, on television, and in

videos have encountered an inferior disposition created by others in American society.

Black male characters were characterized as loyal servants to their slave-owners although

they were enslaved, flogged, and harassed. Their facial features and expressions were

over-exaggerated. They appeared in films as humorous objects and black buffoons

(Bogle, 2001). Based on Thomas Dixon’s novel, The Clansman, D.W. Griffith’s film

Birth of a Nation (1915) caused major controversy and was denounced as the most anti-

Negro movie in film history (Bogle, 2001; Cripps, 1977). Ellison (1970) claimed that

media perpetuated historical oppression and contributed to the notion that African

Americans' social positions were second-class citizens. Hence, Rhodes (1993) suggested

a racist society must have a racist media to broadcast these ideals and beliefs to a large

5 audience. As a result, various forms of media still persist to perpetuate negative stereotypical representations of black men and women in all forms including print media, film, radio, television broadcasting (Lee & Park, 2009; Lee, Bichard, Irey, Walt, &

Carlson, 2009; Mehra et al., 2004; Squires, 2009), and now online spaces and environments (Bailey, 1996; Ginger, 2007). As online environments become more relevant in today’s society, it is important to understand how these environments and spaces are used to construct and perform racial identities.

Earlier research surrounding online identity construction spaces, such as Multi-

User Dungeons (MUDs) and Chat Rooms, were primarily anonymous environments

(Rheingold, 1995; Turkle, 1995). These studies focused on the effect of offline social hierarchy, such as race, gender, and class or the effect of online environments, such as anonymity of racial identities construction (Grasmuck et al, 2009). Such computer- mediated communication (CMC) spaces often allow “the dream of a just and egalitarian world which somehow continues to elude us in “real life” (Kendall, 1998, p. 130). Early studies suggested that people “tended to play- act at being someone else or act out their underlying negative impulses in the online world.” (Zhao et al., 2008, p. 1817).

Furthermore, Kendall’s (1998) research found topics of race and racial expressions were mainly avoided in early dominant online settings. Race only became an indirect discussion if racial implications were prevalent during social events offline. According to

Omi and Winant (1994), the same dominant racial ideology in the U.S. mirrored the online users’ beliefs. A majority of the research that explored racial identity construction online took place in mostly disembodied and anonymous settings (Bailey, 1996;

Burkhalter, 1999; Kendall, 1998; and Turkle, 1995). Nakamura’s (2002) book,

Cybertypes: race, ethnicity, and identity on the Internet, addressed “the distinctive ways

that the Internet propagates, disseminates, and commodifies images of race and racism.”

(p. 3) There is sparse research exploring how members use black cultural expression for text communication (Banks, 2006) and the lack of networking on members’ offline civic engagement (Byrne, 2008a) on BlackPlanet.com.

As scholars began to focus more on less anonymous online environments like

Internet dating sites (Ellison, Heino, & Gibbs, 2006; Yurchisin, Watchravesringkan, &

McCabe, 2005), they discovered that people acted differently in online environments

compared to their offline interactions with others. This was an important moment for

online identity construction because these online self-presentations no longer resembled

the behavior in anonymous environments. This difference was partially due to the

congruence of online self-presentation and offline representation (Kendall, 1998).

Kendall found that, when people extended their online relationships into the offline

world, a greater level of trust and authenticity enhanced their relationship in general.

Another reason for this difference is the capacity of these sites to have visual

representations of individuals such as photographs. Yet, Grasmuck et al. (2009) asserted

that little is known about identity construction in environments where visual examples

(e.g., images, photos, and videos) addresses race are available to their online audience.

They concluded “it is reasonable to expect that race will become a more salient factor in

such nonymous and semi-embodied online settings than in anonymous and disembodied

online settings…” (Grasmuck et al., 2009, p. 161) Thus, we turn to Facebook, which is an

online environment that presents its own limitations when it comes to self-identification categories of race and class.

Ginger (2008) argued that Facebook “inadvertently or covertly perpetuated two racist or discriminatory norms: the colorblind mentality and racialized visual classification of others.” (p. 2). To date, within the Facebook interface, there is no category in a user’s profile that allows them to self-identify their race, class, cultural/ethnicity, or nationality on their individual profiles. Ginger (2008) suggested that denial of self-identification and colorblindness in regard to identity perpetuate racist or discriminatory norms within our global society. Bonilla-Silva (2010) alluded that online individuals simply replicate and strengthen many of the dominant offline discourse of

“colorblindness.” Needless to say, characteristics of both the online environment and the users’ social positions of race and ethnicity will influence identity construction

(Grasmuck et al., 2009). The challenge for under and misrepresented groups with online nonymous and embodied settings is that they mirror the offline social environment with various complex contextual spaces (Bailey, 1996; Burkhalter, 1999). Thus, underrepresented groups will continue to experience some of the historical offline social inequalities such as racial discrimination, marginalization, and colorblindness, in online environments including Facebook.

Only a few scholars have researched underrepresented groups like African

Americans’ participation and identity construction on social network sites like

BlackPlanet (Banks, 2006; Byrne, 2008a) and Facebook (DeAndrea, Shaw, & Levine,

2010; Grasmuck et al, 2009; Lee, 2011; Martinez Aleman & Wartman, 2009; Zhao et al.,

2008) with the intent to shed light on social media and the construction of race. Both

Grasmuck et al., (2009) and Lee’s (2011) studies found similar results of self- presentation among Africa American college students’ cultural and racial identity construction on Facebook. Although one study convened at a predominantly white institution (PWI) and the other on a historical Black college and university (HBCU) campus, African American students in both settings were using Facebook as a space for self-presentation and identity construction. For example, Grasmuck et al., (2009) concluded that minority groups’ presence is salient and highly articulated within the

Facebook community. Their findings suggested that African Americans, Latinos, and

Native Americans executed their identities through three forms of identity claims: a) visual identity claims—where users uploaded and displayed their photos in various locations, b) cultural identity claims—where the users told their audience about their personal interests and hobbies such as favorite books, music, movies, and TV shows, etc., and c) narrative identity claims—where the users provided self-descriptions explicitly.

They found that African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans articulated these identity claims more frequently than White and Vietnamese students. In fact, the white and Vietnamese groups rarely articulated any group identification according to the authors.

More importantly, Grasmuck et al. (2009) suggested that the “uplifting and often inspirational quotes related to racial themes of injustice frequently included by the

African American, Latino, and Indian students conveyed a sense of belonging, color consciousness, and identification with groups historically stigmatized by dominant

9 society” (p. 179). In the other study, Lee (2011) acknowledged “…the importance of cultural environment for African American online users. Displaying their photographs and personal interests on Facebook signals racial identity among African American college students.” (p. 13) Facebook offered many opportunities for users to share various forms of information including cultural interest, movies, music, favorite artists and actors, books, and favorite quotes. According to Lee (2011), Facebook users, especially

African Americans, are able to construct their racial, cultural, and gender identity through various components of the site. However, she conceded that further research, including face-to-face interaction and online encounters, needs to be explored (Lee, 2011).

Specifically, she recommended that qualitative research methods are necessary to better understand the implicit meanings of self-presentation, storytelling, and relationships with other users, family and friends (Lee, 2011).

Zhao et al. (2008) conducted additional research on Facebook to explore how

Ervin Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical perspective aligned with Facebook’s multi-facet infrastructure for identity construction. Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical perspective uses the metaphor of the theater to describe peoples’ public and private social interactions.

They further support “…a need to employ multiple methods (e.g., interviews and surveys) within the same study so that the different aspects of identity construction can be examined in different ways” (Zhao et al., 2008, p. 1832). According to Grasmuck et al

(2009), Facebook serves as an online identity production site that permits users to affirm and express themselves freely and unapologetically. This research project provided an opportunity for African American men express ‘who they are’ in cyberspace (Suler,

2002) and offline environments.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to explore, identify, and examine how

undergraduate African American males enrolled at a predominately White institution

(PWI) used Facebook, to (re) construct their social identities, present themselves to

others, and manage their anchored relationships. Specifically, my study sought to

describe and understand the ways in which social constructs surrounding race, class, ethnicity, and gender influence these African American males’ identities and representation as they engaged in both offline and online environments.

Because of the importance of relationships in identity construction, the researcher

was interested in how African American men use this digital environment to create,

facilitate, and enhance their relationship with their peers, friends and family members. By

employing a qualitative approach, the African American men in the study were able to

tell their stories and share how they make meaning of their identities and interactions

both online and offline. My aim was to synthesize how the participants managed their

identities as they engaged with others and examine what ways they wanted others to see

them.

Research Questions

For this study, the following research questions were designed to develop an

understanding of how undergraduate African American males perform identity

production in today’s social media society while attending a predominately White

institution. Each question is reflective of my desire to uncover how socially constructed

identities influence African American men during their daily interactions within a

mainstream learning institution. Further, the questions were designed to delve into the ways that these students use online technology to build and manage their relationships with others. Based on the historical representation and limited amount of literature on online identity construction of African American undergraduate students especially males at predominantly White institutions, the following research questions are:

1. How do African American men (re) construct and present their racial, cultural,

and gendered identities on Facebook and offline into their everyday experience?

2. In what ways do African American males build and manage their offline and

online presentations of themselves?

3. In what ways do African American males build and manage their offline and

online relationships?

Research Approach

The researcher explored, identified, analyzed, and interpreted the personal experiences shared by African American men at the undergraduate level. He used qualitative methods including a questionnaire, interviews, and textual analysis of

Facebook content to discover the ways that men choose to construct their identities using

Facebook. Triangulation of data was achieved through multiple data collection sources including a demographic questionnaire and two individual face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The online demographic questionnaire was used as secondary and supplement data. Both individual interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Using

Charmaz (2006) constructivist grounded theory approach, initial, focused, and axial

12 coding techniques were used to deconstruct, interpret, and resemble the data into findings to provide insight into the participants’ constructed identities. Constant comparison method was employed throughout the data collection and analysis process until the final write-up. More importantly, multiple data collection methods were used as a strategy of triangulation to verify and validate the study’s findings, and take into account any researcher biases while addressing issues of trustworthiness. More detail will be provided in the “Methods” chapter (Chapter 3).

Significance of the Study

The negative and stereotypical identities of African Americans particularly males have been shaped by the White dominant society since the seventeenth century in

America (Bogle, 2001; Cripps, 1977; Dates & Barlow, 1990; Franklin & Moss, 1994;

Roberts, 2006). Due to the oppression and subjugation of White supremacy, Du Bois’

(1903) described the social psychological identity crisis among Black people and their interaction with White people as problematic. Based on the hostile and brutal treatment of

African ancestry, the legalization of educational denial for Africans and African

American slaves, and the systemic caste system put in place for slaves has affected the identity construction and production among African Americans to this present day.

Scholars have documented the impact of prejudice and discrimination in the classroom and on campus as major factors for withdrawal (Fleming, 1984; Hurtado, 1992, 1994) and lack of student integration in both social and academic environments (Tinto, 1993).

Research has focused on the experiences of African American undergraduates (Allen,

1992; Fleming, 1984; Flowers, 2004a, 2004b) and particularly males (Bonner, 2001;

Dancy & Brown, 2008; Davis, 1994; Harper, 2004; Jackson & Moore, 2008; Moore,

Madison-Colmore, Smith, 2003) over several decades. When it comes to digital spaces,

some research has begun to address the issues surrounding race and identity (Ginger,

2008; Grasmuck et al., 2009; Lee, 2011; Zhao et al., 2008); however, little is known

about the intersections race, gender, and online identity of African Americans,

particularly men. Therefore, this study focused on the voices and experience of African

American males as they constructed their identity in both offline and online

environments.

As an integral part of millions of undergraduate students, Facebook still remains

the most utilized social network site in America (Duggan, Ellison, Lampe, Lenhart &

Madden, 2015). Its daily use among college students, family members, higher education

administrators, business corporations, and government agencies has created complex

issues for those who work with or research undergraduate students. Learning and

understanding more about how undergraduate African American men develop their self-

presentational image will provide some context for higher education professionals who work with this population of students. While existing literature addresses online

“branding” of self, this study adds to the literature by shedding light on how these participants valued positive branding for future graduate school admission decision- makers, human resources hiring managers, and corporate recruiters.

The popularity of Facebook has caused some educators to consider what role social media might have within the educational system. Surprisingly, some college students have responded positively to the idea of “friending” and interacting with faculty

and administrators (Karl & Peluchette, 2011; Roblyer, McDaniel, Webb, Herman, &

Witty, 2010). From this study, college students (especially Blacks) can indirectly use

social media spaces to engage with faculty and administrators even if they have limited

face-to-face access on campus. Furthermore, college students can demonstrate classroom

participation and in-group work by inviting faculty members to the online group.

Specifically, students will better understand that they can use Facebook for academic opportunities including a quasi-office hour space and develop a better social encounter with faculty members. Because social media spaces have become information-gathering infrastructures, college students will better understand why they should become and remain aware of their online behaviors, decisions, and choices that can impact them

negatively.

For years, parents of college students often worried about their child(ren) well-

being while away attending college. Many parents and family members have started to

join Facebook (Duggan et al., 2015) for various reasons (Jones, 2014) but one of the main

reasons is to stay connected with the college students in their lives. This study adds to the

literature of Facebook use by illuminating how some college male students preferred to

keep their intimate relationship with close family members offline. Parents will recognize

that some college students want to keep their relationship private and not open to the

general public or their friends. In some cases, some college students have decided to

interact with their audience in other SNSs, like Twitter and Instagram. However, when

geographical distance becomes a factor, some parents will learn and understand that

social interaction with their college students is desired and needed.

Goffman’s dramaturgical model concentrated on social interaction but did not

include the psychological portion, the ‘self’, within identity development (Scheibe,

2000). This study developed a conceptual framework that includes the psychology of

identity by using two models, double consciousness and cool pose, to frame the identity

development of African American men. By using this conceptual framework, this study

expands the knowledge of identity construction for underrepresented college student

groups. Researchers can investigate college students from other cultures with similar

historical backgrounds of oppression and misrepresentation. The framework allows for a

better psychosocial underpinning of identity production, self-presentation, and impression

management of diverse college students who attend PWIs. This conceptual framework

provides researchers the opportunity to modify the framework to fit other marginalized

groups by using other culturally specific theories. Thus, this research project is needed to

assist college administrators to stay abreast of the identity development and psychosocial

experiences undergraduates are having and develop new strategies to support and educate

them in today’s global social media society. Finally, qualitative research is needed to help

social media researchers gain insight into this under-researched population in today’s media. Beyond the stereotypical characterization of African American men in traditional media, social media scholars can investigate this population without holding on to stigmas and misrepresented images and assumptions.

Assumptions

I had three primary assumptions regarding this study. First, all African American males may not be consciously aware that they are (re) constructing their online identity.

This assumption is based on the fact that each participant has not been exposed to the historical literature of stereotypes and negative images constructed by members of the dominant White population. In addition, online users who are not conscious of their identity production could misrepresent themselves to their current and future audience members. Second, a user’s online self-presentation and performance are strongly influenced by his anchored relationships with close audience members. This assumption is based on the fact that family, friends, and close associates have more access and intimate interactions that will expose any self-presentation and performance that is not authentic. Specifically, no one wants to be perceived as “fake” or “phony”—not genuine—among their audience members because he desires positive approval from the audience. Third, all of the participants’ offline relationships are not guaranteed online connection and interaction. This assumption is based on the fact that some users may choose to keep some offline relationships strictly offline. For example, some participants may not accept “friend request” from college professors, classmates, family members, and/or ex-romantic partners.

This study used some key terms that needed to be define to assist the readers of this dissertation. The final section later defined a few important terms for this study.

Definition of Key Terms

African American(s) refers to people of African descent, who are born as citizens, raised and/or resides in the United States of America. Both African American and Black will be used interchangeably.

Anchored Relationship refers to significant family members, neighbors,

colleagues, and other offline acquaintances that may also communicate with each other on the Internet (Zhao, 2006).

Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) is used to describe any communication transaction that occurs through the use of two or more networked computers (e.g., instant messaging, emails, chat rooms, text messaging) or digital technologies (e.g., smart mobile phone and touch pads devices).

Impression Management is the manipulation of cues or effort to control and

influence the perceptions of other people (Goffman, 1959).

Mass Media refers to sites of discourse, which influence individuals, culture,

social structures and political policy and also reflect social, political, and intellectual

views and attitudes (Macnamara, 2006). It reaches large audiences in a short period of

time.

National Pan-Hellenic Council refers to an overarching organization of the nine international historically African American Greek lettered fraternities and sororities.

Nonymous refers to (opposite of anonymous) online environment(s) where identifying information includes a person’s legal name, residential location, and institutional affiliations are publicly verified (Zhao et al, 2008).

Netnography refers to a disciplined approach to the culturally-oriented study of that technologically-mediated social interaction that occurs through the Internet and

related information and communications technologies (ICT) (Kozinets, 2010).

Offline refers to not being connected to any computer or mobile devices, must be

physically present in order to communicate with another individual(s).

Online refers to being connected to any computer or mobile devices that allow computer-mediated communication through the Internet specifically social network sites

(SNSs), do not have to be present in order to communicate with another individual(s).

Predominately White Institution (PWI) refers a term used to describe institutions of higher learning in which Whites account for majority of the student enrollment.

Self-presentation refers to the things individuals do to portray a particular image of self to others (Guerrero, Andersen, & Afifi, 2011)

Social Network Sites (SNSs) refers to a web-based space or environment that allow individuals to a) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, b) articulate a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and c) view and traverse their list of connections and those made by others within the system (boyd &

Ellison, 2007).

Web 2.0 refers to the second developmental stage of the World Wide Web with tools such as blogs, wikis, virtual worlds and online communities including social media sites.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

This chapter provides an overview of the research and scholarship addressing the identity construction of African American men in America. It will begin with an extended review of the historical images that have shaped a negative portrayal of African

American males in American mainstream mass media including the press, films, music, television, and video. This literature provides a foundation for how the identities of

African American men were constructed by the white dominant society during a time in which they exercised little control over their representations in the public imagination.

The chapter will continue with a review of the literature on identity development through the lenses of race, culture, and ethnicity. As mentioned in chapter one, the emergence of today’s online technology allows people (especially marginalized underrepresented groups) an opportunity to construct their own identities; thus, the concept of “re-

(construct)” utilized in this study. By re (construct), I am referring to the process of

African American men building or forming their own identities of “who they are” and/or how they “present themselves” to their audience in spite of the negative stereotypical portrayals of African Americans, specifically males. To carry out this research project, it was necessary to address the historical backdrop of African Americans’ images, stereotypes, and perceived identities that have been primarily invented and disseminated

by mainstream mass media, and how these socially constructed notions emerged in media

forms and are present in social media.

Based on the research literature and research questions, several theoretical frameworks were needed in order to understand the complexities of identity construction,

performance, and relationship struggles for African American men. These theories are

reviewed and discussed in the final section of this chapter.

African American Images in America’s Mass Media

Historically, African Americans’ images and identities have been constructed by

mainstream media culture in an often intentionally negative and inferior manner that

extends beyond U.S. borders (Squires, 2009). In his book, The African Origin of

Civilization: Myth or Reality, Cheikh Anta Diop (1974) chronicles the hostile invasion of

Africa, the birth of the Negro myth, and the colonization of the countries in the continent.

He highlights the images of early African pharaohs from Ethiopia and Egypt while

providing evidence of Black Pharaohs like Narmer, the first Pharaoh who unified Upper

and Lower Egypt (Diop, 1974, p.13). His scholarly mission was to point out that “ancient

Egypt was a Negro civilization” (p. xiv). He concludes that his work is just a progress

report and that future scholars must continue to uncover and expose the evidence of the

Negro’s historical reign in order to reach true freedom. Nevertheless, in Jane Rhodes’

(1993) article, The Visibility of Race and Media History, she juxtaposes the African

experience under colonial rule with America’s obliteration of marginalized groups’

cultural and self-image. She argues that American society has substituted the images of

Africans, Asians, and indigenous people with subhuman racist depictions to entrench a

21 system of racial control and dominance. In Rhodes’ (1993) view,

This struggle between the transmission of racist ideology and dogma, and the

efforts of oppressed groups to claim control over their own image, is part of the

legacy of the American mass media. Racial identity has been – and continues to

be – a crucial factor in determining who can produce popular culture, and what

messages are created. Yet this story has received minimal attention in a

historiography that has focused on the celebration of technological achievement

and financial success. This is the darker side of media history; the tale of a

national institution encumbered by a racist past. Contemporary discussions about

the politics of identity in media production lack relevance unless they are placed

in the context of this history. (p. 34)

Since the seventeenth century, when the first slaves from Africa were imported to the Virginia and other southern colonies in the US, stereotypes of African Americans have existed (Roberts, 2006). African Americans have been forced to seek and create alternatives to American mass media’s racist and stereotypical images and discourses since the nineteenth century (Squires, 2009). Rhodes (1993) argued that racist labels are essential political and social tools for presenting this notion of superiority over people from another culture. According to Roberts (2006), the stereotyped “characterizations are rooted in medieval European sensibility that black skin connoted evil, lack of

Christianity, and social backwardness” (p. 135). The expansion of slavery seems to reinforce these stereotypes. He continued, “… African Americans as a part of a permanent “mudsill” class, antebellum American writers cemented stereotypes that

remain largely intact even in the twenty-first century” (p. 135).

The following sections provide insight into the way African Americans fought to counter these negative stereotypes, how these preconceived stereotypes contribute to the ways African American, specifically men, see themselves while being misrepresented in different forms of mass media including the press, film, music, and television.

The Press.

According to the First Amendment of the US Constitution, “Congress shall create

no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or

abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to

assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances” (U.S. Const.

amend. I). In America, open and free communication is a fundamental human right;

however, people of African descent have struggled and fought to gain, sustain, and

expand their ability to communicate with each other and their audiences (Squires, 2009).

The history of the early Black Press began in 1827 with the first known Black newspaper,

Freedom’s Journal published by John Russwurm and Samuel Cornish. During the slave trade, people of African descent used printed materials to convey the injustices of racial oppression. In particular, the literature described how the Black press became the first media outlet of expression of the hopes, frustrations, culture, and political strategies of

African Americans.

During and after the end of slavery, African Americans used the press to fight for justice and against racism beyond the Emancipation and into the twentieth century

(Wintz, 1996). Then, through social, cultural, and political changes during the Harlem

Renaissance (1910s-40s), World War I (1914-18) and II (1939-45), African Americans

utilized the press to represent the “New Negro” image (Du Bois, Washington, Garvey,

Randolph, & Wintz, 1995). During the civil rights era (1954-1968), Black newspapers’ role changed due to the demographic and technological shifts of publishing that influenced the social and economic challenges (Squires, 2009). With the “increasing print cost, competition from radio, and television…the Black newspaper business experienced a downturn in circulation and national visibility” (Squires, 2009, p. 69) not to mention urban customers moving to suburban communities. After this era, Strange (2001) showed that the Black press or print media emerged into more consumer-oriented markets including magazines like Essence and Ebony. These magazines helped to shape a more positive image and representation of Black Americans (Vogel, 2001). As the Internet became accessible to the general public, Black magazines and newspapers used websites to maintain their presence in an ever-growing population of online users (Squires, 2009).

However, magazines, like Vogue and Vanity Fair, continue to perpetuate the negative stereotypes of Black men, particularly popular Black athletes. Both LeBron

James and Tiger Woods were featured on the cover of these magazines, respectively. In

2008, LeBron James was featured with a White model, Gisele Bundchen, on the magazine’s cover. The photo cover sparked controversy regarding black male imagery because it portrayed an animalistic or subhuman stereotype (Martin, 2014). Jamele Hill,

ESPN sports commentator, highlighted the fact that White athletes are portrayed smiling or laughing, but Black athletes are portrayed as beastly (Dickhaus & Kinney, 2014). “A magazine analyst said the image of James suggested the racial stereotype of a beastly

black man desiring a white woman” (Dickhaus &Kinney, 2014, p, 87). It’s important to

note that the juxtaposition of black men and beast is a historical imagery created by

White dominant filmmakers which will be covered in the next section. Nevertheless, in

2010, Tiger Woods was photographed with a skull cap and shirtless pumping two dumb

bells. According to Andrews, King, and Leonard (2011), “He and his handlers have

effectively worked to dissociate him from many of the key symbols of blackness, using

class in many ways to eclipse race” (p. 251). The authors cite Blackistone (2010) who

suggested that Vanity Fair “returned Tiger to his late father’s dominant race: black. How

else can one explain the cover photo Vanity Fair unveiled Monday of a half-naked Tiger lifting iron with a skull cap topping his sullen mug? Tiger got O.J.-ized” (p. 252). Thus, the notion of eclipsing race is a fallacy for any black man including Tiger Woods. In addition, Golfweek magazines featured a noose on its cover with the caption “Caught in a noose.” While Tiger Woods dominated the golf world, high volume of racially charged language was constantly targeted at Woods.

In 2008, The New Yorker featured President Barack Obama dressed in Muslim garb while fist-bumping the large Afro, rifle carrying First Lady Michelle Obama. This was a parody against the smear campaign against the Obamas during the presidential campaign by the press. This image plays up on racial stereotypes that suggest that Barack as not an American (requirement to become the US president) and Michelle as a member of the 1960s Black Panthers Party with her Afro and boots. With a Black man in the highest position in America, his blackness seems to manifest more overt racist comments

and disrespect from his White counterparts. But on November 17, 2008, Hertzberg

(2008) wrote,

Obama is young, educated, focused, reassuring, and energetic. He is as

accomplished a writer as he is a speaker. His campaign was a marvel of

discipline, organization, and prescience. He has, as a conservative critic

acknowledged, “a first-class intellect and a first-class temperament.” We have

had these qualities in our Presidents before, if rarely all in the same person.

But Obama’s most visible attribute, the only one mentioned in that Times lead,

is unique, even revolutionary: the color of his skin.

In spite of class and the highest position in America, the issue of race seems to continue to play a significant role in the perceptions of White American media decision makers.

Currently, the printed press continues to survive although books, newspapers, and magazines are migrating to the digital world and technologies, like smartphones, tablets and iPads, which has changed the way we can access the information electronically.

Since the beginning of slavery, the portrayal of African American images continues to depict African-Americans in a negative way. Despite the efforts of many

African Americans and a few White authors, stereotypes and generalizations have evolved from the colonial period to present. The press served as the original mass media tool that provides evidence of a persistent and destructive bias towards the public image of African Americans, especially Black males, and its ongoing forces that perpetuate the creation of these images in today’s digital media. Recently, the characterization of Mike

Brown, an African American male shot by a White police officer Darren Wilson in

Ferguson, Missouri, was described as “really big”, “like a demon”, and “bulking up to

run through the shots (bullets)” by the policeman (Ollstein, 2014). These biases and

negative descriptors come from a historical context. These historical destructive biases

and negative image construction patterns have both psychological and sociological

impact on African American males which will be highlighted throughout this chapter.

More importantly, these images and misrepresentation have influenced the identity construction among African American men to constantly fight against the negative depictions made by others. In the next section, film, I will discuss how film has created, shaped, and controlled the images and representations of African American males within this form of mass media.

Film.

Prior to film, images of African Americans were depicted in numerous visual forms including paintings, statues, woodcarvings, and photos to name a view. Pieterse

(1995) chronicled how the long history of White Europeans’ representation of Africans and African Americans reinforced four major ideological stereotypes: 1) Blacks were meant to serve Whites; 2) the bodies of Black people were grotesque; 3) Black physical features like their lips and hair were objects of ridicule and; 4) Blacks were hypersexual and exotic. According to Pieterse (1995), these visual stereotypes were integrated into the everyday lives of Europeans and White Americans. The popularity of minstrel shows reinforced the stereotypical images of African Americans from the 1840s into the twentieth century. Roberts (2006) stated,

These minstrels, who marketed in themselves as depicting the true culture of

African Americans, created debilitating characterizations that remained over a

century later. Most of the minstrel originators, however, or white Northerners who

knew little about African Americans…. These black minstrel shows were

advertised as presenting “real cool”. (p. 136)

Around 1909, minstrel shows begin to lose their popularity largely due to the emergence

of film and movie theatres (Guerrero, 1993; Roberts, 2006). The representations of

African Americans in the minstrels shows, however, continued with the growing film industry.

Both Bogle (2001) and Cripps (1977) described six basic stereotypical roles for

Blacks in early films:

1) Mammy – a female servant, who is typically overweight and tends her White slave owner (or employer) and his family with great devotion. 2) The Buck/Savage – wild (or untamed) Black male who is characterized as dangerous to White society, particularly White females. 3) The Uncle Tom – the male counterpart of the Mammy, who is readily and willing to betray other Blacks to help his White master (or employer). 4) The Sapphire/Black Wench – a seductive immoral woman who ensnares both White and Black men. 5) The Coon/Zip Coon – a male buffoon whose comic antics, loud clothes, and misuse of the English language were forms of humor at his own expense. 6) The Pickanniny – comic Black child (ren) whose clothing and hair were usually unkempt and whose eyes widened dramatically to express fear or desire.

In addition, another more prevalent name for African American males was “Sambo”,

which began during the period of enslavement. The characteristics of a “Sambo” carried a

host of insidious assumptions including being intellectually inferior, inherently docile,

and naturally lazy (Roberts, 2006). Based on these stereotypical characteristics, the

justification and treatment of African American slaves supported an immature and

inferior position. Elkins (1979) argued that the immature characterizations of the entire

enslaved Black population were critical to rationalization of slavery’s existence.

These visual stereotypes were codified in minstrel shows and served as guides for

White filmmakers who fostered these representations of African Americans by directing

both Black actors and White actors in “blackface”—typically White men with black

polish on their faces—to exaggerate these alleged “real” characteristics of Black bodies,

voices, and behaviors in front of the camera (Bogle, 2001; Cripps, 1977; Dates & Barlow,

1990). The use of White actors in Black roles was commonplace, a tradition that was

carried over from the minstrel stage and maintained during the early days of silent films

(Bogle, 2001; Dates & Barlow, 1990). The destructive images of African American people on the silver screen has a historical underpinning that dates back to Uncle Tom’s

Cabin (1903) where the first African American male image, played by Edwin S. Porter— a White male actor in ‘blackface’ (Bogle, 2001) represented an enslaved Negro that

remained loyal to his master (Bogle, 2001; Cripps, 1977; Gandy, 2001). Guerrero (1993)

and Massood (2003) posit that White American filmmakers created films that perpetuated

conventional negative images of Black people that persist to the present.

Next, the two major silent films, Birth of A Nation and Within Our Gates serve as

key examples of these polarizing images and representations of African Americans

during the early twentieth century.

Birth of a Nation. Early films set the tone and shaped the image and

representation for African Americans in mainstream society controlled by White

filmmakers. Birth of a Nation (1915) produced and directed by southerner David Wark

Griffith was an explicitly racist film that has been described as a ground-breaking

American film. The film was based on former North Carolina Baptist minister Reverend

Thomas Dixon Jr.'s anti-black, bigoted, and melodramatic stage play, The Clansman

(1905). This domestic melodrama/epic film originally premiered as The Clansman but

was re-titled three months later to emphasize it as an original story of America. Martin

(1990) argues that this film borrows heavily from Dixon’s plays and was changed only in

the sense that Griffith added a climatic element to Dixon’s theatrical treatment. This

illustrates the transferring of Dixon’s extreme racist philosophy directly into the film

(Martin, 1990). At almost three hours in length, it was the longest film to date and set the

table for the misrepresentation of African American people in movies.

The representation of the southern Blacks as villains, violent rapists, and threats to the social order of White America in Birth of a Nation is transparent and critical toward the destruction of the African American male image (Bogle, 2001; Guerrero, 1993). The

African American community was quite sensitive to the powerful negative film representation of themselves and protested many times leading up its premiere. This film ignited the African American community and united them to boycott the film (Bogle,

2001; Cripps, 1977; Rogin, 1985). The National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People (NAACP) found its subject matter racist and a ferocious depiction of blacks through its proclamation of miscegenation, its pro-Klan stance, and its endorsement of slavery (Cripps, 1977; Gaines, 1993: Guerrero, 1993).

Birth of a Nation demonstrated to American people just how powerful film could

and would be used to perpetuate the inferior disposition of African Americans for

decades. It also illustrated to the American society, Hollywood filmmakers, and African

American community that cinematic film is a powerful tool for the construction of

images and identities of a population. When used toward oppressive and racist ends, film

can and will shape the identities and images of the targeted populations in an inferior and

negative disposition (Ellison, 1970; Harris, 2003). Hall (1990) asserted that” meaning” is

a process of interpreting what is represented and that interpretation is dependent on

historical and cultural contexts. If meaning is fixed by ideology, then stereotypical

representations of African Americans have become fixed. Baran and Davis (2006)

emphasized that whoever has the greatest authority over a culture’s definition of symbols

and signs has the ability to also control the construction of identity representation

schemes that individuals use to pattern their interactions with their social worlds. For this

reason, film serves as a very powerful medium. Film not only provides insight to the

world about people and things, it establishes and maintains ideologies (Reid, 2005).

hooks (1992) proclaimed that the direct connection between White supremacist ideology

and limited representations of African Americans constitute what Blackness has come to

mean in the eyes of the world. In this vein, the images and identity of African American

people are controlled by the dominant culture, particularly men with a White supremacy

ideology.

Within Our Gates. African American filmmakers attempted to respond with their

own images by constructing their own films and storytelling to counteract the prevailing

31 definitions of race that the dominant culture projected but to no avail (Guerrero,1993;

Massood, 2003; Pounds, 1995; Rhodes, 1993). After Birth of a Nation was released,

Emmett J. Scott directed The Birth of a Race (1919) as a response to Griffith's film with more positive images of African Americans, however, it was largely ignored (Diawara,

1993).

Oscar Micheaux, another African American filmmaker who wrote, produced, and directed Within Our Gates (1920), constructed a response to the misrepresentation of

African Americans in Birth of A Nation. This film, Within Our Gates, is a silent film that dramatically depicts the racial situation in America during the violent years of Jim Crow, the Ku Klux Klan, the Great Migration, and the emergence of the "New Negro". The story focused on an African American woman who goes North in an effort to help a minister raise money to open a school for poor Black children in the Deep South. Her romance with a Black doctor eventually leads to revelations about her family's past and exposes the racial skeletons in America's closet (White Slave owners raping their Black female slaves), most famously through the film's depiction of the injustice of lynching a

Black family (Bogle, 2001; Diawara, 1993).

The film appealed to White Americans who subscribed to the mythic and romanticized view of the Old South (Bogle, 2001, Guerrero, 1993). Many viewers were thrilled by the love affair between northern and southern characters and the pinnacle rescue scene that place African Americans in a positive light (Franklin, 1989; Stokes,

2007). The film also thematically explored two great American issues: inter-racial sex and marriage, and the empowerment of Blacks (Franklin, 1989). According to Gaines

(1993), it is the oldest known surviving film made by an African American director. The film was lost for decades; however, a single print of the film, entitled La Negra, was discovered in Spain in the 1970s (Gaines, 1993). In 1993, the Library of Congress

Motion Picture Conservation Center restored the film as closely to the original as possible. The Spanish titles were retranslated back into English. Sadly, the original footage of this Black film will never be fully recovered.

Nevertheless, two events spurred the film's creation: 1) the release of Griffith's

The Birth of a Nation four years earlier with its heroic portrayal of the Ku Klux Klan and,

2) the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 after a Black teenager was allegedly drowned by a

White gang. Oscar Micheaux's first feature-length film, The Homesteader (1918) was well-received by the Black community, however, Within Our Gates was protested by the same Black community along with the Methodist Episcopal Ministers’ Alliance committee that had representatives from both races (Gaines, 1993). It is important to note that both Birth of a Nation and Within Our Gates were protested by opposing races but for different guises. According to Gaines (1993), while both films had racial indifferences, their protest campaigns were substantially different. Gaines’ argued that

NAACP’s protest against Griffith’s film was centered on representational falsehoods, where as many White critics and some Blacks felt that Micheaux’s film brought “too much truth” to the reality of the current times. “The attempt to ban screenings of

Micheaux’s film, then, was an attempt to silence the protest against lynching, but also a law-and-order move to suppress active protest against worsening housing and employment conditions in the North” (Gaines, 1993, p. 50). Micheaux's Within Our

Gates has been characterized as a response to the racism inherent in Griffith's work and represented African American men with more realistic accurate depiction. Such depiction of the horror of lynching suggests the Blacks’ reality and the Northern Whites denial of racial subjugation, while reversing the accusation of primitive ideology back onto White

Southern culture (Bogle, 2001; Diawara, 1993; Guerrero, 1993).

Micheaux depicted nine African American men in this film. Three men of the nine African American men were antagonists and the others were positive males with

‘good’ moral character. He documented the complexity of African American life, particularly in the Deep South. According to Reid (1993), Micheaux was unwilling to blame only Whites for the poverty of Black families. He disapproved of Black men who helped to perpetuate their condition for personal gain (Reid, 1993). Micheaux vigilantly constructed this film to educate his audience about racism, peonage, women's rights, and the urban "new Negro" (both characters, Conrad and Dr. Vivian) emerging after the Great

Migration (Gaines, 1993, Guerrero, 1993; Reid, 1993). Micheaux's film ended with a wedding symbolizing the future of the African American family, depicting two mature and classically educated African Americans (union of Sylvia and Dr. Vivian). Within Our

Gates is one of the most recognized silent films that documented African American men’s representation with perseverance, honor, integrity, nobility, and excellence.

Birth of A Nation and Within Our Gates were polarized silent films that highlighted the battle of the Black images in American. The distribution of these films was lopsided as well. Birth of a Nation went from the West Coast to New York, whereas,

Within Our Gates was limited to the northern theaters because Southern theaters refused

34 to book the movie (Bogle, 2001). The different portrayals of African Americans would continue through the decades.

Beyond Silent Films Era. Over the next four decades, African American actors continued to play roles of servants, subordinates, and stereotypical characters in

Hollywood films. In 1930s, Bogle (2001) explained,

The toms, coons, mulattoes, mammies, and bucks were no longer dressed as old-

style jesters. Instead they have become respectable domestics. Hollywood had

found a new place for the Negro - in the kitchens, and the laundry rooms, and the

pantries. And thus was born the age of the Negro Servant. (p. 35)

The black servants of the Hollywood films were comic relief from the harsh financial realities of the depression era (Bogle, 2001). Actors like Stepin Fetchit and other lesser actors played “foolish public roles and conspicuous consumption made them appear richer and more powerful than they really were, so Blacks adored them even when they may have winced at the flunkeys’ roles that paid the bills” (Cripps, 1977, p.106). Hattie

McDaniel was the first black woman to win an Academy Award (in the category of Best

Supporting Actress) for playing a character name Mammy in the movie, Gone With the

Wind. (1939). There was mixed emotion in the black community, some observers were angry because she was rewarded for reinforcing a racial stereotype while others were proud for her historic win (Squires, 2009). In 1935, approximately 20 years after the release of Birth of A Nation, Bill “Bojangles” Robinson became the first black servant to play a guardian-like character who was responsible for a little White girl in the movie,

The Littlest Rebel, featuring Shirley Temple (Bogle, 2001). On-screen, Robinson’s

subservient role provided a childlike vitality and spontaneity that helped Temple relax

and develop good behavior during adverse times.

Message films. According to Squires (2009), the press and radio industries along

with the government, particularly the Office of War Information (OWI), consulted with

Hollywood to make “message films” that addressed the need to advocate tolerance and

celebrate contributions of African American soldiers. It was a rare moment when

Hollywood portrayed a “heroic” image of African American men (Savage, 1999) in the movie, The Negro Soldier (1944). The next year, the government filmed The Negro

Sailor (1945) to highlight the wonderful war contributions made by “colored boys”

(Bogle, 2001). Such films motivated some directors and producers to make films that would provide commentary about social problems like racism (i.e., Pinky (1949)) and

poverty (Squires, 2009). However, Wald (2000) stressed that the well-intended attempt to

address racism was problematic because of Hollywood’s traditional practices of hiring

White actors as the lead Negro protagonist role, while African American actors could

have played the role. These films did not resolve any racial dilemmas in society like

employment discrimination and White sexual predation on Black women (Squires, 2009).

The frustration with Hollywood’s procrastination toward including African Americans in

more diverse roles continued to mount and heightened when Hollywood focused on one

young Black actor, Sidney Poitier.

In 1950, No Way Out (a message film) served as the break-out film for Poitier—

playing a black doctor fighting to clear his name while trying to escape a White racist

stalker. Poitier was the first Black male to receive an Oscar nomination for his leading

role in, The Defiant Ones (1958) and the first Black male to win an Oscar as a leading

actor in the movie, Lilies in the Field (1963). Bogle (2001) emphasizes that his roles were

intelligent and educated, he spoke proper English, presented great table manners, and

dressed conservatively for the mass White audience. By Hollywood standards, Poitier

was the ideal integrationist with docile non-threatening characters, who posed no danger

to the status quo. He represented the values and virtues of the Black middle-class

community, and the perceived ideal image of Blacks for White audiences. On the cusp of

the Civil Rights movement, these same passive non-threatening roles would become detrimental to Poitier’s acting career because African Americans became frustrated with both the government’s lack of effort to help resolve real issues that faced the Black community and Hollywood’s continuation of docile typecast roles. The critics and Black audience “wanted characters that reflected the diversity and complexity of Black life rather than simplistic fantasies of a color-blind world” (Squires, 2009, p. 114). The late

1960s and early 1970s would become the brief era where the African American audience would experience the Blaxploitation film genre.

Blaxploitation Era. From 1969 through 1975, the White executives in Hollywood decided to focus on narratives that featured Black actors playing action-adventure roles in the urban ghetto (Guerrero, 1993). This time period of filmmaking is called the

Blaxploitation era. The term is a blending of “black” and “exploitation” which “arises from the film industry’s targeting the black audience with a specific product line of cheaply made, black-cast films shaped with the “exploitation” strategies Hollywood

routinely uses to make the majority of its films” (Guerrero, 1993, p. 69). After decades of

systemic denial, access, and neglect in Black featured films, why the sudden interest?

According to Guerrero (1993), three key phenomena led to the emergence of this era. First, these films were made possible by the rising political and social consciousness of African American people, especially those who affiliated with the Black Nationalist

Party at the end of the Civil Rights Movement; and the Justice Department threatened an employment discrimination lawsuit against the major Hollywood studios in 1969

(Squires, 2009). Second, the Hollywood film industry was on the verge of an economic collapse at the end of the 1960s. Given the “surge in African American identity politics led also to an outspoken, critical dissatisfaction with Hollywood’s persistent degradation of African Americans in films” (Guerrero, 1993, p. 69-70); and the economic decline due to competition from television forced the film industry to respond to the demands of

African Americans by creating black-oriented films in order to solve the political and financial challenges (Bogle, 2001; Guerrero, 1993; Lawrence, 2007; Robinson; 1998;

Squires, 2009). Third, African American audiences grew tired of one Black star in

Hollywood films. Sidney Poitier was no longer the ideal representation for the larger

African American audiences because film heroes played by former African American athletes, such as Jim Brown and Fred Williamson, portrayed stronger, masculine characters (the new Negro Buck) with more assertive roles. However, “these isolated roles neither expanded opportunities for Black actors and actresses, nor satisfied Black audiences’ desires to see the stories of Black communities dramatized on-screen”

(Squires, 2009, p. 116).

The rapid ascension of the genre reached its apex when writer, director, and actor

Melvin Van Peebles’ premiered film, Sweet Sweetback’s Baadasssss Song (1971). The protagonist, Sweetback, witnesses an incident of police brutality and must run for his life after he attacks the officers. In 1972, two major films, Shaft and Superfly, crystalized the

Blaxploitation formula. Musicians Isaac Hayes and Curtis Mayfield wrote the soundtracks for these films, respectively. Over fifty cheap, low budget, B-films were released during the Blaxploitation era. As Hollywood began to recover from its worse financial crises and the criticism from Black critics’ grew, the Blaxploitation era saw a rapid decline. According to Squires (2009), box-office hits like Star Wars (1977) and

Jaws (1975) helped Hollywood bounce back to financial stability and the economic model of inexpensive Blaxploitation films ended. Once again, African American actors, writers, directors were looking for new opportunities and open doors in Hollywood.

Spike Lee and John Singleton. Over the next three decades, African Americans slowly found their way to roles that better represented their experiences. Young African

American male graduate filmmakers, like Spike Lee, John Singleton, and twins Albert and Allen Hughes, led the way for black directors. A graduate of Morehouse College,

Spike Lee became one of the most controversial film directors during the 80s and 90s.

After his thesis film, Joe’s Bed-Stuy Barbershop: We Cut Heads (1983) Lee directed his first feature film, She’s Gotta Have It (1986) (Guerrero, 1993). The film did well enough for Lee to continue making independent films without having to rely as much on

Hollywood. He formed his own production company called 40 Acres and Mule. As one of the most outspoken film directors, Mr. Lee often highlights race issues in America

through his films (Guerrero, 1993; Squires, 2009). His films, School Daze (1988), Do the

Right Thing (1989), Malcolm X (1992), Get On the Bus (1996), Bamboozled (2000), and

documentary film, When the Levees Broke (2007), are provocative statements about race

relations in America (Bogle, 2001; Guerrero, 1993; Squires, 2009). More importantly, a

majority of Lee’s African American actors portrayed men with strong black

conscientious identities. Black actors like Lawrence Fishburne, Ossie Davis, Denzel

Washington, and Lee’s role in Do the Right Thing projected strong complex non-

stereotypical male characters to the audience (Guerrero, 1993).

In the movie, School Daze (1988), Lee highlighted the multiple complex issues of

Black Greek-lettered Organizations (BGLOs) clashing with other students. The story was

led by a politically conscious Black male and took place during an annual homecoming

weekend. It addressed the racism related to African Americans’ hair and skin tone bias.

Bogle (2001) posits,

Despite the flaws— its campus was so brought that it failed to cover any of its subjects with enough detail in as many women pointed out, his female characters were vapid, dimensionless sisters caught up mainly in man —School Daze nonetheless remained an uncompromising black film . It refused to make concessions to please a white audience . Indeed white critics seemed bewildered by it. (p. 300).

In addition, the film captures the nuances of African American male interactions with campus administrators, other local Black males outside the campus community, and the pursuit of the affection from Black women. The film ended with a sounding of the school bell with the political conscious Black male yelling to the audience to “wake up”—an appeal to become socially and politically conscious. Many of the social and political issues highlighted are still relevant today. 40

Another black film director, John Singleton, was nominated for Academy Awards for both best director and best original screenplay categories in his breakout film, Boyz in the Hood (1991). According to Squires (2009), Singleton’s Boyz in the Hood (1991) was one of the films that “Critics complained that, like the rising rap genre, gangster films

(and Hollywood’s swift embrace and replication of them) reinforce the prevailing stereotype that black inner-city males were hopelessly tied to crime and early death” (p.

128). Sadly, the premier of this film created widespread violence across the nation’s

theaters with an eruption of shootings and gang-related fights that left many wounded and a few killed (Guerrero, 1993). The film is centered on three important relationships: a

triangular relationship between three friends whose lives are traced to mature

adolescence, the relationship between two boys and their mother, and a father-son

relationship. Rather than emphasize its anti-violent message or the father-son relationship

at the moral center of the film, some critics pointed at the gunplay in the movie’s preview

that promoted the expectation of violence among youth audiences (Dyson, 1992;

Guerrero, 1993). However, Dyson (1992) applauds Singleton for addressing the social

and cultural forces that hinder black men from being present in the household, the

responsibility of being present in order to teach their sons how to become men, and the

many ways black men are denied the opportunity to rear their sons; although, being

physically present with their families does not necessarily guarantee or produce a healthy,

well-adjusted black males.

Another film by Singleton, Higher Learning (1995), follows the development of

three incoming freshmen at a predominantly White institution. This romance

action/drama examines the personal, political, and racial dilemmas facing a group of

college freshmen as they begin their first semester at Columbus University. Several

African American men play major roles in this film. Malik played by Omar Epps is a

Black male athlete attending the university on a track scholarship. Another Black male

character, Fudge played by Ice Cube, is a mature sixth year undergraduate "professional

student" wo becomes a friend to Malik and challenges his perspectives on race and

politics in American society. Professor Phipps played by Laurence Fishburne is a Black

male professor of political science who provides guidance, wise counseling, and fatherly tough love to help Malik move beyond his adolescent behavior. Professor Phipps’ role

serves as a faculty resource for the Black males in the film. Through this film, Singleton

represented African American males with realistic characteristics although racial and

stereotypical themes still emerged around the characters.

Recent films. In 2013, according to Perkins (2013), the film industry produced eleven films with Black filmmakers including 12 Years a Slave (director Steve

McQueen), Black Nativity (Kasi Lemmons), Baggage Claim (David E. Talbert), The Best

Man Holiday (Malcolm D. Lee), Big Words (Neil Drumming), Fruitvale Station (Ryan

Coogler), The Butler (Lee Daniels), Mother of George (Andrew Dosunmu), Oldboy

(Spike Lee), Tyler Perry's A Madea Christmas (Tyler Perry), and Tyler Perry Presents

Peeples (Tina Gordon Chism). These films highlight African-American men beyond the stereotypical images perpetuated by White filmmakers. In the movies, 12 years a Slave and The Butler, the African American males are triumphant despite the negative conditions during the slavery period and during the civil rights era, respectively. Black

Nativity is a musical drama film that captures an African-American teen that embarks on positive and inspirational journey. Baggage Claim, The Best Man Holiday, Mother of

George, Tyler Perry’s A Madea Christmas, and Tyler Perry presents Peeples are romantic and drama comedies, and family-oriented films. The African American male characters are portrayed as caring, non-threatening, and engaging. Fruitvale Station is a biographical film that shares the story of Oscar Grant III’s last day on earth. The film captures an African-American male’s one day journey as he encounters friends, family, enemies, and strangers before being shot by a White police officer in a bay area subway station. Thus, in 2013, African American movie directors have captured the positive attitude, resiliency, and strength of African American men while avoiding the negative depictions that have been created by White film directors.

In summary, by providing detailed highlights of both White and Black film directors’ visual narratives; one can see a “warring” taking place in the film industry.

There is a battle between the oppressed and the oppressor from the early twentieth century, even after the civil rights movement of the 1950s and early 1960s, then

Hollywood experiencing a financial downfall in 1970s Blaxploitation period, to our current digital era. Although the Hollywood studio system that presented obstacles and competition for both directors and actors during the early twentieth century no longer exists, current Black filmmakers continue to fight the stronghold of Hollywood’s power, resources, and privilege. On the one hand, digital technology, DVD, cable, and online movie sources have been good for black filmmakers in providing alternative routes to making and distributing their movies. On the other hand, new African-American films are

not high profile, nor do they have international releases that many White filmmakers have access to. So once again, African American filmmakers have to fight and negotiate this imbalance of access and distribution; but more importantly, they have to battle against the notion that Black themed movies or Black filmmakers cannot capture a universal audience, while more focused films and White filmmakers can capture a universal appeal.

In order to counter the ongoing covert and overt stereotypes of African Americans in today’s films, African American filmmakers have to capture the universal audience’s attention.

Denzel Washington would come to serve as the popular ideal African American male icon within the African American community and also become widely accepted by other universal communities including the White audience. His name was the most mentioned by the participants. However, Hip Hop artists becoming movie actors have also created some universal appeal. Black male Hip Hop actors, like Ice Cube, Ice T,

Snoop (Dogg) Lion, and Ludacris, to name a few, have been successful in appealing to universal audiences. The most recent Fast & Furious series movie, Furious Seven (2014) has had more than a record breaking billion dollars in ticket sales. Along with Denzel, hip hop artists have influential roles that craft the image perceptions among African

American and White audiences. The next section will provide a history of African- derived music in the US and its impact on the African American male identity.

Music.

The study of African-derived music in America has evolved from various disciplines of scholarly investigations and engagements through multiple methods of

44 analysis (Burnim & Maultsby, 2006). According to Burnim and Maultsby (2006), scholarly narratives had reoccurring themes of race, culture, and class; however, the evolution of music expanded into other diverse topics including origins, identity, representation, gender, commodification and appropriation, and diasporic connections, to name a few. They articulated, “Yet, in virtually every instance, and content of writing on

African American music reflect the dominant perspectives characteristic of the given historical period and social cultural contexts.” (p. 8) Also, they asserted that the notion of

African American music as inferior to European music was increasingly challenged as the scholarship on African American music became more accepted as a legitimate field of study. Because the rich and amazing history of African American music cannot be captured in this document, this review will focus on the antebellum, jazz, civil rights, and hip hop periods to highlight the more recent musical periods that have impacted current musical identities of African Americans.

Antebellum period. During the antebellum period, African music making was characterized as “nonsensical”, “primitive”, and “childlike” by European observers and

White masters (Southern & Wright, 1990).

The basic structures of Old World music and its essential to human existence, as a

spiritual art form that could revive weekend bodies and minds, persisted, but

specific techniques, instruments, musical genres, and social contexts were usually

lost in the transatlantic passage” (Peretti, 2009, p. 14).

Antebellum slaves developed their own culture using African styles and genres and blended them with aspects of white culture (Burnim & Maultsby, 2006). From the

slave ships to the plantations, slave masters permitted slaves to dance to stay fit (Levine,

2006). During the slavery period, music making by African Americans was limited to

their slave quarters, in the fields, and on some occasions, slaves would perform for their

slave masters and guests. Also, spirituals and songs of the slaves spoke of liberation of

the soul and freedom. More importantly, slave “music helped them to re-create

semblances of their ancestral communities and to retain their fundamental cultural

rituals…music was at the center of black identity” (Peretti, 2009, p. 30). Other forms of

music, like Ragtime, Rural and Vaudeville Blues, and syncopated brass bands, emerged

during the late 1880s to early 1910s. But, it was the Jazz genre that rose to popularity in

the southern regions of New Orleans.

Jazz. In general, many individuals will regard jazz as “African American classical music” or “America’s classical music”; either way, it is widely recognized as the apex of

African American music due to “the originality of its improvisation, the virtuosity and

erudition of its performers and composers, and its professionalism and artistry” (Monson,

2006, p. 145). Monson (2006) suggests that a plethora of genres like ragtime, blues,

African American religious music, European classical music, and musical theater, to

name a few, added to the formation of jazz. Arguably, the city of New Orleans is

considered the birthplace of jazz (Burnim &Maultsby, 2006; Peretti, 2009; Southern,

1971). Creole (bi-racial mix of African and French ancestry) men like Ferdinand Joseph

LaMothe (Jelly Roll Morton) and Barney Bigard were some of the most important

musicians while African American men, Charles Joseph “Buddy” Bolden, Joseph Nathan

“King” Oliver, and Louis Armstrong were key musicians to the emergence of jazz. Some

46 of these jazz musicians began to migrate north to cities like Chicago and New York during World War I. Duke Ellington, Fletcher Henderson, and Don Redman were major contributors to the development of jazz ensembles. William James “Count” Basie’s orchestra was key in the development of big band swing music that emphasized a rhythmic boogie-woogie base line with horn riffs.

Evolved from big band swing jazz, “Bebop” became the new jazz aesthetic and new African American attitude during World War II. African Americans were willing to risk their lives in war rather than deal with racial injustice at home (Monson, 2006).

Equal employment at home and integration in the military to fight against worldwide racism and genocide were concerted efforts among African American leaders. The impact of the war transformed jazz because many of the musicians entered the military and “all

White service bands were heavily promoted in the U.S. mass media, and they obscured the more skilled jazz improvisers confined to segregated units” (Peretti, 2009, p. 98).

Upon their return from the war, African Americans GIs, including musicians, found themselves on the outside of employment opportunities especially those that were high paying. The combination of discriminatory practices of the government and corporate businesses and the myth of war heroes returning home to better conditions triggered the movement against racial injustices, violence, and threats. Charlie “Yardbird” or “Bird”

Parker, Thelonious Monk, Bud Powell and Dizzy Gillespie were legendary musicians who helped to establish jazz as an elite form of music that focused on the musician’s ability and knowledge in order to continue playing during this era of music. Jazz musicians who did not possess such skills were pushed aside and deemed inferior.

In 1949 and 1950, Miles Dewey Davis III led an interracial project called, Birth of

the Cool. Soft-spoken but sharp-edged, Miles Davis made every effort to work as an

equal to his White counterparts. For African Americans, interracial bands were not as

important as the issue of segregation. Commitment towards racial justice was the

expectation for all musicians held by the African American community (Burnim &

Maultsby, 2006; Peretti, 2009). From the Montgomery bus boycott (1956) to the

assassinations of Malcolm X and Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., jazz musicians like

John Coltrane, Art Blakely, and Ornette Coleman provided the musical backdrop that

captured the essence of this time period. However, gospel music took the forefront of the

civil rights movement.

The Civil Rights Movement. From the 1950s to the 1970s, African American

students began to populate predominantly white campuses. The student-led protests for access, administrative support, Black studies curriculum(s), and safe spaces within these hostile environments became a central focus for the African American community.

African American gospel music, emerged in the 1930s, became more salient during the civil rights movement (Burnim & Maultsby, 2006). During the bus boycott in

Montgomery Alabama, Rev. Dr. King provided songs to maintain morale and spread the word throughout African American communities. Later, Dr. King’s assistants in the

Southern Christian Leadership Conference created “freedom songs” to help build unity and impart bravery for the nonviolent activists (Peretti, 2009). Since the early 1960s, the anthem of the civil rights movement, “We Shall Overcome”, continues to be the rallying song for many protest marches today.

The early spiritual songs resurfaced with modifications to lyrics, then becoming

more powerful songs that unified a diverse population of civil rights activists and

provided strength during dangerous and tense moments. Holistically, the spirit of the civil

rights movement caused a resurgence of interest in African musical influences and served

as a continuum within African American music in the America (Burnim & Maultsby,

2006). Gospel music continues to serves as a strong influence in the African American

community. Next, I recognize the rich contributions of rhythm and blues (R&B), soul,

funk, disco and house, and techno as the foundations of one of today’s most popular

genres of African American music, Hip-hop.

Hip-hop. Norfleet (2006) defined, Hip-hop as, “a creative expression, sensibility, and aesthetic that first emerged in largely African American, Afro-Caribbean, and Latino communities of the Bronx and then spread to Harlem and other sections of New York

City in the early 1970s” (p. 353). Hip-hop consists of four basic elements of expression:

1) ‘mixing’ which is a technique that combines music using turntables, tape decks, and/or

CD players, sometimes referred to as ‘scratching’; 2) B-boying or breakdancing which is a style of street dancing with four primary elements: a) toprock—dance moves from a standing position, b) downrock—dance movement on the floor with the hands supporting the dancer, c) power moves—these are acrobatic moves that require strength, speed, momentum, endurance, and control to execute, and d) freezes—these are moves that require the dancer to suspend him/herself off the ground with a stylish pose which requires strength and body control. 3) graffiti aerosol art (‘street promoters’) which appears on billboards, subway trains, and buildings, and 4) “MC’ing” which is a form of

lyrical expression through rhymes known as ‘rapping’. From the four elements of Hip

Hop, Rap music emerged as the most popular and celebrated form.

At the end of the post-civil rights and Black Power eras, the emergence and

evolution of hip-hop culture manifested itself throughout the five boroughs of New York

City in the mid-70s. In these neighborhoods, the reality of everyday life was not being

vocalized in popular music. Rap became the platform to articulate the views and opinions

of the black youth struggle. Within rap, topics are interminable. The early1970s dance

music (disco) buried the emotionally charged 1960s soul music that spoke to the

victorious poetic rhetoric of civil rights and black power fights. Songs like, “Ball of

Confusion” by the Temptations, “Respect” by Aretha Franklin, “The Revolution Will Not

Be Televised” by Gil Scott-Heron, and “What’s Going On” by Marvin Gaye, to name a

few, are songs that blatantly addressed the political and social conditions of African

Americans (Neal, 2006).

Early hip-hop pioneers were influenced by the organizations of recent history

including the civil rights and Black Nationalists movements. Their reaction to economic,

social, and political conditions became center-staged when Grandmaster Flash and the

Furious Five rapped about the conditions in the ghettos of New York in 1982. Their 1982

rap song, “The Message”, is “recognized as the first significant “political” hip-hop

recording, as the track distilled the crisis of ghetto life with lines such as “It’s like a

jungle sometime” (Neal, 2006, p. 626). The realities of urban everyday lives were being

vocalized through the rap music genre and a new movement to express a social

consciousness of the urban struggle. Before they became a mainstream crossover rap

group, Run-D.M.C. released their first album in March 1984. This album featured three

social commentary songs that highlighted the social and economic ills here in the U.S.

(“It’s Like That” and “Hard Times”) and global conditions (“Wake Up”). The early spirit of hip-hop culture came from the radical Black power organizations of the late 1960s.

Kitwana (2002) asserts that political ideals of civil rights and Black power were central to

the parents of the hip-hop generation. He declared “Our parent’s generation paced family,

spirituality, social responsibility, and Black pride at the center of their identity as Black

Americans.” (p. 7) James Brown’s “Say It Loud – I’m Black and I’m Proud” (1968) was

a major song that drove the Black protest movement and echoed the political expression

and pride of this generation before. However, Neal (2006) declared,

In addition, by the end of the 1980s, although there was a full-blown Black

Nationalist/Afrocentric movement emanating out of hip-hop culture in the music

of Public Enemy, KRS-One and Boogie Down Productions, the X-Clan, Poor

Righteous Teachers, Brand Nubian…this style was replace, seemingly overnight,

by the nihilistic sounds of “gangsta rap” largely parlayed in the music of West

Coast-based acts such as the late Eazy-E, N.W.A. (Niggaz with Attitudes), DJ

Quick, and Compton’s Most Wanted. (p. 627-8)

Rabaka (2013) cautions, “it is important for us to not allow our disdain for commercial and gangsta rap to blind us to one of the most significant social movements since the

Civil Rights Movement” (p. 295). Both Ice-T and N.W.A.’s lyrical social commentaries of police brutality and racial profiling contained political messages about the mistreatment of America’s Black youth (Neal, 2006). Although gangsta rap drew a lot of

negative attention, Stapleton (1998) argues, “It is not an overstatement to say…hip-hop

has provided America with one of its only hard-hitting indictments of the social conditions that continue to be a harsh reality for African American young people” (p.

231) during this post-Civil Rights Movement period. Sadly, the gangsta rap message about police brutality and racial profiling remains prevalent some three decades later.

From West Africa to early hip-hop generations, Africa’s influence remains

connected to the identity and cultural aesthetics of the hip-hop movement. “Hip-hop’s use

of the spoken or sung word to tell stories and teach “life-lessons” is also part of the

tradition among African peoples that goes back to the griots” (Stapleton, 1998, p. 220).

While imparting knowledge about society, griots passed down these generational stories

in song. Stapleton (1998) posits that music “has always been a major source of cultural

identity within the African American community. Rap music is no exception” (p. 231).

She mentioned that, “hip-hop culture has established itself as a powerful informational

tool and means of resistance” (p. 231). Rabaka (2013) contends that when

noncommercial forms of rap are set aside, hip-hop culture’s subterranean message(s)

resurfaces as one of the most provoking forms of Black protest music and serves as “a

unique educational and informational arena where hip-hop consumers identify social,

political, and cultural problems and offer solutions to those problems” (p. 294). The rap group, “X-Clan”, provides historical and educational narratives about African origin of civilization and intellectual prowess consistent with Diop (1974) and “Public Enemy” messages aligned with Malcolm X and Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael) in “telling

52 the way it is” (Stapleton, 1998; Rabaka, 2013), while countering the hegemonic agenda by never lessening from “speaking truth to power” in the Black community (Neal, 2006).

Clay (2003) examined the relationship between Black youth and hip-hop culture in constructing their identity and performance among others. She used Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital to explore how the Black youth identity is formed and renegotiated in everyday interactions with other Black youth and how that negotiation is mediated through hip-hop culture. From an ethnographic approach, she found that Black youth constructed their identity by strategically communicating with who is and who is not authentic and arranged racial boundaries and hierarchies accordingly, through their hip- hop performance including their style of dress, gestures, and controlled coolness in every day interaction. The style of dress and attractiveness played a vital role in establishing their cultural capital in order to assert their Black identities. Youth who did not master the proper performance through the demonstration of appropriate gestures (behaviors), style of dress, and management of controlled coolness were often teased and mistreated by other youth. The reduction of cultural capital weakened a youth’s authentic Black identity based on the findings in her study.

In summary, music has always served a major source of cultural identity for many

African American communities. In spite of the oppressive and subjugation practices of

White owners to eradicate Black culture, Africans used music to unify, empower, and maintain cultural integrity through storytelling with a hope for freedom and equality.

Music as a form of entertainment without an agenda served as a side of relief during the exhaustive conditions during the antebellum period. Through the spirituals into the jazz

53 era, African Americans established a small foothold in the music industry. Jazz afforded many musicians a higher status in society but discriminatory practices continued leading up to the world wars. Those who returned from the war found themselves marginalized and replaced by others. Such action caused many African Americans to protest throughout the country particularly in the south. This ushered in the civil rights movement and the reemergence of spiritual and gospel music. This African American music form caused non-Black Americans to join the inequality and social injustice protests. Spiritual and gospel music were vital to the Civil Rights Movement and the nonviolence protest. After the signing of the Civil Rights Act, African Americans begin to enroll at PWIs throughout the country. In the late 1960s, soul music became the next genre of protest that repositioned the attitudes of African American communities in the late 1960s. The Black Power and Black Nationalist Movements forced music artists to create music that addressed the lop-sided political and economic issues for the Black community. Disco and techno music supplanted the musical voices and messages of soul music. African American youth in New York City’s impoverished neighborhoods created a new genre called hip-hop that brought back the musical voices of protest through rap music. Rap music served as the political and economic platform for African Americans to make their voices heard. Unfortunately, the commercialization and commoditization of that music genre weakens its invaluable voice in addressing the need for equality and social justice among this marginalized group of people.

As African-American students begin to enroll at PWIs during the 1970s, the

Black music industry provided the platform and theme backdrops for the socioeconomic

54 conditions within the African-American community. The emergence of hip-hop helped shape the aesthetics and activities surrounding college students especially African

Americans. “African American music provides a soundtrack to the major themes of the black past. Although slavery, segregation, and civil rights legislation all have attempted to strictly define the relationship between the races, social and cultural intermixing has taken place since the beginning of the African slave trade” (Peretti, 2009, p. 169). Hence, early soul music met the needs of African American students entering hostile educational environments with songs like “Respect” by Aretha Franklin and “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” by James Brown, provided emotional support and motivation to fight through the campus struggles of racism, segregation, and isolation. Also, early Hip-hop music by social and politically conscious groups like, Public Enemy, X-Clan, and KRS-

One, were vital to the ongoing institutional racism and systemic oppressive machinery on

PWIs. Thus, African American music was vital among college students during the civil rights and Black student movement on White college campuses.

The next section, television, became a powerful and influential mass media that formed and shaped the ongoing negative images and stereotypes of African Americans.

Television.

In 1927, the first demonstration of television transmission was carried out by

Philo Farnsworth at the 1939 World’s fair with the viewing of a popular radio show comedy called Amos ‘n’ Andy (Nadel, 2005).

Layered with irony, television’s black-and-white era thus began with a

juxtaposition of black imagery and white reality so that the black face was simply

an illusion, a semi opaque overlay on real white men, and optical convenience

intended to supplement verbal humor with the suggestion of visual reality.

(Nadal, 2005, p. 15)

The debut of television’s images was focused on the representation of stereotypical blackface characters (all White cast) within a comedy context. Dates and Barlow (1990) posited, “racial images in the mass media are infused with color-coded positive and negative moralistic features. Once these symbols become familiar and accepted, they fuel misperceptions and perpetuate misunderstandings among the races” (p. 4). Soon to be the most influential medium in American homes, television would become the new technology to define the perceptions and images in America. More importantly, “the mainstream values and beliefs of African Americans seen on primetime commercial television have not revealed the unique African-American experience but rather the perceptions of White producers, sponsors, writers, and owners” (Dates, 1990, p. 253).

While African American images on television changed over the decades because of the culture of the times and racial climate, the real forces driving what appeared on television were viewing patterns and profitability (Holtzman, 2000). Television advertisers wanted programming that would catch and maintain the attention of viewers through commercial breaks. If television was creating an ideal citizen, that citizen not only believed in truth, justice, and the American way, but also understood that his or her defining role was as a consumer (Nadel, 2005). Television provided a forum for redefining American ethic, class, and family identities into consumer identities (Lipsitz,

2003). While setting the tone for American culture through gender, race, and class,

television professed to bring the real world to viewers and bring the viewers to the reality

of consumerism (Nadal, 2005).

In the 1950s, African-American television characters were butlers, maids,

handymen, and/or servants. The Mammy character (Bogle, 2001; Cripps, 1971) would

become the stereotypical image on television in the Beulah Show (1950), where Ethel

Waters starred for the first year but later quit and quickly replaced by Louise Beavers,

who played a grinning, wide-eyed heavy-set woman who served as a maid to a White

family. According to Nelson (1998),

The domestic was a symbol that a white family was successful. Therefore, it was

this decoding of the servant role that antagonized the NAACP and Black middle

class. While it is true the black middle class were antagonistic towards the

portrayals of black men and women as maids and butlers in film, radio, and

television, their quest for a piece of the American dream was the critical element

to understanding their strategy for censorship in these popular forms.” (p. 81)

During the 1950s, the few available roles, like butlers and maids, for African Americans

reinforced stereotypes and replicated the misinformation and belief in their inferiority to

Whites (Holtzman, 2000). The overwhelming majority of depictions of African

Americans in primetime weekly programming were nondramatic until the early 1960s

when East Side, West Side and The Outcasts aired. East Side, West Side—highlighted a

White hero male that solved the problems generated by social disorder and human bungling by Black or White people, while in The Outcasts—a Western with a White aristocrat gunman turned bounty hunter is paired with a freed slave, turned bounty hunter

57 as they track down criminals while constantly arguing and fighting. According to Dates

(1990), the White television decision makers gambled on the confidence that the rhetoric of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. had established a more receptive environment for such programming. The gamble did not payoff. The Outcasts barely completed its first season due to either the decision makers withdrawing their support or the viewers were not ready to see the image of an independent, angry, young Black male on television (Dates, 1990).

Sanford and Son (1972-77), The Jeffersons (1975-85), and Good Times (1974-79) were three major situation comedies in the 1970s. These TV shows featuring African

American families were directed by White men in the television industry. “Television comedies helped America adjust to the social order as transmitted myths and ideological reinforced society’s implicit rules and codes of behavior” Dates, 1990, p. 261). Sanford and Son was the modern day version of Amos ‘n’ Andy but its true origins came from a popular British series called “Steptoe and Son”. With African American nuances, the themes and story lines were created by White writers and producers. The show was based on the idea that the characters lacked intellect. Good Times focused on a lower-class

Black family in the infamous Cabrini-Green projects in Chicago, Illinois. According to

Dates (1990), this show highlighted White middle-class values and beliefs and neglected to portray authentic vignettes of African American culture. In The Jeffersons, the main character,

George Jefferson was cast in the mold of the freed, corrupt, black legislators of

the film “Birth of A Nation,” who were depicted as arrogant and idiotic. The

audience is asked to laugh at Jefferson’s antics and his basic insecurity without

unconsciously making association with his blackness. (Dates, 1990, p.271)

All three TV series aired at least five years which is considered highly successful during this era. The images and representations of African Americans were carried over from the film industry. As TV sets became affordable for most American households, the TV industry rapidly became more powerful and controlling of the representations and images of African Americans.

William Henry “Bill” Cosby, Jr., African American actor, comedian, author, producer, activist, and philanthropist, became one of the major change agents in TV series, especially as a producer and actor. Fat Albert and the Cosby Kids, The Cosby

Show, and A Different World were three of his major TV series that offered authentic

Black narratives and images of African Americans. A cartoon series, Fat Albert and the

Cosby Kids, premiered in 1972 and successfully combined entertainment and education to create a mixture of learning and laughter especially for children (Dates, 1990).

Carefully crafted from his childhood experience, Cosby’s main character, Fat Albert, featured educational lessons that “set the course for television in the vital new areas of ethics, values, judgment, and personal responsibility” (Dates, 1990, p. 281). This African

American cartoon show set a new standard for Saturday morning programming for children.

From 1984 until 1992, The Cosby Show was on millions of African Americans

TV sets on Thursday nights. The characters seemed to represent an authentic African-

American upper middle-class group, which was rarely presented on American TV at that

point in time. American TV audiences tuned in each week because the characters were

witty and charming and conscientious about their respect and love for each other (Dates,

1990). The show made references to black culture, with the background of his home and

office featuring paintings by African American artists, and Cosby often wore sweaters with strong African patterns. More importantly,

American viewers were allowed to see a rarity for television: a wealthy, strong,

black male star who was sexy, loving husband in a conscientious, responsible

father. This strong black men showed strength of character and noble spirit, but

he could also be silly at times. (Dates, 1990, p. 283)

Recently in The New York Times, Flanagin (2014) argues that the show still matters

because it broke new ground for African American visibility in media. “For five of the eight years it ran, it was the most-watched show in America — period — beloved by

audiences of all colors and walks of life.” His article highlights some critics’ views of the show not taking a political stance on issues of the apartheid, divestment movement in

South Africa or Black poverty in America. Nevertheless, over the 30 years since it aired, no TV sitcom has matched the “impact that The Cosby Show had on how African

Americans are perceived and how they perceived themselves” (Whitaker, 2014). The success of the show afforded Cosby the opportunity to create A Different World, a spinoff show that addressed some of the progressive political and social issues on a historical

Black college campus.

A Different World (1987-1993) launched its inaugural episode that captured the experiences of African American college students on a historically Black campus called

Hillman College. American viewers had an opportunity to witness the cultural values in

the social construct of an HBCU; more importantly, the American audience would

witness a positive show that illuminated a cast of diverse young African Americans as

highly intelligent, amiable, thoughtful, and humorous as they progressed through college.

Right before the movie release of Spike Lee’s, School Daze (1988), A Different World

projected a healthy collegiate context with family-centered and socially conscious faculty and staff members. The environment allowed all students to feel connected, valued, and a sense of belonging while experiencing various forms of relationship building. Faculty and staff members pushed all the students to their academic and cultural limits during this critical stage of identity development. On the flip-side of this fictional campus environment comes the reality articulated by Carter (2011), “…sadly, we find that the

Hillman College of yesteryear that still makes for great television, now makes for a less-

than-adequate representation of what HBCUs experience and encounter in today's higher

ed climate.” Despite the realities of HBCUs economical and academic goals, the campus

environments are less hostile than PWIs (Fleming, 1984; Flowers, 2004a).

More recently, the number of African American producers and writers are still

limited, but opportunities seem to be better than in the past. At this time, three major

primetime TV shows, Empire (Lee Daniels and Danny Strong—White male), Scandal

(Shonda Rhimes—female), and Black-ish (Kenya Barris) are produced and created by

African Americans. According to Pallotta and Stelter (2015) “61% of the show’s

audience is African American – a figure that no other prime time show, new or old, even

comes close to matching” based on Empire’s Nielsen ratings.

In summary, television still remains one of the most powerful forms of mass

media. It has made some significant changes in the matter of image control and

representation of African Americans particularly males. For several decades, American

audiences were exposed to dominant White middle-class values and beliefs placed within a Black context. The television shows highlighted in this section provide a historical context of the misrepresentation of African Americans by White producers and writers; and yet, a small number of black producers and writers attempted to depict a positive self-image of African Americans for American audiences. As we have seen through these

TV shows, there were few African-Americans among the program writers, producers, and directors who were involved in the television programming from the 1940s through the

1980s, which demonstrates a pattern of denial of African-American talent and perspectives. When given the opportunity, access, and resources, African-American experiences were used to create long-lasting TV series that provided positive images and more authentic representations; but they also allowed American viewers to witness the representation of black men from Black producers, directors, and writers.

Summary. In conclusion, mass media industries were controlled by majority

White owners who based their Black images on nineteenth and early twentieth century stereotypes. African American images have been distorted and their talents exploited.

Also, the White owners continued the discriminatory practices by systematically denying or limiting the roles and access for African Americans. What progressed was a mass media that favored Black stereotypes shaped by Whites over the more genuine and positive Black characters created by Black image makers. Whenever access was available

62 and wherever roles were provided, African Americans, tried to develop their own media products and their own means of distribution. Thus, we witnessed an ongoing warring where White image makers perpetuated stereotypical images versus Black image makers countering these stereotypes with positive and more authentic portrayal of African

Americans. With White ownership and control over each media industry, the one- dimensioned negative caricatures not only gave White Americans a wrong impression of

Black culture, art, and life, but they also helped to shaped White public view patterns, and set the agenda for public discourse on the race issue, thus broadening the cultural gap between both Black and White Americans. The negative perceptions crafted within mass media paralleled the attitudes of many White American educators simultaneously. In the next section, I will discuss the way America’s educational system influences African

American males’ identities throughout the educational pipeline.

African American Males Experiences through Educational Pipeline

Like the previous section, it is important to share a brief historical context of the educational barriers faced by African Americans, especially males. The next section provides a historical foundation of the American educational system and its treatment of

African Americans particularly males. Some attention has been given to the various ways in which the US legal (Franklin & Moss, 1994; Frierson, Pearson, & Wyche, 2009;

Gavins, 2009; Brown, Dancy, & Davis, 2013) and educational systems have historically

“mis-educated” Black people (Patton, 1991; Woodson, 1993). Early childhood and secondary educational experiences that impact the identity development of adolescent

63 males will be highlighted. Then, I will discuss the research on postsecondary experiences of African American males who attend PWIs.

Education during Slavery.

From the seventeenth through the early nineteenth centuries, most of the male ancestors from Africa were enslaved and kept illiterate by laws that prohibited them from learning how to read and write (Fleming, 1984; Franklin & Moss, 1994; Gavins, 2009;

Watkins, 2001). Throughout South Carolina, Virginia, and Georgia, anyone caught educating a slave would be arrested, fined, and/or whipped (Gavins, 2009). Whippings or other forms of even more severe physical punishment created fear among those who advocated for literacy of Black slaves (Anderson, 1988; Gavins, 2009). However, Black slaves fought against “the grain of forced ignorance…to educate, emancipate, and elevate themselves and their people. They usually acquired basic instruction and more via self- teaching, white mentors…Sunday or African schools maintained by black churches and fraternal orders like the Negro Masons” (Gavins, 2009, p. 15). In 1833, James Bradley purchased his freedom from his Texas slave master, relocated to Ohio where he became a

Christian, and wrote a short narrative about his life.

However, Dred Scott was not as fortunate. Both Scott and his wife, Harriet, traveled with their master, John Emerson, to freed states Illinois and Wisconsin. After his death, Emerson’s wife hired out Scott but he wanted to purchase his freedom for both himself and his wife. Emerson’s widow refused Scott’s offer, so Scott sued her for his freedom. In 1850, a Missouri court freed him but Emerson appealed and the Missouri

Supreme Court rescinded the ruling to free Scott in 1852. So, Scott went to the federal

court, lost, and appealed. In 1857, US Supreme Court repealed the Missouri Compromise

(1820) and “the Justice concluded that Scott “was not a citizen” and had no right to sue in

Missouri’s courts. Nor were blacks viewed “as a part of the people” in the Declaration of

Independence…” (Gavins, 2009, p. 15). Thus, the US government declared that Black

men were not considered citizens. In 1865, President Lincoln signed the Emancipation

Proclamation that declared that all people held as slaves were now free.

In the 1800s, a small percentage of African Americans were freed and became

eligible to pursue an education. The first African American male to receive a college

degree (B.A.) was Alexander Lucius Twilight from Middlebury College in Vermont in

1823 (Bennett, 1993; Slater, 1994). However, according to Evans (2009), John Chavis is

reported as the first to graduate in 1799 from Washington and Lee University. Richard T.

Greener was the first African American male to graduate from Harvard College in 1870;

he would go on to earn his law degree from the University of South Carolina. Edward

Alexander Bouchet was the first African American male to receive a Ph.D. from Yale

University in 1876 (Slater, 1994). In 1907, Alain L. Locke was the first Negro to be

awarded a Rhodes scholarship. In 1895, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was the first

Harvard University Ph.D. recipient and Carter G. Woodson was second in 1912. (Harris,

1989). Outside of America, Patrick Francis Healy is recognized at the first African

American to receive his Ph.D. from University of Leuven in 1866. Also, he is the first

African American to become president (1873-1882) of any PWI in American

(Georgetown University) (Davis, 1991).

Despite the systemic efforts to deny African Americans educational opportunities, some were able to navigate early institutional racism, hostile college climates, and overt discriminatory practices to obtain their degrees. With all the factors and variables associated with racism and blatant prejudiced practices during those previously mentioned time periods, the imagination runs vividly and boundlessly when considering the contextual experience of black men achieving such educational attainments during

America’s anti-educational era for Black people. Next, a brief discussion of early childhood educational experiences that influence identity construction among African

American males.

Early childhood and secondary experiences of African American males.

In the early stages of childhood and educational schooling, healthy African

American adolescent males are generally excited about learning and engaging in the educational classroom (Davis, 2003). Black boys’ academic success is often garnered around academic motivation and approval from their teachers, parents, and sometimes, their peers. Slaughter-Defoe and Richards (1994) suggested that as early as kindergarten,

African American males are treated differently than other male and female adolescent students. Some scholars pinpoint that a sharp turnabout occurs at the end of the third grade level (Garibaldi, 1992). According to Garibaldi (1992) reported,

the performance of Black males and females on criterion-referenced tests in both mathematics and reading was comparable to that of White students up to the third grade. By fourth grade, however, Black males (not females) experienced a sharp decline on criterion-referenced mathematics and reading tests. (p. 5-6)

Garibaldi (1992) suggests that more research is needed to unpack why this decline occurred. Other scholars suggests that mass media has bombarded African American 66 males with negative images and messages (hooks, 2004; Jackson & Moore, 2008; Parker

& Moore, 2014). “Unintelligible, uneducable, and dangerous are prevailing messages used to describe African American males…the identities of these males are frequently…mentioned stereotypes regardless of their degree of achievement or success”

(Jackson & Moore, 2008, p. 848). Without a doubt, many of these messages have carried over into schools and influences the way adolescent Black males are treated, placed, and disseminated opportunities to learn. For example, African American boys’ demeanors are often misunderstood by White middle-class teachers and seen as defiant, aggressive, and intimidating (Majors, Tyler, Peden, & Hall, 1994). Davis (2003) asserts that schooling and masculinity ties are incongruent and diametrically opposed; and, one of the common reasons for alienation, detachment, and poor academic performance among African

American males is that they perceive most educational activities as feminine and irrelevant to their masculine identity and development. Davis (2003) researched various studies that found that African American males who attended school regularly, spent more time on their homework, and had parental involvement performed better in school.

He points to school readiness as another possible reason for the low performance in early childhood education. For preschool African American males, student academic skill development, attitude, and behaviors are common criteria for school readiness.

Critical to this study, Davis (2003) posits that the inconsistency of findings of disengagement of African American boys in school is due to their differences in developmental experiences and attitudes of young boys relative to older middle and high school students. He highlighted the fact that little attention is given to how young African

American males construct personal meaning of education and achievement inside and outside school. Absent from the research literature is an understanding of how young

Black boys make sense of their own race/gender identity connected with academic achievement and social engagement attitudes. Early schooling is one of the places where

Black adolescent boys begin to make sense of their identity through their academic performance, social interaction with peers and teachers, and engagement in the educational process (Ford-Harris, Schuerger, & Harris, 1991; Rodney, Crafter, Rodney,

& Mupier, 1999). hooks (2004) argues that Black boys are loved and loathed in society and educational systems. Likewise, Davis (2003) recognizes that Black boys are well- liked in the school setting for their athleticism and hip hop style but at the same time, they have high rates of academic disciplinary actions and punishment. Sewell (1997) posits that this juxtaposition points to a range of behaviors and strategies inside schools that set the atmosphere for a difficult educational experience for Black boys. Noticeably,

“schools are critical sites for young Black males as they make meaning of who they are, what they are supposed to do, and how others perceive them” (Davis, 2003, p. 520).

Some scholars point to the media for constructing negative cultural messages and images about Black males in society (Belton, 1995; Blount & Cunningham, 1996;

Harper, 1996). Some of the images portray the Black male as disrespectful, unintelligent, hypersexualized, threatening, and violent (Davis, 2003, hooks, 2004; Jackson & Moore,

2006). Jackson and Moore (2008) argue that Black males’ identities are often characterized by these stereotypes regardless of their degree of success or achievements.

While others highlight Black boys’ attitudes, masculine identity, and the social

68 organization of the school are some of the issues that impact low academic performance

(Davis, 2003). The social organization of the school is set by administrators, teachers, and counselors. Milner (2013) provides three salient principles when teaching African

American male students: (1) teachers must remember the importance of identity in education—meaning teachers should be culturally sensitive to the negative stigmatized misconception about black males and, complement and build on who students are and not try to change them; (2) teachers must deeply understand and remember the social context of their work—meaning teachers should consider which social contexts are critical to the

African American males’ academic identity formation and enactment; and (3) teachers must remember the interrelated nature of the mind and heart in education—meaning teachers should teach with their hearts and minds with the best intentions of their students including African American males because of their social interaction with their students.

Also, the teachers’ curriculum should be within the cultural contexts of the students.

Culturally proficient and sensitive teachers should be able to provide such a space that fosters positive identity development, academic achievement and social engagement for African American males (Davis, 2003; Flowers, Zhang, Moore, & Flowers, 2004). As these students prepare to enter secondary school environments, the social contexts set by school officials will become more vital to academic identity formations and social participation both in and outside the classrooms.

Secondary Experiences for African American Males.

Prior to the discussion concerning the experiences of Black males at the postsecondary levels, it is necessary to show the continuum of systemic progression of

69 their plight in the secondary institutional stage. Before Black males enter college, they face many barriers that can hinder their successful progression from early adolescent school years continuing into their high school experiences and not to mention how these issues recur if and when they reach college. More importantly, poor academic performance and high dropout rates are too often characteristic of the educational experience for African American male youths. Existing literature demonstrates the issues surrounding this phenomenon including low academic achievement, grade retention, negative behavior, suspension, and increasing expulsion rates (Bailey & Paisley, 2004;

Gardner, 1985; Majors, 1986). Also, many of these issues and negative outcomes are linked to the lack of role models, low self-esteem, hopelessness, productivity dysfunction, and low expectations for a variety of reasons (Gardner, 1985; Majors, 1986).

However, not all Black males fit into these dismal demographics. Flowers et al.

(2004) argue that numerous school-related issues deterred student achievement among gifted African American males. Some Black students, especially in gifted programs, have demonstrated resilience and persistence in their pursuit of a rightly deserved education

(Floyd, 1996). These students find ways to navigate around or negotiate through such barriers. However, according to Ford & Moore (2004a), these gifted Black students still encounter some of the same challenges as non-gifted Black males. In Ford-Harris et al.

(1991) study, they concluded that gifted African American students encountered more obstacles to identity development than did gifted White students, and they often experienced more psychological and emotional problems than non-gifted African

American students. Both racial identity development and counseling issues for gifted

Black students (Ford-Harris, Harris, &, Schuerger, 1993) and the use of racial identity theory were recommended for exploring underachievement among gifted Black students

(Ford & Harris, 1995).

Pre-college attributes.

Prior to African American males arrive on campus; several mechanisms should already be in motion. Flowers et al (2004) found the following:

“…students’ self-perceptions of their academic motivation and academic self- concept and the transferability of college preparatory skills (e.g., time management, and study skills). Studying issues related to gifted [and non-gifted] African American high school students could provide insight into issues related to college readiness, college recruitment and retention, and academic achievement in high school and college”. (p. 49)

The Rodney, Crafter, Rodney, and Mupier (1999) article inferred that students’ positive behavior and social skills should be intact upon graduation. Both academic skills, constructive use of time, and positive social skills are primary assets as Black males enter college (Allen, 1992; Flowers, Zhang, Moore, & Flowers, 2004; Garibaldi, 1992). Also, students with a cultural awareness, some understanding of their racial identity (centrality and public regard), and positive self-esteem have been identified as positive attributes across disciplines toward successful progression through life environments including college settings (Harper, & Quaye, 2007; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone,

Zimmerman, 2003). Furthermore, making both academic and social adjustment to the college environment is a necessary must for the successful transitional stage (Allen,

1992; Davis, 1994; Garibaldi, 1992).

Similarly, Sedlacek (1999) offers eight noncognitive variables that Black males should possess including: 1) positive self-concept or confidence, 2) understanding and 71 dealing with racism, 3) realistic self-appraisal, 4) demonstrated community service, 5) prefers long-range goals to short-term or immediate needs, 6) availability of strong support person, 7) successful leadership experience, and 8) knowledge acquired in a field.

These attributes and noncognitive variables have been reinforced through other scholarly works (Hood, 1992; Tracey and Sedlacek, 1985). Such characteristics are usually developed in safe spaces and positive settings; ideally, family environments are most desirable.

Family Support.

Regardless of students’ race, multiple forms of support including academic, emotional, social, and financial are needed to progress through institutions of higher education. Some universities and colleges provide special efforts and programs as supportive mechanisms to assist in the retention of African American males. However, the major support organization is the family support structure (Herndon & Hirt, 2004). In

O’Leary, Boatwright, and Sauer (1996) study, they posit frequent contact with family members as a beneficial means for Black students at predominantly White institutions.

Family is a portal for development and nurturing the educational attainment of African

American males. Both Allen (1992) and Pascarella and Terenzini (1986) documented the impact families have on African American students and the issues they face such as academic success, self-esteem, racial identity, resilience, and psychosocial development.

They confirmed that support and encouragement from their family members through both reprimand and praise were anchors for academic persistence and commitment.

In addition, when African American males face deep-seated issues such as racism

(Sedlacek, 1999; Tracey & Sedlacek, 1985) and institutional alienation (Allen, 1992), family support is critical and paramount to their persistence and self-confidence

(Sedlacek, 1999). In Barnett’s (2004) study, she found that Black family support drastically reduced stress and provided an emotional outlet for Black students on a predominantly white campus. On page 54, Barnett (2004) cited Marie F. Peters, “…Black and African American families recognize that “their children must be accepted in the

Black community in order to have friends, and they must be accepted in the White community in order to survive” (p. 177).” This bicultural socialization process enables

Black children to interact in both societies, often shifting between the two. In addition,

Herndon and Hirt’s (2004) study provided empirical evidence of an urban family member’s comment addressing the predominantly white campus environment, “We had to give her a lot of self-esteem in herself as a family, That is how to build a relationship strong, because in a predominantly white school, they’re not going to give you that. If you don’t have it in your family or with yourself, your self-esteem could go down fast”

(p. 502).

Postsecondary Experiences for African American Males at PWIs.

The experiences of college students including Black men in America’s institutions of higher learning are ongoing concerns of many researchers, faculty, and administrators.

The topic of Black men in postsecondary education has become a very popular discourse; it is even considered quite appealing to scholars across disciplines (Bean & Eaton, 2000;

Braxton, Brier, & Steele, 2008; Flowers, 2004b, Gardner, 1985; Jackson & Moore, 2008).

Multiple variables impact the experiences of African American males within the college setting. Such variables eventually influence their college experiences in ways that are complex and multi-dimensional. In many cases, the painted images of Black men, especially at predominantly White institutions, are bleak, negative, and inferior to females and their White male counterparts. Too often researchers highlight the negative outcomes of Black men including, but not limited to, low academic achievement, socially disconnected with their peers, and disengaged in the academic culture including the interaction with White faculty members as institutional variables. Why do African

American men have such a negative disposition? In addition to alienation and isolation, absence of peer connection and lack of support are closely related. Similar to the negative secondary education issues of Black males (gifted and non-gifted students) navigation through high school, there is a growing amount of research that highlights successful

African American men (some high-achieving) who progress through college and obtain their degrees (Allen, 1992; Harper, 2005; Hurd, 2000).

Allen (1992) identified two salient factors that affect Black students’ performance: lack of positive support and “perceived” discrimination on the part of faculty, administrators, and peers. Black students articulated that receiving straightforward information about their academic progress from faculty members was challenging (Sedlacek, 1999). Due to this discriminatory behavior, African American students at predominantly white institutions report that their interaction with faculty professors and their peers is non-existent; in fact, they avoid many of their White peers and professors outside of the classroom (Allen, 1992, Davis, 1994). Black students on

White campuses who maintained a relationship with their professors were better off than those who did not have a relationship with their professors.

In Allen’s (1992) study, his “…findings suggest academic achievement is highest for students who have high educational aspirations, who are certain that their college choice was correct, and who report positive relationships with faculty…” (p. 35). White faculty were found less likely to give praise and “consistent reinforcement” to Black students than they would to White students (Sedlacek, 1999). This perception certainly affects the academic achievement and academic socialization of African American students especially for Black males. Interestingly enough, positive perceptions about campus environment and good supportive relationships with their peers did not necessarily have high levels of academic achievement for Black males at predominantly white institutions (Allen, 1992; Strayhorn, 2008). Only academic integration served as the lone variable in predicting high academic achievement (Davis, 1994; Hood, 1992).

Davis (1994) points to Chapman (1986), Tinto (1987), and Tracey and Sedlacek’s

(1985) discussions to validate the significant role that the student-faculty relationship plays on academic achievement, educational aspirations, personal development, persistence, and attitudes toward college. A general fact is that the majority of college professors at predominantly white institutions are White males; unlike the high school racial demographics, which report White females as the majority. It is clear that gender and race play a role in the academic achievement and socialization of Black males. Either way, Black males must understand and learn how to deal with racial situations that involve White professors and peers (Sedlacek, 1999).

Blacks males who have good relationships with their professors and demonstrate academic success in high school (especially gifted students) have better chances of academic achievement at the collegiate level (Allen, 1992; Davis, 1994; Hood, 1992). To this end, Hood (1992) found a novel notion in the student-faculty relationship in her study, “While the students conceded that they had not taken the initiative in this regard, they remarked that no faculty member had ever approached them in this capacity” (p. 21).

Nevertheless, since there is a significant imbalance of African American faculty members at these predominantly white institutions, the student-faculty relationship for Black males and White faculty will continue to be a fictional ideology.

Peer Groups.

Astin (1999) posits that the single most powerful source of influence on the undergraduate student’s academic and personal development is their peer group. He asserts that the amount of interaction among peers has far-reaching effects on nearly all areas of student learning and development. Peer groups serve as a viable way to test out ideas, plans, and different strategies in a safe environment (Astin, 1999). Pascarella and

Terenzini (1986) indicate that students’ attitudes, persistence choices, and occupational choices are fostered within peer group circles.

According to Astin (1999), persistence is linked with the quality and frequency of interaction with peer groups especially academic-related groups. Bonner (2001) offers this narrative from one of his participants, “When it comes time to studying, it’s always good to study in groups or something like that. If I didn’t know something, I could always call one of my classmates, you know, other students…They’re real important…”

(p. 17). When African American males frequently interact with their White peers, they would increase their understanding of the campus climate and help reduce the prejudice perceptions of them that are often held by their White counterparts. By participating in these groups, African American males could improve their academic success and dwell in an environment for constructive feedback and performance enrichment. On PWI campuses, it is imperative that African American students engage academically and socially with their White peers and classmates to foster better relationships and connection with the institution. These social cultural groups have been cited as more important to African American students in campus settings than intellectual pursuits

(Tracey & Sedlacek, 1985). Peer groups offer African American males new learning opportunities that can enhance their critical thinking skills, problem-solving skills, academic development, and cultural awareness Astin (1993). African American males usually have rich and meaningful experiences when they become involved and active on campus (Allen, 1992; Flowers; 2004; Harper & Quaye, 2007).

Student involvement on campus.

In the past three decades, the importance of student involvement on educational outcomes, especially for African American students, has been well documented (Allen,

1992; Astin, 1999; Flowers, 2004; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1986; Sutton & Kimbrough,

2001). Astin (1999) defined student involvement as “the amount of physical and psychological energy that the student devotes to the academic experience” (p. 518). This theory of student involvement focuses on how students spend their time outside the formal classroom, the devoted effort to activities to manifest desired goals and outcomes,

77 and how institutional resources influence their development as a student. In Flowers’

(2004) study, he indicated that student involvement impacted both in-class and out-of- class experiences for African American students on a national scale. His research led to five major findings that suggest: 1) student involvement experiences directly impact student developmental gains in both cognitive and noncognitive variables, 2) low to moderate levels of involvement measures were prevalent among African American students, 3) vocational development for African American students were positively impacted through academic-related student involvement experiences, 4) out-of-class recreational experiences had less impact on educational outcomes than academic-related experiences, and 5) some student involvement activities had a negative impact on African

American student development. With the emergence of social media, college students are using technology to increase their involvement.

Heiberger and Harper (2008) found that new-student orientation staff created

Facebook groups for their summer sessions. They discovered that incoming students joined and initiated conversations with other group members immediately. In addition,

Facebook is an effective way to support students in the college transition process based on the positive feedback from both new students and student leaders (Heiberger & Harper,

2008). A brief discussion of three areas of student involvement that can positively influence African American males’ experiences including spirituality, Black fraternities, and athletics will be discussed in the following section.

Spirituality. Spirituality is a complex topic. Several scholars attempt to provide a definition of the term; however, Herndon (2003) summarize Mattis (2000) description,

“…spirituality is complex and includes belief in a supernatural dimension of life, a personal relationship with God; living according to God’s will, and holding intrinsic beliefs and values” (p.75). Although spirituality and religion are often considered parallel in meaning, the above definition will be the framework for this discussion.

Some African American males seek support outside of the immediate campus setting, particularly in the form of spirituality. African American students report higher levels of spirituality at PWIs compared to their White counterparts (Herndon, 2003;

Walker & Dixon, 2002). Attending church or some form of worship provides opportunities for refuge away from a campus environment that can feel alienating at times with various stresses including academic pressure and demands. According to

Walker and Dixon (2002), the research literature has a significant gap when it comes to understanding the role of spirituality in the lived experiences of Black males at predominantly white campuses. More importantly, there is a lack of literature surrounding academic performance and spirituality among Black males.

In Herndon’s (2003) study, he discovered three themes from his participants: 1) spirituality bolsters resilience; 2) spirituality provides a sense of purpose; and 3) African

American religious institutions provide spiritual support. Walker and Dixon (2002) posits that spiritual beliefs and religious engagement have a positive relationship with academic outcomes. Similarly, Riggins, McNeal, and Herndon (2008) found similar outcomes when researched at a historically Black university. All three studies suggest that spirituality plays a significant role in the retention and experience of Black males at the

postsecondary level. Therefore, if African American males embrace and capitalize their

spirituality they may persist through their college experience.

Finally, ignoring the spiritual aspect of African American males would be

counterproductive to the development of these students and would be a disservice to the

universities’ overall goals for student development outcomes. As Walker and Dixon

(2002) discovered, spirituality can influence academic outcomes and can help African

American males persist through their college experience (Herndon, 2003; Riggins,

McNeal, & Herndon, 2008). Thus, it is imperative that educators and administrators find

ways to interweave and support spiritual growth for Black males.

Black fraternities. On Tuesday, December 4, 1906, the first undergraduate Black fraternity was formed at Cornell University, an Ivy League predominantly White institution, by seven African American men who faced isolation, hostile campus setting, and social alienation by their White peers and faculty members (Kimbourgh, 2003; Ross,

2000). To date, five Black fraternities exist throughout U.S. traditional and historically

Black colleges and universities including Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity, Inc. (1906), Kappa

Alpha Psi Fraternity, Inc. (1911), Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, Inc. (1911), Phi Beta Sigma

Fraternity, Inc. (1914), and Iota Phi Theta Fraternity, Inc. (1963). The interaction of

African American men within their fraternal groups influences issues of construction of

the Black male Self (Jones, 2004). “The crisis of identity, or the Self, speaks to problems

concerning how the black man is physically and psychologically situated within public

and private space” (Jones, 2004, p. 96).

Despite some high profile hazing events, historically Black fraternities have had a positive effect on African American male’s persistence and educational attainment.

Patton and Bonner (2001) asserted that these organizations serve as valuable social support groups for African American males, especially at predominantly White institutions. Kimbrough and Hutcheson (1998) argue that African American students are more confident in their leadership and increase their student involvement in campus activities and beyond. In a previous article, Kimbrough (1995) posited that African

American students valued leadership which increases retention; and, early leadership development opportunities provided greater self-esteem for African American students.

More importantly, African American students developed a cultural awareness, a sense of institutional attachment, and an increase in leadership and communication skills (Sutton

& Kimbrough, 2001) through their participation within their fraternal involvement.

Lastly, the purpose, aims, and principal objectives of all five African American fraternities center on academic achievement, high self-esteem, and servant leadership for their campus settings and local communities. Therefore, academic achievement, academic socialization, interaction with faculty both inside and outside of the classroom, and constructive learning are positive attributes that manifest in African American students due to their membership, especially at predominantly white campuses.

Unfortunately, there is a dark side to fraternal life that impact African American males.

Often involving hazing initiation incidents, some African American males have succumbed to gang-like violence and very dangerous rituals that can impact students physical, psychological, and cognitive health (Jones, 2004; Kimbrough, 1997).

Athletics. The reality of African American male student-athletes is complex and multi-layered. Often, they are the most highly publicized and scrutinized individuals at their institutions because of their visibility through media and popular culture high status ranking. However, unlike their White male counterparts, African American male student- athletes face unique challenges when it comes to their college experiences (Purdy, Eitzen,

& Hufnagel, 1982). Black intercollegiate athletes must endure a number of stressful athletic and academic demands while often experiencing being stereotyped and confronting a variety of discrimination practices (Hyatt, 2003). While Black college athletes may have elite status among their coaches; they face a new reality away from the sports field that can include racism and academic discrimination (e.g., being treated as a

“dumb jock”) (Hyatt, 2003; Spivey, 1983). This conflicting experience of “negotiating the dualism”, between being a student and student-athlete is not uncommon among

African Americans (Hyatt, 2003; Person & LeNoir, 1997). “The typical African

American college student is confronted with challenges such as racism and academic discrimination. The challenges become even greater with the added burden of the time demands and the physical and psychological stress placed on athletes (Roper &

McKenzie, 1988 as cited in Hyatt, 2003, p. 270).”

In American socioeconomic structure, great value is placed on higher educational degree attainment as the social class mechanism toward wealth (Person & LeNoir, 1997).

Yet for many young Black males, professional athletic appear to be one of few career opportunities for such social class status and wealth achievement. From early childhood, many poor Black males fantasize about becoming a professional athlete because popular

82 culture and media project these images as a gateway to socioeconomic success (Oates,

1979). It is a false reality that far too many Black males believe. In the final section, this examination will summarize the issues impacting the success of Black men in the educational pipeline.

Summary

This section addresses the Black males’ educational experiences throughout the educational pipeline in America, especially at the postsecondary level. African American males’ educational experiences are broad, in-depth, and highly complex. During the slavery period, African ancestors had to endure cruel and unusual punishment, legalized discrimination and denial, and systematic oppressive strategies from White slave owners.

Many of the slaves did not remain silent nor did they relinquish their identities; however, they created survival techniques in order to stay alive with hopes of freedom. Despite these conditions, African Americans especially the males survive and self-taught themselves how to read and write. Before the turn of the 20th century, African American men slowly begin to graduate from higher educational institutions with bachelors and doctorates.

Early school education is the place where African American boys begin to develop and make sense of their identities. The academic and social environments play a crucial role in how they begin to make sense of themselves. Their interaction with teachers, especially White teachers could create positive or negative experiences that will influence their attitudes and behaviors within educational settings. Families, local communities, churches, and often times, media implicit and explicit messages influence

83 the development of African American boys’ social identities. More importantly, parental involvement is essential to the growth of these young boys’ motivation and self-efficacy while creating and maintaining stable environments outside the classrooms. Active parental involvement helps neutralize many negative experiences that Black boys may encounter with their teachers including their non-Black and females. Also, parental involvement can lessen the opportunity for oppressive learning environments and avoid their child being devalued and ignored.

As they mature and progress to secondary levels of education, it’s imperative that

African American males continue on a path of academic self-perception and develop better time management and study skills. Social skills, positive behavior, and interactions with like-minded peers can impact successful progression toward graduation and matriculate into postsecondary settings with strong intrinsic skills for academic and social success. Also, family support remains important for high school African American males as they prepare to enter college. This support is key for many Black students who plan to attend PWIs because it will serve as an anchor during challenging experiences when they attend college particularly PWIs.

The literature on African American males who attend postsecondary learning environments illuminates the negative experiences psychologically and sociologically.

The social contexts of Black males are heavy influences in how they build and shape who they are. Black males who matriculate to PWIs could face various challenges due to the sociocultural climate. College fit and positive relationships with non-Black peers and faculty members are significant factors to the academic success of African Americans

84 particularly males. Black males’ becoming involved on campus and joining peer groups revealed that retention increases especially at PWIs. Spirituality plays a major role for many African American collegiate males. Similar to early slavery, many Black male students rely on their spirituality to help them persevere through difficult trials on campus. Joining a Black fraternity also created an opportunity for some unique experiences for Black males. Undergraduate Blacks males not only persist through college but they have the opportunity to add leadership qualities to their identity construction. The influence of these Black Greek organizations is truly salient to many of the Black males that join. Some African American males who are student-athletes decide to join Black fraternities as well. The Black athletes have some unique college experiences than their non-athletic male counterparts. Collegiate athletics are highly visible on campus settings. For Black males, creating and developing positive self-image is essential to their success due to such highly visibility and public scrutiny. Most Black athletes pay close attention to their self-image because their college audience placed them on pedestals with high expectations. The collegiate experience of African American males is broad, highly complex, and unique. Hence, identity development for undergraduate African American males is vital to their future and society.

Identity and Black Identity Development

Identity is a huge topic in psychological, sociological, and anthropological research literature. In this section, I briefly highlight identity development from a mainstream perspective. Then, I describe two models that considers race as a salient central factor in the identity development of African American people especially college

85 students. It is important to mention these models because mainstream models ignored race as a factor.

From the psychological perspective, the definition of identity focuses on the individual self or the “I” (Brown, 1965) that exist prior to the influence of environment or social interaction (Baxter Magolda, 2001; Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009). Guerrero,

Andersen, and Afifi, (2011) define identity “as the person we think we are and communicate to others” (p. 24). They continue, “Identity is the self, the face, the ego, the image we present to others in everyday life” (p. 24). Rooted in psychology tradition is

Erikson’s (1959, 1980) ego identity development where he defined identity as the way in which an individual organizes their individual and collective experiences within a certain environment or context. Chickering (1969) and later Chickering and Reisser (1993) used

Erikson’s concept to advance college student identity development theory. According to

Chickering and Reisser (1993), Chickering separated from Erikson’s psychosocial development theory at the point of “identity versus role confusion” to give more attention to young adults and college students’ development. Critical to the identity development of college students is that they spend devote time to self-reflection, to meaning making, and to build and maintain authentic interpersonal relationships while developing of an internal sense of self.

Originally, Chickering’s (1969) theory was guided by using White males at a selective PWI but after receiving critical feedback Chickering and Reisser (1993) revised the seven vectors of development; 1) developing competence—consist of intellectual, physical, and interpersonal aptitude, 2) managing emotions—learning to understand,

accept, and express positive and negative emotions, 3) moving through autonomy toward

interdependence—it is the successful progression to becoming emotionally independent

from the need for encouragement or approval from others but achieve balance through

independence and belonging, 4) developing mature interpersonal relationships—this is

where college students development more meaningful and intimate commitments in

relationships with their close friends and significant others, 5) establishing identity—

students’ race, gender, sexual orientations are strengthen by developing a stronger sense

of self across these complex and intersecting areas, 6) developing purpose—students

develop commitment for future career or vocational aspiration, personal goal or interest,

and social commitment, and 7) developing integrity—this is where students’ behavior

and personal values are congruently align, and through interpersonal relationships

understands right from wrong, deal with moral conflicts, and struggle through making the

best decision when it is not easy to discern what is best.

The psychological perspective of identity ignores the learning and development

through social interactions. Sociologists posit that the Self influences society through the

actions of individuals that form groups, networks, organizations, and institutions. In

return, “society influences the self through its shared languages and meanings the enable

a person to take the role of the other, engage in social interaction, and reflect upon

oneself as an object” (Stets & Burke, 2003, p. 128). The sociological perspective of

identity within the college context focuses on the interaction of groups on identity

formation. By considering the construction of self-perceived identities (Goffman, 1963), both Kaufman and Feldman (2004) examined;

college as an arena of social interaction in which the individual comes in

contact with a multitude of actors in a variety of settings, emphasizing that

through these social interactions and other social influences the identities of

individuals are, in part, constituted. (p. 464)

Thus, the exposure of a multitude of actors within various spaces allows for the intersection of multiple identities. Nevertheless, both race and gender identities make room for identity construction of African American undergraduate males through the lenses of self, others, and relationships within offline and online contexts.

The next two sections provide identity development models that were developed for African Americans because the previous models did not consider race as a salient factor. Although these models are not a part of this study’s conceptual framework, it is important to highlight them based on their foundations of Du Bois’ (1903) efforts because mainstream scholars ignored his contribution (Gaines & Reed, 1994).

Cross Model of Psychological Nigrescence.

As Black Americans were entering PWIs during the 1960s and 1970s, William

Cross (1971) introduced a five-stage theoretical model to explain Psychological

Nigrescence, a model that tried to construct a process where a Black individual transitioned from not recognizing his/her racial identity, to a self-concept of liberation and complete recognition of his/her Blackness. Over the next two decades, Black people were experiencing identity growth through movements and Civil Rights legislation. Cross

(1991) revised the original model of Nigrescence that included four stages and three concepts. The stages included: pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, and

internalization/commitment. These notions that influence the stages are personal identity

(e.g., characteristics and personal traits), race salience (i.e., where race is the principal

identity), and reference group orientation (e.g., organizations, group associations, and

club memberships). Cross (1971) described Nigrescence as a process of transformation

from preexisting identity to Afrocentrism to multiculturalism. During this time frame,

Black Americans were trying to determine who they were within mainstream society,

how they wanted to represent themselves, and how they perceived their own Blackness.

At the heart of this model is the process whereby African Americans come to

terms with their Blackness and the ways in which they situate their identities among

others from different racial or ethnic backgrounds. Briefly, during the pre-encounter stage

individuals display a lack of interest in their race (anti-Black), dismiss any cultural hints,

and display mannerisms that disassociate themselves from their race. At this stage, individuals are colorblind to racial identification with any racial group. During the next stage, encounter, individuals transition from a colorblind perspective to a Black awareness due to some incident or eye-opening occurrence (often a negative event),

which in turn ignites feelings of anger, frustration, shame, or confusion. The third stage,

immersion-emersion occurs when there is a complete embrace of Afrocentric values and

behaviors (to the total exclusion of Whiteness). The exploration of ethnic history, the

pursuit of knowledge about the oppression of Black people in American and elsewhere,

and the collection of artifacts pertaining to Black culture are common for those individuals at the immersion-emersion stage. For some individuals, this stage constructs a

“new” identity that manifests an external transformation including changes in attire,

89 hairstyle, and at times, attitude and behavior. The fourth and final stage, Internalization, offers African Americans the opportunity to marry and resolve their old identities and their new primarily Black worldview. This progression then leads to an acceptance of the implications of their Black identity and the development an inner peace and holistic understanding of what it means to be Black in a multicultural society.

Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity.

Since the beginning of racial identity research, scholars have been wrestling with the importance and meaning of the notion of racial identity (Cross, 1991). Sellers, Smith,

Shelton, Rowley, and Chavous (1998) introduced a new model of African American racial identity called Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI). According to

Sellers et al. (1998), “This model provides a conceptual framework for understanding both the significance of race in the self-concepts of African Americans and the qualitative meanings they attribute to being members of that racial category” (p. 19). Sellers et al.

(1998) argued that the MMRI model is ideal in studying African American racial identity because it combines the strengths of both the underground and mainstream approaches.

In addition, the researchers argued their stance for the MMRI model versus other racial/ethnic identity models by using two highly recognized African American men,

Reverend Bro. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, who both viewed race as a significant factor in their self-concept.

Sellers et al. (1998) expressed four assumptions in their Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity as they defined racial identity as a salient and qualitative expression that individuals ascribe to their attachment within the Black racial group and within their

own self-concepts. The first assumption is that identities are “situationally influenced as well as being stable properties of the person” (p. 23). There are steady properties of racial identity that permit the different qualitative values to be seen and the importance of race

for individuals as they define themselves. In unison, the dynamic properties of African

American racial identity are prone to contextual prompts and allow the steady properties

of the identity to impact performance at the level of the specific event. Thus, individuals

have a number of identities that are seen in certain spaces and/or various times when

individuals choose to reveal them. The second assumption addressed the fact that

individuals have a number of identities with hierarchical order (Rosenberg, 1979; Sellers

et al., 1998). According to Sellers et al. (1998), the importance of race is explicit when

defining an individual’s multiple identities within his or her self-concept. They explained

that their model opens up opportunities “to investigate race within the context of other

identities such as gender occupational identity” (p. 23). The third assumption of MMRI

model recognizes the “individuals’ perception of their racial identity is the most valid

indicator of their identity…societal forces plays in shaping the self, the emphasis is

clearly on the individual’s construction his or her identity” (Sellers et al., 1998, p. 23).

The authors indicated that the MMRI model does not provide a preconceived notion or

definition of what it means to be Black, the model makes no value judgment or preset

concept of what a healthy or unhealthy racial identity for individuals, and the model does

not suggest that any identity is immoral or moral. Finally, Sellers et al. (1998) model is

mostly concerned with the status of one’s racial identity not it’s development to serve as

the final assumption. Specifically, MMRI avoids situating an individual in a particular

91 stage within a development sequence, like Cross’ (171, 1991) model; instead, the model concentrates on the nature and the significance of an individual’s racial identity at any given point in time during the individual’s life span. The scholars emphasize that the

MMRI model is not competing but serves as a complement to the other developmental models (Cross, 1971, 1991; Phinney, 1992).

The centrality of race is salient to the identity development for underrepresented individuals. That being said, racial identity can play a central role in how people interact within and outside of their racial and ethnic backgrounds especially at the micro level of social interaction. Social interaction is a part of identity development. The next section highlights the paradigm that lends insight into the nature of social interaction among small groups of people.

Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interactionism was developed from the teachings of George Herbert

Mead (1934) and it serves as a major foundation of qualitative research. It posits that individual human beings make meaning through social interaction. Symbolic interactionism is based on three foundational principles: “First, human beings act toward the physical objects and other beings in their environment on the basis of the meanings these things have for them” (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994. p, 124). What a human being believes or thinks about something is rooted in their meaning of it. African American males who attend postsecondary institutions may likely view their degree as a valuable and necessary goal. Whereas African American males who decide to start their own businesses without a college education, may not value a college degree. “Second, these

meanings derive from the social interaction (communication, broadly understood)

between and among individuals. Communication is symbolic because we communicate

via languages and other symbols” (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994. p, 124).

Often in America, many African American males place certain values on material possessions; but, if they travel abroad to a developing country, for example, these males may realize that basic needs like water, food, shelter, and safety are more important to

many people in the world. The third principle states “these meanings are handled in, and

modified through, an interpretative process used by the person in dealing with the things

he/she encounters” (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994. p, 124). An example of this would be when

a student decides to change his major. However, when his best friend questions his

decision, his mind runs through multiple questions and events (e.g., too hard, don’t like

certain classes, professors are racists, etc.) that eventually assist him to arrive at a

decison. This is the interpretive process every individual goes through. Yet, each

individual’s decision is unique because it is rooted in his past and everyday experiences.

The basis of the theory is the way humans act toward other humans or things. As human

beings, we can assign meanings based on the social interaction we have with other

people. Meaning is not inherent in these words but, it is instead created socially through

language (communication) and symbols (Sandstrom, Martin, & Fine, 2010). For

example, the self is the product of social interaction where individuals “interpret each

other’s gestures and act on the basis of the meaning yielded by the interpretation”

(Blumer, 1969, p. 66). Thus, interaction occurs as a response to others’ actions.

But what happens when technological devices like computers become mainstream

everyday resource to communicate with each other. The next section describes how

computers changed the way we communicate and interact with others.

Computer-Mediated Communication

Email, instant messaging, chat rooms, text messaging, and list-serves are

examples of Computer Mediated Communication (CMC). CMC allows human beings to

communicate through computers and digital technological devices. With face-to-face

interactions, human beings can communicate direct and instantaneously. Other examples

of CMC include Multi-User Domains (MUDs), MUD Object-Oriented (MOOs), and

Massive Multi-player Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPGs). Typically, users do not communicate directly with another person but instead they use symbols in the form of socially negotiated signs such as emoticons, images, and words. CMC has existed for over four decades.

According to Walther (1996), CMC surfaced as an “unintended byproduct of linking large computers to one another for security and information redundancy” (P. 5).

Computer operators discovered that they could send simple messages to one another while data was transmitted. Then the idea expanded that CMC could be utilized to communicate emergency instructions and tasks to individuals in different geographical locations (Rheingold, 1995), and CMC developed from simple one-on-one messages to planned group communication. The notion also developed as to whether CMC would be a viable way to replace travel to meetings by individuals or group members and would be more effective than face-to-face meetings (Turoff, 1991). After discovering that

94 coordination was achievable, the effectiveness and social interactions with and within various individual and group settings became an interesting phenomenon among researchers (Walther, 1996). Research studies concentrated on users’ online behavior, reduction of interpersonal affect when using e-mail and computer conference, and the impact of group solidarity. As a result, virtual conversation—the form conversational interaction assumes when mediated by technology of a more or less virtual nature— influenced both theoretical and methodological models, such as communication, linguistic, psychosociological models to name a few, which then shaped perceptions of the relationship between communication and interaction (Riva & Galimberti (1998).

These virtual conversations in CMC come in two forms: synchronous— communication occurs simultaneously between two or more individuals, as in normal telephone or face-to-face conversation (computers linked in real time), or asynchronous—communication is not simultaneous. Email is the most common form where users have to open an electronic letterbox to read the message. Another form of asynchronous communication are Newsgroups—an electronic notice-board where users publicly post and respond to messages on various topics of interest.

Before Web 2.0 emerged, CMC played a critical role in identity construction. In the early 1990s, research began to focus on person-computer and person-computer- person interactions (Mantovani, 1996). According to Walther (1998), two significant implications have had a decisive effect on CMC research when it came to a process of negotiation: 1) the only way to understand the process is by analyzing the individuals in the negotiation, and in the environment or social context in which CMC occurs, and 2)

95 the original processes and activities that develop will challenge and change the initial relationship between the individual and the context. Mantovani (1996) explained,

…at this point we should no longer see people simply as ‘users’ of given systems,

but as social ‘actors’. In other words, whether expert computer users or not,

people act independently and have their own reasons for what they do, and it is

computers and systems that have to adapt to people, not vice versa. (p. 63).

Thus, in a psychosocial model, Mantovani (1996) stresses context is made because context is conceptual as well as physical, meaning actors perceive situations using cultural models and act accordingly in cultural ways, and context is unstable meaning cultural models are constantly modified by individuals’ selections and actions.

In comparison to face-to-face interaction, CMC has two characteristics fundamentally distinctions; first, its primarily textual, so individuals lose the ability to use social cues such as body language, voice inflection, and eye contact. The other difference seems to create a impression of anonymity and lack of awareness of the social setting. Kiesler, Siegel, and McGuire (1984) indicate that these differences are responsible for a perceived higher incidence of offensive, rude, and uninhibited behavior.

A user has to use text or an emoticon to assist the other user with their interpretation. In this way, CMC permits users the means to think about and then consciously construct the impressions they want to give (Pauwels, 2005) but asynchronous communication does not allow for immediate feedback, which is critical for social performance and the ongoing negotiation to impress others.

In the next section, CMC takes a new turn with social networking sites providing an opportunity for online users to communicate both synchronously and asynchronously.

Social Networking Sites

With emergence of online social network sites like Black Planet, Facebook and

Twitter, African Americans online access continues to increase daily (Horrigan, 2009;

Smith, 2011). According to boyd and Ellison (2007), the first Internet social network site launched in 1997 was called SixDegrees.com. AsianAve and BlackPlanet were the first two social network sites that targeted ethnic and racial populations (boyd & Ellison,

2007; Byrne, 2008a; Byrne, 2008b). According to the authors, these online social network sites allowed their users to create personal, professional, and dating profiles.

BlackPlanet momentarily shut down and then relaunched its site in 2005 (boyd and

Ellison, 2007). Currently, social media users, including African Americans now have some control over their image and representation of their identities, and how they want to be perceived. Social network sites like Black Planet, Myspace, Facebook, Twitter, and

LinkedIn, to name a few, provide opportunities for their users to construct profiles as a representation of who they are to their audience. For this review, I will discuss two of the most relevant social network sites: BlackPlanet and Facebook.

BlackPlanet.

For the majority of the African American population, BlackPlanet.com was the first recognizable social network site. In one of the first studies of a Black social network site, Dara Byrne (2008a; 2008b) grounded her historical trajectory of the first Black social network site, BlackPlanet.com from the late 1980s where Blacks participated in a

national social network infrastructure called First Fridays. She asserted that although

First Fridays are well-known for entertainment and social networking among young

black professionals, the primary function was to pay attention to issues and concerns in the black community (Byrne, 2008a).

Since its inception and launch in 1999, BlackPlanet was an “established pillar in the black online community” (Byrne, 2008a, pp. 323-324). Studying 45,692 discussion threads and 367,017 responses across the 18 BlackPlanet forums, she found that the most popular forums included relationships (55%), heritage and identity (9%), religion and spirituality (6.6%), current events (4.2%), and women’s issues (2.7%). These five forums corresponded to 77.8% of all forum threads and 93.3% of all forum responses (Byrne,

2008a). She discovered that over 72% of responses were race-specific threads dominant in the heritage and identity forums. Race-specific threads drew more responses than race- neutral ones across all forums except for religion, spirituality, and women’s issues. Using content analysis, the highest number of discussion threads addressed education, slavery, racism, AIDS, voting, and justice. Although, she did not disaggregate all the threads and keywords to quantify the results, she concluded that community issues were an important element to the Black community on BlackPlanet.

Since its relaunch, BlackPlanet continues to be an online space for discussion on political and social issues, and serves as a matchmaking and job postings site. Like

BlackPlanet, Facebook is an online site that allows for discussions, job postings, and potential matchmaking opportunities. The next section provides an overview and its impact on the college environments.

Facebook.

In the fall of 2003, Mark Zuckerberg and some classmates launched a website

called Facemash. Facebook’s predecessor was set up as a “hot or not” game that allowed

users to compare side-by-side photos of two students and let them choose what person

was “hot” and who was “not” (Hoffman, 2008; Schwartz, 2003). In 2004, Zuckerberg

launched Thefacebook.com for Harvard University college students only (boyd & Ellison,

2007). The next year (2005), the social network site name changed to Facebook.com. and

launched a high school version (boyd & Ellison, 2007). By 2006, the site merged the college and high school sites and allowed membership to anyone 13 years of age or older with a valid email address (boyd & Ellison, 2007; Cassidy, 2006; Grossman, 2010). By late 2006, the site offered membership to anyone in and outside the U.S. with a legitimate email address. Due to its global popularity, Facebook is currently the most popular online social network site among young adults with over a 1.23 billion daily users (Sedghi,

2014).

Currently, Facebook is comprised of all forms of individual identities across the globe. According to Duggan et al. (2015), Facebook remains the most popular social media site in comparison to other platforms including Instagram, Twitter, LinkedIn, and

Pinterest among American adult users. The researchers highlight engagement of

Facebook users continues to grow and Facebook serves as a “home base” among online adult users that utilize other social media platforms. The report indicated that 93% of

Facebook users say they are Facebook friends with family members other than parents or

children. Over 90% indicated they are Facebook friends with current friends. Only 39% of their respondents said they are connected to people they have never met in person.

Facebook and academic performance. A study conducted by Karpinski and

Duberstein (2009) found a negative relationship among academic performance and

Facebook use. They conducted a pilot study for an annual education conference that

explored the effects of Facebook among college students. They used quantitative methods

to examine academic achievement in relation to Facebook usage. It was discovered that

Facebook respondents were younger, full-time undergraduate students (n =102) majoring

in science, technology, engineering, math, medicine (STEM) or business. They also used

grade point average “GPA” and “Hours Studying” as dependent variables and “Facebook

Users and Student Status” as the independent. The results revealed that,

FB users also have lower GPAs and spend less time studying. University

administrators may consider using FB as a communication or learning tool to

enhance academic performance, or find ways to deter recreational FB use and

promote better time-management skills” (Karpinski & Duberstein, 2009).

To further the discussion, Kirschner and Karpinski (2010) wrote,

First, the majority of FB users reported that it did not impact their academic

performance to not using FB frequently enough for such an effect to occur. They

also emphasized that academics were a priority for them. Second, of the FB users

reporting an impact, the majority indicated a negative impact citing

procrastination behavior on their part. These students reported having poor time-

management skills and that FB use allows them to put off studying while not

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giving them the feeling that they are ‘‘not working”; evidenced by their

statements that FB was beneficial to their learning (i.e., of the FB users reporting

an impact, respondents claimed to use it as a networking tool for academic

purposes). Clearly, they place the locus of control of their FB use and its effects

outside of FB and in their own personalities. (p. 1243)

Thus, individual users’ behaviors and interpersonal traits must be considered when research investigators try to understand the impact of a social network site(s) and academic performance outcomes. Students are under the impression that Facebook was for social purposes, not for formal teaching purposes, although it could be used for learning purposes informally (Madge, Meek, Wellens, & Hooley, 2009). That being said, a few scholars (Green & Bailey, 2010; Selwyn, 2009) discovered that Facebook could provide some positive outcomes.

Based on their informal observations and conversations with students (ranging from 6th grade to postsecondary) and teachers/instructors (ranging from K-12, higher

education, and corporate) using Facebook, Green and Bailey (2010) found five areas of

potential academic use: 1) sharing homework and answers included students (particularly

high school) who created ‘hard-to-find’ groups to discuss and share homework

assignments and answers with their classmates while making it difficult for teachers and

parents to locate the groups, 2) study groups consisted of university students that formed

study groups as a resource to assist its members (over 11,000) by providing web sites and

links as study aids, 3) clubs and organizations included those for junior/high school

students and some were more widespread among college level students with a unique

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difference that focused on political issues and social causes, 4) academic programs where

students belong to a group associated with their degree program that concentrated on

pragmatic information like deadlines, job opportunities, and various events; students set

up study groups with other students within their department’s group page; instructors or

staff associates created and maintained academic group pages especially for online

distance education programs, and 5) instructor pages for instructional purposes were not

ideal among their informal observation and conversations with the instructors from the

educational arena because of the skepticism of teacher/student social media contact.

Formal academic use of Facebook still has progressive challenges but Green and Bailey

(2010) “suggest approaching the use of Facebook for instruction with a sense of

adventure and potential, but with eyes wide-open and with caution” (p. 22).

Similarly, Roblyer et al. (2010) found that a comparison of faculty and student

responses indicate that students are much more likely to use Facebook than faculty

members; and students are significantly more open to the possibility of using Facebook

and similar technologies to support course work. They found that faculty members are

more likely to use more “traditional” technologies such as email. Selwyn (2009) revealed

that Facebook could be used for academic purposes to support communication between

students in similar learning environments. He believed that SNS communication on

Facebook is compatible with face-to-face social learning contexts on higher educational campuses by using collaborative and conversational strategies. de Villiers (2010) discovered that students in distance learning programs were quick to form a group on

Facebook to enhance their learning. For some students, the Facebook groups served both

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learning and relationship building opportunities. For other students, some felt that

Facebook was for the youth, while others felt that some classmates’ interactions were

strictly to complete the assignment and not gain insight, or some felt that Facebook was

not for academic purposes and chose not to engage.

Whether informal or formal, Facebook has caused the academic community to

ponder its use beyond its social intent. Although more students appear to be receptive to

use Facebook in a formal educational way, most faculty members and course instructors

continue to hesitate and remain apprehensive to the notion of using it for instructional

purposes. Facebook features have at least created the opportunity for both students and

faculty members to formally interact within the online space.

Faculty and staff administrators offline interaction. Before Facebook, Flowers

(2003) explored the extent to which African American students had academic and social

interactions with faculty members while attending HBCUs and PWIs. Using data from

the revised 3rd edition of the College Student Experiences Questionnaire (CSEQ),

Flowers (2003) employed multiple regression analysis to unpack his findings. He found that African American students at HBCUs reported significantly more academic and social interaction with faculty than African American students at PWIs. Specifically,

African American students at HBCUs were more likely to seek course-related

information from the instructor, briefly visited the instructor after class, discussed career

plans and future ambitions, and interacted with faculty members while enjoying a snack

or drink (Flowers, 2003).

More recently, a group of scholars (Hurtado et al, 2011) conducted a mixed

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methods study to understand contextual differences at higher education institutions in the

experiences of aspiring scientists as they interact with faculty. Over eight years later,

Black students at HBCUs reported having more support and frequent interactions with

faculty. Key factors that emerged from their findings highlighted the approachability of faculty members, who demonstrated a vested interest in their students, used a holistic approach to education by providing individual attention and showing concern for both academic and nonacademic lives, and demonstrating a balance between rigor and support. While maintaining academic rigor, faculty members can establish some levels of support and encouragement, particularly at PWIs.

Faculty and staff administrators online interaction. Faculty and staff

administrators’ social media use is beginning to emerge slowly. As previously

mentioned, faculty members are skeptical about using SNS like Facebook to interact with

their students (Roblyer et al., 2010; Green & Bailey, 2010). According to Martinez

Aleman and Wartman (2009), many faculty members do not want invite the

complications of SNS friendship with their students while some student were irritated

that staff members asked them to be friends on Facebook. Hewitt and Forte (2006)

conducted a survey study in order to understand how Facebook contact was influencing

student perceptions of faculty members. Their results exposed a third of students felt that

faculty members should not be present on Facebook. Some students had issues

surrounding privacy and identity management. Goffman (1959) suggests that when

presenting one’s self to others, the performer strives to maintain control over one’s

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persona while minimizing the appearance of traits that are divergent to an idealized

version of self. Hewitt and Forte (2006) explains,

It appears that part of many users’ experience on such sites is a perceived loss of

control over performance as they address broad, unknown audiences that may

include peers, supervisors, subordinates, parents and—especially in the case of

academic communities—professors and mentors. (p. 2)

Mazer, Murphy, and Simonds’ (2007) respondents suggested that faculty members could

use Facebook to foster a student-teacher relationship with caution because faculty

members must discern appropriate self-disclosure information. Both student and teacher have perceived behavioral expectations of each other. Students were concerned with how the faculty members would be perceived as a professional if they self-disclose information that is not satisfactory behavior for a professor (Mazer, Murphy, & Simonds,

2007). Currently, it appears that many faculty members are not interested in using

Facebook because the traditional offline face-to-face interaction works. More importantly, online SNS like Facebook bring on privacy issues.

Facebook and Online Privacy. In 2006, Facebook launched their “News Feed” and “Mini-Feed” feature and thousands of users voiced their concern and dissatisfaction about their privacy, forcing Facebook to install privacy tools (boyd, 2008). Acquisti and

Gross (2006) reported that privacy concerned individuals who join the site and shared large amount of personal information. Also, they found that some individuals “manage their privacy concerns by trusting their ability to control the information they provide and the external access to it” p. 1). According to Debatin et al. (2009), the watchdog

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organization Privacy International accused Facebook of severe privacy flaws and placed

as the second lowest company with extensive and wide-ranging privacy threats. In their study, they found that students had a lax attitude based on combination of high gratification, usage patterns, and changing privacy settings to counter the invasions

(Debatin et al., 2009). These privacy issues can become a serious concern for all online users and college students can be major targets for hackers.

Facebook and Academics in Higher Education.

Scholars have found that social network tools (SNT) can help improve the learning experience for students within academic settings (Mason, 2006; Madge et al.,

2009; Selwyn, 2009; Tapscott & Williams, 2010). According to Sanchez et al. (2013),

Facebook has not made any significant inroads into classrooms practice because many faculty members were hesitant to integrate this type of technology in their pedagogies

(Ajjan & Hartshorne, 2008; Cloete, de Villiers, & Roodt, 2009; Roblyer et al., 2010).

Also, the personal use of this technology continued to increase among college student users, but not for academic purposes because some college students do not feel comfortable interacting with faculty and staff members; although, some faculty members preferred moderate use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in their courses (Garcia & Qin, 2007; Jones & Shao, 2011; Lohnes & Kinzer, 2007;

Schulmeister, 2008; Smith & Caruso, 2010). The original use for online social media environments like Facebook was to create a space for users to meet, connect, and socialize with friends and peers; yet, some researchers have suggested that students have

106 begun to use the site to support their academic goals (Ellison, 2010) and academic advising (Amador & Amador, 2014).

Facebook and Politics. Social network sites have become new political spaces for

U.S. politics especially for the presidential races (Goodnow, 2013). Robertson, Vatrapu, and Medina (2010) examined two years of postings on Facebook walls of three major candidates, President Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John McCain, for the 2008

U.S. Presidency. These online spaces offer its users an opportunity for political participation and electoral social capital in the American political process (Smith, 2009;

Woolley, Limperos, & Oliver, 2010). Due to the rapid growth of SNSs, scholars have little understanding of the influence and impact of online political discourses and debates

(Kushin & Kitchener, 2009). Politicians all over the country are making use of Facebook as a digital tool to collect funds, disseminate messages, create groups, and establish social capital with others across various backgrounds in order to win elections. Many of the primary politicians used social media to connect with college students. During major election years, many of the college students use SNSs like Facebook and Twitter to help spread the word about their candidate.

In this study, participants used Facebook and other SNSs as digital spaces to demonstrate their political identities through public discourses and explicit support for the first African American President of the United States (POTUS) of America.

Chapter Summary

In summary, this literature review provided a narrative that focused and shaped this study. The identity construction of African American men by mainstream media

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producers from a historical perspective provided a background and social context for the

study. From print media technology to television, mainstream stakeholders utilized

various oppressive strategies to reinforce and maintain their power structure by

constructing negative images and stereotypes. Aligning with the mass media agenda, the

American legal system developed laws and set up barriers that would hinder the African

ancestry and generations of African Americans from pursuing and obtaining an

education. Both of these American infrastructures fought to keep African Americans in

positions of inferiority and identity confusion. While mainstream scholars researched

from broader psychological and sociological lenses, African American scholars started to

fill the gaps by focusing on black identity development during the late 1960s and early

1970s. After the Civil Rights and Black Power Movement, African Americans slowly

began to have some agency in their representation through music, athletics, and television. In the 1990s and early 2000s, we saw the exponential growth of the Internet and computer mediated communication. Various social network sites began to surface including sites for particular ethnic groups. Facebook, however, through its quick rise and near ubiquitous use changed the online social networking culture. Now, marginalized individuals and groups have a space that allow them to construct their own identities, create their self-presentations for others to see, and cultivate relationships with old friend, current friends, and new associates/friends across a variety of their social communities.

This growth also raises issues of privacy, new challenges for higher education professionals, and different nuances of social interaction in a complex world.

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This study used the conceptual framework described above to help explore the ways undergraduate African American males constructed their identities and their self- presentations in their online and offline interactions. The following chapter will describe how this framework was utilized to guide the methods that were used to answer the research questions.

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Chapter 3: Methods

Introduction

The majority of the scientific literature on social networking sites usage and

college students have been quantitative studies with small to medium samples of African

American participants (Ellison et al., 2007; DeAndrea et al, 2010; Kirschner &

Karpiniski, 2010; Pempek, Yermolayeva, & Calvert, 2009; Raacke & Bonds-Raacke,

2008; Strano, 2008). Still today, marginalized groups in American society continue to be

under researched by online and social media scholars. In the Lee’s (2011) study, over 230

African American students at an HBCU were administered a survey to examine the

extent and usage of African American college students who used Facebook. Recently,

non-American scholars (Caers, De, Vigna, De, Stough, & Du, 2013) reviewed the

literature and scholarly work on Facebook from 2006 to 2012 revealed that our

understanding is still fragmented and may lack nuances that characterize different

settings, countries, and demographic variables. Further, Lincoln and Robards (2014)

highlighted the first 10 years of Facebook and its impact on society as a space for social,

cultural, and political interactions. The researchers addressed gender and sexuality within

an international community; however, race and marginalized groups were not salient.

This study was designed to address this deficiency by looking at the intersection of race,

gender, culture, and online SNS identity construction and self-presentation.

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The purpose of this study was to explore, identify, and examine how undergraduate African American males enrolled at a predominately White institution

(PWI) used Facebook, to (re)construct their social identities, present themselves to others, and manage their anchored relationships. Specifically, this study sought to describe and understand the ways in which social constructs surrounding race, ethnicity, and gender influence undergraduate African American males’ identities and representation in both offline and online environments. Double consciousness, cool pose, and the dramaturgical perspective served as frameworks for this study. Based on the research literature, identity construction on social network sites has emerged as a social phenomenon among social media experts, educational technologists, and educators in both secondary and postsecondary educational settings. This study was guided by the following research questions:

1. How do African American men (re) construct their identities through race,

culture, and gender on Facebook and offline in their everyday experience?

2. In what ways do African American males build and manage the online and offline

presentation of themselves?

3. In what ways do African American males build and manage their online and

offline relationships?

This chapter introduced the rationale for this study and described the overview of the research design utilized. Next, the chapter provided a description of the online and offline sites, the sample population, size, the recruitment procedures, and the data collection and data analysis procedures. Finally, issues of data and analytical trustworthiness were

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addressed along with a description of my background and subjectivity.

Rationale for Qualitative Study

Qualitative research provides an opportunity to examine how the complexities of the sociocultural environments are experienced, interpreted, and appreciated within a specific context and time frame (Creswell, 2008; Glense, 1999; Tuckman, 1999). In addition, qualitative research works to understand the lived experiences of its participants through interpretive methods (Marshall & Rossman, 1999). It typically examines the social situation or interaction by allowing the researcher to enter specific sociocultural spaces in order to understand the meanings people have constructed in their lived world

(Bogdan & Biklen, 1992; Patton, 1990). This qualitative research study is situated in the constructivist-interpretive paradigm (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). According to Denzin and

Lincoln (1998), “…constructivist paradigm assumes a relativist ontology (there are multiple realities), a subjectivist epistemology (knower and subject create understandings), and a naturalistic (in the natural world) set of methodological procedures” (p. 27). Hence, I turned to this naturalistic philosophical mode of inquiry

(Patton, 2002) to explore and uncover the multiple realities and meanings of undergraduate African American males as they constructed and performed their offline and online identities via qualitative methods.

Throughout the study, I was guided by Bogdan and Biklen’s (1992, 2007) five tenets of qualitative research. First, the key data collection instrument is the researcher and the natural setting is the direct resource of data. I served as the main instrument collecting, organizing, analyzing, and interpreting the data. I entered the offline and

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online spaces of the participants in order to understand the social norms and behaviors

within their contexts. Second, qualitative research is typically descriptive. The data

collected for this study are words from the participants. The findings from the data

contained quotations and self-descriptions from the participants. Third, researchers are

often concerned with process rather than simply with outcomes or products. This

researcher is trying to understand how the participants constructed their identities, how

they negotiated meaning during their interactions with others, and how they behave

offline and on with close friends and family took priority. My analysis and final write-up

were secondary. Fourth, qualitative researchers tend to analyze their data inductively.

From the raw data, I condensed the data corpus, organized and analyzed the data,

restructured the data into meaningful categories and linked the findings to the research

questions. Fifth, the essential concern of qualitative research is making authentic

“meaning” of the participants’ perspectives. I focused on what the participants’ thoughts, nonverbal cues, body language, and their conversational pauses in order to understand their daily experiences on and off campus and online. Qualitative inquiry relies heavily on the researcher’s background, qualifications, and experience to establish credibility

(Lincoln and Guba, 1985); therefore, my skills to gather, analyze, and interpret data from my data corpus were essential in describing their experiences. In order for the voices from the field to be represented in all their complexity, I provided a “thick description”

(Geertz, 1973; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Marshall & Rossman, 1999) to describe the participants’ thoughts and experiences in this study.

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Quantitative studies have primarily used small to medium sample populations of

African American college students use of social networking sites (Ellison et al., 2007;

DeAndrea et al, 2010; Kirschner & Karpiniski, 2010; Pempek et al., 2009; Raacke &

Bonds-Raacke, 2008; Strano, 2008). Lee’s (2011) study used a survey instrument to examine the extent and usage of Facebook that included over two hundred and thirty

African American students at a southern Black college. From broader research projects that used qualitative methods, a couple of studies (Grasmuck et al., 2009; Zhao et al.,

2008) focused on four “minority” groups including African Americans, Latino-Caribbean

(Dominican, Colombian, or Puerto Rico backgrounds), Indian-Americans, and

Vietnamese-Americans. To compare these groups against traditional White college students’ online use and interaction, twenty (20) White students were added to both studies. The broader studies used focus groups, interviews with administrators, structured in-depth interviews with the four minority groups, and content analysis of their Facebook profiles. However, the two current studies only used content analysis of the Facebook profiles from the four minority groups and the White students. The White students were not interviewed.

These previous research studies heavily utilized survey instruments and content analysis to collect and analyze their data to synthesis and report their results. The research studies that used interviews, did not address race and gender-specific (African

American males) participants who attended a PWI. To date, there is a dearth of qualitative research on undergraduate African American males and social media within

PWIs. That being said, this study considered the suggestions from Zhao et al (2008) and

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Grasmuck et al (2009) to use multiple data collection sources so that various aspects of

identity construction can be examined. More specifically, this study investigated both the

offline (PWI) and online (Facebook) environments with an exclusive sample population

(undergraduate African American males over 18 years of age) as they constructed their

own racial, cultural, and gender identities. The mentioned methods unpacked the

ontological meanings behind the participants’ construction of self, self-presentation, and

interaction with others. Also, the methods used in this study allowed the participants and me to interact to create knowledge of understanding and how things worked in their multiple environments. The deployment of qualitative methods also helped fill the research gap with empirical evidence and add to existing literature of African American males attending PWI, identity construction, and social media technology. Furthermore, this qualitative study permitted a marginalized group the opportunity to share their voices and daily experiences in a college environment and a digital space. In the next section, I provide a detailed description of the research design used in this study.

Overview of the Research Design

This qualitative study examined how undergraduate African American men, who were between 18 years and 44 years old constructed their identities in both offline and online environments. After receiving approval from the Institutional Review Board

(IRB), a criterion-based purposeful sampling (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) strategy was used to recruit currently enrolled undergraduates at Midwest regional university. The potential participants were solicited through electronic mail (email) using various listservs at the university. One listserv included all African American students at this PWI. The second

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listserv consisted of African American males Black Greek-lettered Organizations. The

third and final listserv included only students that participated in a Black male initiative

program. Also, snowball sampling was used to recruit additional participants. This

sampling technique was used to find and recruit additional African American males from

a different setting. Two African American male varsity athletes respondents agreed to

participate in this study as a result. Eligible participants completed an online survey,

answered questions during a semi-structured in-depth interview, added me as a friend on

Facebook, and completed a follow-up semi-structured interview. At the end of the second interview, participants were given a $20 dollar gift certificate to Barnes and Noble. The responses from the online demographic questionnaire were collected, analyzed, and organized in a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet. Field note memos were written after each interview for reflexive purposes. Both semi-structured interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Grounded theory methods were used to compare, code, and analyze the data and develop emerging categories. A small sample of participants was asked to review the transcriptions of their interview and emerging categories to provide a member check. Also, a research team consisting of two female doctoral candidates and a male full professor reviewed the initial codes, constructed categories, and revised categories for several iterations until a consensus was met on the final categories and subcategories. After IRB approval, the limits of data collection were determined through data saturation, which occurred after the final interviews were completed.

Next, the following section covers institutional review board approval, the

research sites, sample population, recruitment, and sample size.

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Institutional Review Board (IRB)

The University’s Office of Responsible Research Practices Behavioral and Social Science

Institutional Review Board approved this study on May 30, 2013 (Appendix A). Data collection occurred between June 11, 2013 and October 6, 2013. In compliance with all the institutional policies and procedures, data collection began after full approval was granted. All ethical standards were adhered to throughout the study. The approval letter was laminated and presented to all selected participants before signing their consent form.

Conceptual Framework

For centuries, the images of African American males have been shaped negatively by dominant society. These images continue to emerge in today’s media. Online technology provides an opportunity for college students to construct their identities as they interact with others daily. More importantly, undergraduate Black males are using social media as a self-presentation tool. In order to explore and understand the social interaction among these college males, the conceptual framework combines three frameworks including Double Consciousness (Du Bois, 1903), Cool Pose (Majors &

Billson, 1992), and Goffman’s (159) Dramaturgical Perspective.

W.E.B Du Bois’ Double Consciousness

Du Bois (1903) stated that, “African American males walk around with double consciousness; an inference to what is perceived” (p.5). Having the ability to understand one’s self and to understand one’s surroundings is a part of double consciousness. It is related to the understanding of his heritage within his environment as well as an

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understanding of exterior environments, given both environments influence over him. An

individual is also fully alert of the perceptions of others in his environment, whether they

are positive or negative. Haymes (2005) proclaims that Du Bois provided three

interrelated but different notions of double consciousness:

The first is a third person consciousness in which "one looks at one's self through the eyes of others or measures one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. This double consciousness is characterized by self-deception; in other words, by a false understanding or interpretation of self and life, diminishing the possibility of authentic self-presentation.

The second sense of double consciousness, which predominates, gives way to self-doubt because it is characterized by what Du Bois calls, "the contradiction of double aims." In this case, double consciousness produces disorientation, competing ideals, and irreconcilable strivings.

The third sense of double consciousness represents for Du Bois what he calls "the merging of [an African American's] double self into a better and truer self." This is a "true self-consciousness" that enables African American forms of life to carry their "message" or cultural contribution to the world. That is to say, it enables African Americans to take part in the project of civilization. (p. 285)

Du Bois (1903) described those individuals who live only by external interactions and

environments as being self-deceived and their self-presentation as not authentic. On the

other hand, an individual who tries to work with both perceptions side by side, his own

and others’, creates confusion and self-doubt in his self-presentation. However, the

individual who can successfully integrate both perceptions into a ‘better and truer’ self

establishes an authentic self-presentation and contributes to the global society (Haymes,

2005). Du Bois (1903) acknowledged a “double consciousness” that African Americans must develop to function in the mainstream culture, “twoness—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark

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body” (p. 9). He argued that the only way Blacks will develop a healthy self-concept

within American society is to reconcile the dual nature of their identity. He did not view

this duality as a negative, unhealthy self-concept for African Americans but recognized

the need to reconcile the conflict within. Sellers et al. (1998) articulated, “Du Bois (1903)

eloquently articulated the double consciousness that resulted from the inherent struggle of

being both a “Negro” and an “American” (p. 21). They continued,

Because of the inherent conflict between America’s overwhelmingly negative view of the Negro and the Negro’s own view of himself, the essential task of healthy ego development in African Americans becomes the reconciliation of the discrepancy between his or her African self and his or her American self. Not surprisingly, the tension between the individual’s “blackness” and the broader White society plays a central role in the way theorists from the underground perspective attempt to define the meaning of being Black. However, there is great variability in the way that this tension is conceptualized in definitions of what it means to be Black. (p. 21)

The applicability of double consciousness is more relevant than ever for African

American male students enrolled in American PWIs. I contend that this reconciliation

often does not occur soon enough for some African American males. Du Bois’ pioneering

work would later impact the future models of black identity development including a widely used model of Nigrescence (Cross, 1971, 1991) and African American racial identity model by a team of scholars, Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, and Chavous

(1998).

Allport (1954) and Du Bois (1903) had two distinct lines of theory and research

surrounding the idea of social psychology of prejudice (Gaines & Reed, 1994, 1995).

According to Gaines and Reed (1994), “Du Bois has been ignored so thoroughly as to have been transformed into the quintessential Invisible Man (as Ralph Ellison would have 119

put it)” (p. 9), in the social psychology school of thought. They inferred that many

scholars had shunned Du Bois’ theories and research of prejudice; and in spite of

mainstream social psychologists’ rejection of his influence, Du Bois’ work was the foundation of the concept of “underground” social psychology. “The term “underground” is not ‘meant to imply that those responsible for this culturally relevant perspective have deliberately developed it secretly or slyly. Rather, we simply mean that “mainstream” social psychologists have ignored this body of work” (Gaines & Reed, 1994, p. 9). The

“underground” approach had been utilized by major African American psychologists who support and give credit to Du Bois’ work and the African American consciousness as opposed to Brooker T. Washington’s assimilationist disposition with mainstream

America, which Allport (1954) used as a lynchpin for his mainstream approach (Gaines

& Reed, 1994). Allport (1954) argued that Black Americans internalized an unhealthy and stigmatized self-concept due to racist and oppressive environments.

As a result, their psyche as African Americans would be damaged and devalued

(Sellers et al., 1998). Cross (1991) maintained that early research by mainstream

psychologists (Horowitz, 1939; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951) presumed that self-hatred was

salient in the African American self-conceptualization (Seller et al, 1998). However,

although oppressive and racist conditions played a significant role in what African

Americans had to endure, Du Bois (1903) did not view the self-concept of African

Americans as devalued or damaged. He felt that their cultural influences provided a positive and healthy ego development in spite of the mainstream society’s stigmatization of inferiority (Du Bois, 1903, Sellers et al., 1998).

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Roots of Coolness in African Culture

According to Hall (2009), anthropologist John Janzen traced the concept of cool

to Africa through oral culture, character building, art, dance, warrior cults, mating and

initiation rituals, and the idea of health, all of which are connected to modern Black

American manhood (Majors & Billson, 1992). Majors and Billson (1992) credits Ronald

Farris Thompson, art historian, for researching and discovering the origins of cool and its

importance during the first half of the fifteenth century, “Ewuare was the name given to

the person crowned king of the Nigerian empire, Benin. The name literally meant “it is

cool” (p. 57). Also, this notion of cool has spiritual meaning as well. This meaning comes

with intriguing traits such as correct presentation of self and sense of control. Also, the

word ashe is a part of coolness.

To exhibit grace under pressure is akin to exuding a royal demeanor. A noble

confidence and mystic coolness of character, ashe reveals an inner spirituality and

peace that marks the strongest of men. True ashe is a reflection of true inner

strength, just as cool pose is often the mask that hides inner turmoil and anxiety.

That mask became a matter of survival, as well as of spirituality, during the grim

transfer of Africans to the Americas via enslavement. (Majors & Billson, 1992, p.

57-58)

This form of coolness seems to emerge from the participants in this study (see chapter 4).

The mask behaviors serve as a proud signature of a black male group struggling to create its own identity in spite of numbing subjugation (Majors & Billson, 1992). Subsequently, these behaviors have been influential in popular culture through music, clothing, sports,

121 and the media (Bonner & Bailey, 2006). These cool behaviors are described as “cool pose” by Richard Majors and Janet Mancini Billson.

Majors and Billson’s Cool Pose

“Cool pose” is one of the strategies that Black males utilize to cope with the oppressive psychological effects of the Western social infrastructure (Majors & Billson,

1992). During the 1980s and 1990s, scholars began to address the attitudes and behaviors of Black males as they attempted to survive in American culture (Billson, 1981, 1996;

Kunjufu, 1985, 1986, 1990, 1995; Legette, 1999; Majors & Billson, 1992; McCall, 1994).

Majors and Billson (1992), Cool Pose: The Dilemmas of Black Manhood in America, describes how Black males cope within the American social infrastructure that positions them as inferior. They noted that, “Cool pose is a ritualized form of masculinity that entails behaviors, scripts, physical posturing, impression management, and carefully crafted performance that deliver a single, critical message: pride, strength, and control.”

(Majors &Billson, 1992, p. 4) These authors assert that Black males use this strategy to establish their presentation of self as they construct their male identity.

According to Glasgow (1980), being cool is vital to the Black male’s identity construction as he matures and develops his own unique style. Also, Black male individuals who utilize this coping strategy have the ability to modify their performance to meet the expectations of their audience on a daily basis. Majors and Billson (1992) explains,

The performance aspect of being cool means that as a black performer leaves his house in the morning, he is “on” and cannot ever completely relax. Even when he is offstage, a black male may feel that he is onstage. (p. 4)

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They manage the impression through acts, masks, and facades as they communicate with their peers or audience. Hall (2009) asserts that many Black males effectively used “cool pose” as a cultural strategy to take back their self-esteem and manage their self- presentation.

For many African Americans, this performance is never-ending (McCall, 1994) and often requires them to conform to the expectations of their subculture, otherwise risk being marginalized in their own community (Majors & Billson, 1992). According to

Osborne (1999), the idea of “being cool” is appreciated by Black males because it is connected to their cultural heritage. More importantly, a sense of confidence, dignity, and worth is essential to the development of Black males’ identity and acceptance as they perform in front of their audience (Majors & Billson, 1992; Hall, 2009).

This behavior is imperative to the Black males’ survival in a society that has painted such a negative picture and rendered them invisible (Franklin, 1999) and/or helpless due to the racist American system (Majors & Billson, 1992). According to

Majors and Billson (1992), the performance is “designed to render the Black male visible and to empower them” (p. 5) in such a way as to lessen the hurt and anxiety they experience daily. This coping mechanism is an “ego booster for black males comparable to the kind white males more easily find through attending good schools, landing prestigious jobs, and bringing home decent wages” (p. 5).

From the denial of a good education, to blocked employment opportunities, and lack of competitive wages, the opposite is associated with traditional White definitions of manhood as responsible and good providers (Jones, 2004; Majors & Billson, 1992). Jones

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(2004) puts it this way,

This definition has historically put most Black American men on the margins of manhood because most outlets for achieving masculine pride and identity in political, economic, educational, and social circles have been more readily available to White men rather than Black men. (p. 100)

Masculine attainment for White males is usually fully accessible in areas of educational,

political, and economical systems but not so straightforward for Black males (Majors &

Billson, 1992) and vital to a man’s pride and identity. Thus, this lack restricts the Black

male’s capability to triumph in family systems, to take care of a wife and family, or be

present and supportive as a father (Majors & Billson, 1992). The idea of what it takes to

be a man is shaped through the lens of mainstream society, but the Black male’s

quagmire renders when he is denied access to resources that will allow him to earn this

ideal manhood (Cazenave, 1981). Majors and Billson (1992) pointed to E. Franklin

Frazier as the first to shed light on this conundrum. Frazier (1940) found that black men

bought into this American notion of manhood readily, especially after the emancipation,

but struggled to achieve manhood because they could not find steady work to provide for

their families. As African Americans traveled to northern states, the discrimination

continued and was more subtle in some cases. This predicament impacts the identity of

Black men. “Clearly related to Du Bois’s “double consciousness” is Majors and Billson’s

assertion that the Black man’s unavoidable search for manhood is “lined with pitfalls of

racism and discrimination, negative self-image, guilt, shame, and fear” (Jones, 2004, p.103).

As African American males interact with their various audience members, cool pose is fundamental self-presentation and performance behavior for survival and 124

protection against any hurtful attacks. Black males use Black masking and shucking as

impression management techniques when they encounter their White counterparts. These forms of acting and responding are identity behaviors for African American men and their daily interactions with others.

Erving Goffman’s Dramaturgical Perspective

Erving Goffman introduced the notion of the dramaturgical perspective in his widely acclaimed book, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959). Based on

Mead’s symbolic interactionism, Goffman extended Mead’s concept regarding how individuals make sense of themselves and the world around them (Adler & Adler, 1994;

Stryker, 1980). Goffman described the structure of face-to-face interactions and noted how that structure was involved in everyday interactions. Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical outlook stressed the performative nature of our identities as we seek to enact positive images of ourselves to others, especially to those that matter. Our sense of self is linked to our membership within various social groups. Thus, his dramaturgical approach has three components including “front stage”, “backstage”, and impression management. I will discuss these three areas of identity construction next.

Front Stage. Goffman analyzed human encounters by drawing on metaphors and

analogies from the theatre. His main topic focused on ‘performances’ that he defined as

“all activities by individuals which serve to influence the ‘audience’ within the encounter.

In his view, these performances are rule-governed, in that rules refer to tacit, practical codes with respect to appropriate behavior (Goffman, 1959). Therefore, Baert (1998) describes the “front stage” as that,

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…aspect of the performance which, in a ‘general and fixed fashion’, helps the audience to define the situation. There are two important aspects to a front: the setting and the personal front. The setting, ‘the scenic parts of expressive equipment’ refers to background items which provide the scene and ‘stage props’ for the action to take place; for instance décor. (p. 77)

This is where performances are enacted and organized, and impression management is more important because an audience is present. Any offline interactions with others are considered the “front stage” performance for the participants. Both academic and social spaces are contextual stages on and off campus. Within the Facebook context, all visible content on the participants’ Facebook profile would be considered “front stage” performance of identity construction and self-presentation. For example, his profile and cover pictures represent the self. Self-presentation features include items such as relationship status, political affiliations, contact information, personal interests, favorite books or movies, educational background and many other types of personally related information. Status updates serves an explicit performance feature that allows the participants to receive immediate feedback for their audience/friends by the comment box below their status or the “like” button (see impression management below). Facebook also enables users to join networks organized around various topics (i.e. city, current or former school, workplace, interests).

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Figure 1. Facebook User's Personal Data

Figure 2. Facebook User's Favorites

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To network with others, users can choose to make "friends" with others on Facebook

through various search methods (tagged in a picture, networked through a mutual friend,

using the “People you may know” tool, or a general search), send someone a friend

request, and wait for that person to accept or reject their request. Once two people

become friends, they can see each other's profiles, photos, applications, and other friends;

provided their privacy settings are set accordingly. Users can also communicate by

joining groups based on mutual interests. Groups exist based on mutual interests

including foods, sports, forms of exercise, movies, music, political parties, activist

causes, academic subjects, novels, and celebrities, just to name a few topics. Within all of

these interactions, a rich corpus of text and images are available for observation.

Zhao et al (2008) identified three infrastructural components of Facebook that

allow users to perform modes of identity expression including 1) “self as social actor”, 2)

“self as consumer”, and 3) “first-person self”. The “self as social actor” component allows users to upload photos and pictures, as well as make comments on their own and others’ “wall posts” (which has now been renamed as “status updates”). This enables them to describe their personal interests, and hobbies, and musical artists, list their friends and social networks, and upload and display pictures in their online albums. Facebook offers an infrastructure that allows its users to formulate and present themselves through visual images (e.g., photos and video), asynchronous (wall post or send a message) and synchronous (chat or instant messaging) communication tools, and user profile section

(text-based) information. Facebook allows users to engage in cultural self-descriptions where they tell their audience about their personal hobbies and interests including their

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favorite books, movies, music, TV shows, games, athlete, sport teams, sports, activities,

interests, and inspirational people. The previous reflects the “self as consumer”

expression. In their study, a majority of their participants shared their interests and

hobbies (73%), movie and music favorites (65%), and favorite books (57%). The third

expression was “first-person self” which involved the most explicit description of self on

Facebook. The “About Me” entry allows each user to provide a self-description narrative

as an introduction to their audience. A variety of identity markers are expressed in this

area.

Facebook served as my online primary context. Facebook has a hybrid

communication format that offers various interaction media, including web-page-like posting of identification and messages (which can also include graphics and photos as well as links to audiovisual material), email-like message exchanges between members, microblog-like status updates and comments, forum-like comments between the site’s users, bulletin board-like fan and interest groups (all asynchronous), and synchronous and textual chat room-like instant messages (Zhao et al., 2008). Facebook allows me greater flexibility to interact with the participants and ask more informal questions during the field observation. Its features allowed me to ask probing questions as each participant described their profile.

Backstage.

Goffman’s “backstage”, is where an audience is not present and the performer(s) can “step out of character” without serious consequences. In other words, an actor does not have to think about staying in character and he or she can let his or her guard down

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(Guerrero et al., 2011). This is particularly relevant to social network sites like Facebook.

Guerrero, Anderson, and Affifi (2007) contend that Facebook pictures of self and others

are often selected in private unguarded moments without an audience or “backstage” but

then presented in the “front stage”. According to Goffman (1959) the “back stage” is

“where the performer can reliably expect that no member of the audience will intrude” (p.

113). This stage area is where we often find materials and individuals who assist us in

giving a better performance (Guerrero et al., 2011). In offline environments like campus,

participants retreat to their dorm rooms, apartments, or homes (for local commuters) in

order to let their guard down without any major consequences, especially if they have a

designated space to be by themselves. However, on Facebook, it’s a bit more complex

and participants must use advance privacy settings in order to avoid all social interaction.

They would have to turn off the “Chat” feature although friends can still identify if you

are online or not.

Offstage.

The “offstage” is when there is no audience or performance at all. During this

stage, the individual is alone, there are no scripts, and usually the true self of the

individual is present at this time (Canary, Cody, & Manusov, 2008). Only interpersonal

dialogue or thoughts are involved. In this space, the individual or actor has the

opportunity to process any previous interactions with others (self-reflection). Offline

“Offstage” can only be establish through solidarity confinement. Users would have to deactivate and/or delete their social media accounts to establish “off stage” in digital spaces.

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Impression Management.

In the latter part of the book, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Goffman

brings all the attributes of performance of self together to introduce “Impression

Management”, which is defined as the manipulation of cues to control and organize the impression one gives to others (Tedeschi & Riess (1981). During an encounter, Baert

(1998) explained that performer(s) have to dramatize their activities in order to give the

impression that they are performing well and that they have things under control. During

their performance, people tend to give expression to the values of society in a more

officially accredited manner (Baert, 1998). Impression management strategies are usually

designed to ensure the audience approval whether it is consciously or unconsciously

performed. Schlenker, Britt, and Pennington (1996) outlined three conditions under

which impression management becomes especially salient: 1) “the behavior reflects highly valued, core aspects of the self”, 2) “successful performance is tied to vital positive or negative consequences”, and 3) “the behavior reflects directly on valued rules of conduct” (Guerrero et al., 2011, p. 37). In condition one, “We are more concerned about the success of our impression management when we try to portray an image that is at the core of our identity than less central aspects of ourselves” (Guerrero et al., 2011, p.

37). These scholars explained condition two as “…if you are told that your raise at work depends on being a team player, you may devote more attention to that aspect of your identity” (p. 37). Finally, condition three is described as, “some people believe that public displays of affection are inappropriate. If a friend shows too much public affection to

131 such people, they might become embarrassed and unaffectionate to avoid appearing inappropriate” (p. 38). These conditions are especially important in close relationships.

Next, I will provide a visual diagram that brings double consciousness, cool pose, and the dramaturgical perspective together.

Conceptual framework diagram

In my study, I investigated how my participants created, managed, and facilitated their relationships online and offline. In this study, the conceptual framework synthesizes the ideas of double consciousness, cool pose, and the dramaturgical perspective for how the participants construct, present, and manage their social interaction in two social contexts with a diverse population. This framework includes Goffman’s (1959) theatrical metaphoric venue with a front stage, back stage, and audience seating. I have developed the following diagram (see Figure 3 below) to help explain the conceptual framework that guided this study.

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Figure 3. Conceptual Framework Diagram

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Back Stage. During this stage, the black male is preparing to interact with his

audience. In the back stage, in this case, every male will ask himself, “who am I?’ From

African Americans, particularly males, Du Bois (1903) suggested that the initial mindset

is that he is a human being with dark skin - box #1. Box #2 represents the double

consciousness idea with a horizontal line splitting the box in half. This image represents

the notion of “twoness—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two

unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body”.

The next three boxes attempts to show the connection with double consciousness

and cool pose. The box on the right (#3) signifies the ongoing paradoxical sides of cool

pose: “self-deception/self-doubt” and “dignity/control”. The elements that bring the

African American male peace of mind and control are the same elements that eventually

cause him difficulties (Majors & Billson, 1992). The negative side of being cool reveals the “black masking” or hiding hurt feelings that cause self-deception and he may lose the ability to communicate his thoughts properly (Majors & Billson, 1992). This, in turn, will influence his relationships with his audience. The positive side of being cool helps safeguard the Black male’s self-image and empowers him to manage attacks on his manhood. It helps him with his social competence by having the ability to handle his environment effectively.

The left box (#4) is split diagonally. Similar to the right box, the left box’s diagonal split represents positive and negative actions, decisions, and reactions during their social interaction with his audience. The bottom half of the diagonal is where Black men’s performance is considered Black acting—a form of masking that involves hiding

134 one’s deepest reactions from those who have power to discipline them (Majors & Billson,

1992). This does not mean that Black men are deceitful or two-faced but guarded and wise to avoid binging any harm upon themselves (Wright, 1964). “Shucking is a communication style that conforms to racial stereotypes yet cognitively rejects them at the same time” (Majors & Billson, 1992, p. 63). Another important form of communication is Black humor, where Blacks tell jokes that allow them to feel superior and seize the upper hand just for that moment. Only one participant explicitly mentioned that he likes ‘cracking jokes’ with his friends and fraternity brothers. Majors and Billson

(1992) describes another masking strategy that Black men used called inversion,

…based on the premise that even though he cannot disguise the color of his skin,

he can certainly disguise the meaning behind his speech. Inversion turns the

tables, reversing the meaning of stereotypical images in a way that befuddles

White interpretations of communication. (p. 65)

For example, many White people used the word ‘nigger’ to devalue Black people; however, some Black people have slightly changed the word to ‘nigga’ as a term of endearment or expression. The top half of the diagonal highlights the expressive Black male whose styling, performance, and other imaginative interpersonal expression emphasize the self, aid to attain satisfaction, release pent-up aggression and irritation, and express pride for self and his race (Majors & Billson, 1992).

The center box (#5) represents the combination of both double consciousness and cool pose psychosocial processes for African American males. This box provides a visual image of the complexity of identity construction and self-presentation for Black males as

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they deal with their daily two-ness—a Negro, an American; two souls, two thoughts, two

unreconciled strivings, two warring ideals in one dark body in preparation to perform.

The top box (#6) symbolizes the African American male’s identity construction and ongoing production of Du Bois’ (1903) ‘better and truer’ self. He now understands that

he is a human being with dark skin, but he is self-confident in whom he is ‘becoming’ by

merging the double self into a better and truer self. This is a "true self-consciousness" that enables African American males to carry their message or cultural contribution to the world. This positionality of a “better and truer self” is not a permanent space for African

American males because social contexts change; however, the iterative process (boxes 3,

4, &5) allows them to return to this position regularly.

Before an individual enters the front stage, he, in this case, must walk through

what I call the “door of agency”. By agency, meaning the ability for African American

males to act independently and to make their own free choices; however, based on their

race and gender identity their social context could influence, determine, or limit his

representation and his decisions. “Structural and cultural forces combine in complex

ways to influence the formation of individual and collective identities, even as

individuals may resist, actively and passively, the various processes involved in the

molding of the “self”” (Noguera, 2003, p. 442). Noguera (2003) argues “individuals can

resist, subvert, and react against the cultural and structural forces which shape social

identities compels us to recognize that individual choice, or what many scholars refer to

as agency, also plays a major role in the way identities are constructed and formed (he

cites Giroux, 1983, pp. 23-36)” (p. 442). This door of agency can become a powerful

136 representational tool. For example, in offline environments, undergraduate African

American males now have the power and influence to convince his audience of how he wants to be perceived instead of stereotypical threats from previous preconceived constructions from others (Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002; Steele, 1997, 1999). In online environment, college African American males have complete control over how they will and will not represent themselves to their audience. Thus, social media spaces like

Facebook offers additional agency power for its users. Now, he is prepared to walk through the door onto the front stage to meet his audience.

Front Stage.

Next, we have the front stage. This is where African American men interact with his Black and non-Black peers and negotiate their performances with their audience. In addition, the entire back stage processes come to the front stage as he thinks and performs simultaneously. A competence and/or prideful coolness may seem to lift the cool male above his peers because he will avoid deviant behavior that would cause his audience to disapprove of his performance. He presents his ‘better and truer’ self and adjusts himself accordingly to his audience approval. Offline approvals consist of positive reinforcement of his performance such as receiving ‘high fives’, an affirmative head nod, and verbal confirmations. On Facebook, the “Like” button or status comment sections are tools that indicate the audience approval. Facebook does not have a “dislike” button; thus, his audience’s disapproval has to be explicit through status comments or sending a private message through “Inbox” feature.

Audience.

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The audience consists of several groups, including those with anchored

relationships (offline and online interactions), friends, associates, family members,

teachers, peers, faculty and administrators, and others. The front section of the audience

reflects those that have a very close relationship with the performer. They are considered

anchored friends. All the seats directly facing the stage are friends, family members, and

others that have a close relationship with the participants, but not intimate like family

members or significant others and those that the participants actually know. The seats

flanked to the left and right are audience members that have causal or limited contact.

This could include administrators, faculty and staff, peers and classmates. Outside the

entrance doors for the audience are potential associates, friends, employers, graduate

admission, recruiters and others.

Impressions management.

Impressions management is the ongoing negotiation between the performer and

his audience. This study deals with two social contexts, offline and online interactions. In

the offline setting, African American males receive either explicit and implicit

conformation or approvals. A form of approval that aligns with cool pose, would be the

nonverbal gesture of the head nod that usually follows with “What’s up?”, “How’s it

going?”, and “What’s up bruh?” In the digital setting, particularly Facebook, the user’s

audience members can affirm or approve by hitting or selecting the “like button” on a picture and/or status update. Unfortunately, there is no “dislike button” on for pictures or status updates.

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This conceptual framework displayed (see Figure 3) helped me to focus and

served as a guide in understanding how these African American males (re) construct their

identity in today’s society where offline and online environments are blurring together.

Research Sites

All offline interactions with the African American male participants took place at

a large, research one land-grant PWI in the mid-western U.S., which was given the pseudonym, Midwestern State University (MWSU). MWSU is the flagship institution of the state and served as the host site for the undergraduate African American male participants. Site selection factors included diverse student demographics, location and access for both the participants and researcher. According to the MWSU’s institutional research and planning department, 2013) total minority population was 17.16% including

African American students - 5.64, Asian American students – 5.55%, Hispanic students –

3.39%, American Indian/Alaskan Native students – 0.17%, Native Hawaiian/Pacific

Islander students – 0.06%, and Bi-racial (two or more Races) students - 2.34%.

Facebook was the online research site for this study. Kozinets (2010) proposed that the online researcher should experience online social interaction in the same way that my participants are experiencing it. He declared that social network sites are ideal examples of online social environments that combine web pages, chat room access, forums, private email, and (micro) blog. Kozinets (2010) provided six guidelines for a rich online environment:

1) relevant, they relate to my research focus and questions, 2) active, they have recent and regular communication 3) interactive, they have a flow of communications between participants 4) substantial, they have a critical mass of communicators and an energetic feel 139

5) heterogeneous, they have a number of different participants, and 6) data-rich, offering more detailed and descriptively rich data. (p. 89)

Using these guidelines, Facebook qualified as an ideal online setting for identity construction and self-presentation.

Sample Population

In qualitiative research, selection of the research sample is purposeful (Patton,

2002) based on the goals of the study. Purposeful sampling, allowed me to “intentionally select individuals and sites to learn or understand the central phenomenon” (Creswell,

2008, p. 204). Patton (2002) explained that the “logic and power of purposeful sampling derive from the emphasis on in-depth understanding” (p. 46). This study used criterion- based purposeful sampling (Creswell, 2008; Patton, 1990, 2002) to solicit participants.

As a subgroup of all the Facebook users, the selected participants were required to be: a) over 18 years of age, b) self-identify as African American adult males, c) an enrolled undergraudate student at MWSU, and d) be an active Facebook user who visit the online site at least three times a week. This form of sampling was appropriate in this study because it allowed the voices of undergraduate African American men to articulate their social identities in both offline and online spaces. These criteria were broad enough to allow me to capture the socio-economic, cultural, religious, and academic diversity in this population.

Recruitment

In 2013, a total of 3,242 African American students were enrolled on the MWSU campus. There were 1,409 African American males including 1,213 undergraduates, 148 graduate students, and 48 Graduate/Professional students. The targeted potential 140

participants were solicited through electronic communication (e.g., email, listservs)

through criteria-based sampling. Snowball sampling was utilized to solicited additional

participants to ensure saturation. For this study, the initial recruitment began with sending

the recruitment letter (Appendix B) using three listservs via email through MWSU

enrollment listserv provided by a Black Male Initiative program listserv, a cultural center listserv for all African American students, and a Black Greek-letter organization listserv.

The number of African American male students on each listserv ranged from 100 to

1,409. In the email, all respondents received the recruitment letter with an information sheet explaining the study, participation requirements, incentives, and a request to provide dates and times for the initial meeting. All respondents were asked to confirm their interest via private email to the researcher to ensure their confidentiality. After

receiving their private responses to participate, the respondents and I agreed on a date,

time, and location for the first meeting.

At the beginning of the first meeting, I gave each respondent the IRB approval

letter for him to review. Next, I gave each respondent a detailed consent form (Appendix

C) that provided full disclosure about the study and the requirement to become “friends”

on Facebook to allow me to review their profiles before the second interview. The

consent form asked the participants to agree to participate in the study, select their own

pseudonym, and provide a signature.

The initial recruitment email generated five respondents over the summer time period. At the beginning of the academic school year, another recruitment email was sent to all three listservs and seventeen additional respondents agreed to participate in the

141 study. One of these 17 respondents decided not to participate in the study. A total of twenty-one (21) participants were successfully recruited and completed the entire study.

Data collection began June 2013 and ended in October 2013.

Sample Size

It appears that qualitative researchers have not agreed upon an ideal sample size for qualitative research. According to Jones (2002), “questions about appropriate sample size have less to do with actual numbers of participants or cases and much more with the quality and depth of information elicited through the research process” (p. 465). Lincoln and Guba (1985) explained that sample size is not calculated before data collection, but determined throughout the data collection process. However, it is important to select participants, based upon their willingness, experience, and the extent to which they can provide a meaningful, more useful, and in-depth information (Patton, 2002). The number of participants seemed to vary depending upon the qualitative approach. Charmaz (2006) suggested 25 participants were adequate for smaller research projects. Morse (1994) projected at least six participants for phenomenology, thirty to fifty for grounded theory and ethnography. Creswell (1998) suggests a range from five to twenty-five for phenomenological studies and twenty to thirty for grounded theory studies (p. 64). He indicated that these are typical numbers of participants necessary to reach saturation.

According to Lincoln and Guba (1985), researcher should “repeat until redundancy and then just one more time for safety” (p. 219). In this study, data saturation was reached at sixteen participants. I used snowball sampling to recruit five additional respondents (three seniors, one junior, and one freshman). Participant interviews were continued until

142 redundancy occurred and no new significant knowledge or themes surfaced (Lincoln &

Guba, 1985), which occurred after the final interviews were completed.

Now that I have covered the sites, sample population, recruitment procedures, and sample size, the next two sections cover data collection methods and data analysis.

Data Collection Methods

The research literature on online identity construction suggests that the use of multiple methods is vital to obtaining in-depth understanding of the phenomenon under study (Grasmuck et al., 2009; Lee, 2011; Zhao et al., 2008). This study’s data collection sources included an online demographic questionnaire via the online survey system called Qualtrics, two face-to-face semi-structured individual interviews, and screen captures of each participant’s implicit (photos, friends, & “Likes” areas) and explicit

(“About Me” area) Facebook profile information. Using multiple data sources allowed data triangulation to ensure credibility and confirmability of the findings (Bloomberg &

Volpe, 2008; Charmaz, 2006; Patton, 2002). Further, a description of my data collection procedures systematic order (Patton, 2002; Charmaz, 2006) comprised of an online survey, initial interview, data capture from each participant’s Facebook profile, and follow-up interview.

Online Demographic Questionnaire.

Questionnaire data included demographic items that provided background information on each participant. After signing the consent form, each participant supplied his e-mail address in order to send the link to the Qualtrics questionnaire (Appendix D).

Each participant completed the online questionnaire, which provided a demographic

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snapshot of his personal, family, academic, and social media usage background

information. Questions included prompts with closed-end categories (e.g., race, ethnicity,

cumulative GPAs, income range, etc.). One open-ended question about media representation was included. After completion of the questionnaire, each participant’s initial face-to-face semi-structured interview was scheduled.

Based on the Qualtrics tracking system, the average time to complete the questionnaire was 25 minutes. The Qualtrics system generated a unique code that

consisted of numbers, upper case, and lower-case letters for each participant. I exported

the data into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet file and deleted each participant’s e-mail

address (e.g., the only identifying information in the data) from the exported data and

replaced them with his own self-assigned pseudonym immediately. Further, the data from the participants’ responses were sorted and organized for analysis (results in Chapter 4)

after the final interview. Thus, the follow-up meeting allowed me to collect any additional missing data from the questionnaire. As a result, only two participants needed

to provide missing information. Demographic and Internet use (i.e., time spent online)

were constantly compared to the interview responses given by each participant and his

screen captured profile pages. In addition, the questionnaire provided the opportunity to

discover group commonalities and differences. Although the group dynamics did not

unravel any particular emerging category, it still provided a small glean of insight into the

identity construction among participants who were members of a National Pan-Hellenic

Council fraternities and university athletes. More details are provided about this nuance

in chapter 5.

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Semi-structured Individual Interviews.

Qualitative research interviews seek to understand the central themes of the subjects’ world (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Rubin & Rubin, 2005).

For deeper and more specific information, researchers use semi-structured (also called focused) interview formats (Merton, Fiske, & Kendall, 1990). Semi-structured interview guides were used to explore and allow for some flexibility to probe with follow-up questions and address issues surrounding the phenomenon (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Within semi-structured interviewing, a guide was used to ensure that the same basic lines of inquiry were consistent between participants. Semi-structured interviews are “similar in key ways to ordinary conversations, they differ in the intensity of listening to the content of what is being said…researchers listen to the words actually said and to the nonverbal cues that indicate emphasis and emotional tone” (Rubin & Rubin, 1995, p. 7).

Initial face-to-face interview. Upon completion of the questionnaire, the initial face-to-face semi-structured interview took place using the interview guide (Appendix

E). The interviews were conducted in scheduled secure classrooms on the MWSU campus with limited human traffic. All interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim, coded, and analyzed. Only two participants exceeded the interview time frame, which ranged from 60 to 90 minutes. At the end of the initial interview session, each participant logged into his Facebook account and sent me a “Friend” request per the consent form agreement. Also, the follow-up face-to-face semi-structured interview session was scheduled.

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Follow-up interview. Before the second interview session, I gathered all the

online data from each participant’s “About” section from his Facebook profile. I

reviewed each participant’s timeline for probing questions during the second interview.

The follow-up face-to-face interview served several purposes including a) to allow me to

ask questions about missing data from the questionnaire, b) clarification from the initial

interview, and briefly discuss any additional thoughts from the initial interview, and c) to

allow the participants to describe their Facebook account which included their “About” section, their timeline, and their group affiliations. The follow-up interview convened in

the same location using the second interview guide (Appendix F). The follow-up interviews were scheduled between 45 to 60 minutes. Two of the follow-up interviews extended past 60 minutes; however, each participant agreed to continue until we reached the last protocol question. On average, an additional 10 minutes were needed. At the end of each interview, each participant received a Barnes and Noble $20 gift certificate, and all of the participants were informed that they would be eligible to receive a copy of this final write up via private email.

Member check interviews. Five of the six participants that exceeded the time limit for the follow-up interview were asked at the beginning of the meeting to review their transcriptions to make sure I accurately represented thoughts, feelings, and their ideals accurately (Glense, 1999; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). During the second follow-up interview, I used a large TV monitor that was connected to my computer for each participant to review his initial interview transcript within the HyperRESEARCH

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software (Appendix G) with the initial codes visible. Besides a few typos, the participants

indicated that the transcribed interviews were accurate and captured their voices.

Facebook Profiles

From 2004 to 2013, Facebook architects have made numerous modifications to

the interface and features to enhance the experience for its users. For the purpose of this

study, data were collected from each participant’s Facebook account: user’s profile,

contact information, social networks and “Likes”, and self-description. The user’s profile

section provides options that include both a profile and cover photo, and additional

photos of the user. The contact information includes the user’s current city, hometown,

sex, birthday, romantic relationship preference based on gender, languages spoken. In the

“Friends and Family” section, users can list their relationship status (single, engaged,

married, divorced, widow, etc.), list family members with their kinship titles, in addition

to their Facebook friends’ list. This section of Facebook allows the user’s audience

members to see others’ friends that they may have in common. The primary self-

description area is the ‘‘About Me” section. This section is perceived to be the most

explicit area to allow users to express “who they are”. Based on previous research

(Grasmuck et al, 2009; Zhao et al, 2008), these are the key sections in the Facebook

interface for data rich front stage identity production and self-presentation.

During the initial face-to-face interviews, I discovered that an overwhelming

majority of the participants did not take advantage of filling out all their Facebook

information areas. For this reason, I captured all available data for each participant’s

“About” section. Each piece of available information was placed in an MS Excel file for

147 comparison across all participants. During the second face-to-face interview, each participant was asked about their profile including instances where information (e.g., relationship status, political, or religious affiliation) was left out. Their responses were coded, analyzed, and revealed within two of the emerging categories (“Race, gender, and online caution” and “Professional brand/Image control”) in Chapter 4.

The focus of the study was to collect data from following sections of each participant’s Facebook account: user’s profile, contact information, social networks, and self-description. The profile section provides options that include both a profile and cover photo, additional photos of the user, current city, hometown, the user’s sex, birthday, romantic relationship preference based on gender, languages the user speaks, and the self- description section, ‘‘About Me.” This section is perceived to be the most explicit area to allow users to express “who they are.” Based on previous research (Grasmuck et al, 2009;

Zhao et al, 2008), the ‘‘About Me” section is a critical location for front stage identity production and self-presentation.

This section enables the user’s audience members to see others’ friends they may have in common. The “Education and Work” section allow users to indicate their employer, their current or past college/university, and their high school. Users can select their religion and political views; and provide a description for each category. “People

Who Inspire You” and “Favorite Quotations” are two information rich areas that can uncover some insight into the users’ construction and presentation of self warrants. In the

“Arts and Entertainment” section, users can select their favorite musical artists, books, movies, television shows, and games (e.g., chess, backgammon, etc.). Facebook added a

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“Sports” section for users to select and identify their favorite sports, teams, and athletes.

In the “Activities and Interests” section, users can list their activities and interests, both

online and offline. This is valuable data that can uncover users’ organizational

involvement, if listed. Hence, all users can make a range of formal decisions about their

personal and social identity when launching their profile accounts.

By using these multiple methods of data collection, I uncovered the participants’ implicit and explicit experiences in this nonymous online environment that described and explained how they crafted their online identity, performed their self-presentation, and engaged with their offline and online relationships. Also, these multiple methods provided a better understanding of identity construction based on ethnicity and gender in different online environments.

Data Analysis

In qualitative research, data analysis “involves working with data, organizing them, breaking them into manageable units, synthesizing them, searching for patterns, discovering what is important and what is to be learned, and deciding what you will tell others” (Bodgen and Biklen, 1992, p. 153). Data analysis is “the heart of the investigative and interpretative process” (Greene, 2007, p. 142). This process of searching and arranging data systematically added to my understanding of the participants and enabled me to present what I have discovered to others (Bodgen & Biklen, 2007). For this study, grounded theory methods were used to code, compare, and analyze to develop emerging categories from the data.

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Grounded Theory

Grounded theory was labeled as post-positivistic (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994) but it has evolved beyond this label. Glaser and Strauss (1967) introduced grounded theory to

derive theories from qualitative data including data “…from in-depth interviews about people’s lived experiences and about the social processes that shape those experiences”

(Bernard & Ryan, 2010, p. 267). In their book, The Discovery of Grounded Theory,

Glaser and Strauss (1967) aimed to discover theories that were grounded in empirical data. They argued against the popular and usual ‘armchair’ theorizing and positivistic approaches to doing research as they challenged researchers to actually go out into the field setting and to construct their theories from actual data (Cobin & Holt, 2005).

“Although our book is directed primarily at sociologists, we believe it can be useful to anyone who is interested in studying social phenomena - political, educational, economic, industrial, or whatever - especially if their studies are based on qualitative data.” (Glaser

& Strauss, 1967, p . viii) After their seminal work, the two sociologists took grounded theory in two different directions. Glaser remained more committed to an inductive approach (Glaser, 1992, 2002) and Strauss moved toward the deductive approach with

Julie Corbin (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, 1994, 1998).

Kathy Charmaz (2000) introduced an alternative version of grounded theory called constructivist grounded theory that provides for research subjectivity and is less bounded by the rigid orthodoxy of first generation grounded theory. Both Charmaz

(2006) and Clarke (2005) were critical of the lack of reflexivity in the earlier classical approaches. Their work moved grounded theory into a more environmental consideration.

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Charmaz (2006) argued for a contextual constructionist approach and Clarke (2005)

advocates for a situated constructionist approach. A socially constructed grounding of

reality distinguishes its study of social human interaction from the study of other natural phenomena (Crotty, 1998; Patton, 2002; Glesne, 1999, 2006), allowing both researcher

and participants to create and analyze data together, interactively, during an interview.

Whichever epistemological approach decision, inductive or deductive, grounded theory’s

basic steps applies: a) coding text and theorizing, b) memoing and theorizing, and c)

integrating, refining, and writing up theories. This is an iterative throughout the duration

of the research project.

In this study, I utilized grounded theory methods in order to examine, analyze,

and describe data from the participants. Data from the questionnaire were organized to

reflect the demographic background and the uses of technology to access cyberspaces.

Both individual face-to-face interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim,

coded, and analyzed. Data analysis process included coding strategies that disaggregated

the data, broke them down into smaller segments, and identified specific meanings within

those segments (Schwandt, 2007). I used open coding to breakdown the data into categories and sub-categories that represent the participant’s ideas and perceptions

(Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Charmaz (2006) called it “initial coding” (Appendix H).

During this stage, I remained open to multiple interpretations of the data while keeping my codes simple, precise, and close to the data by using action verbs (Charmaz, 2006).

Charmaz (2006) suggested that trying to see action in each segment of the data rather than applying pre-existing categories to the data will help curb any tendencies to make

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conceptual leaps and to avoid theories before the completion of all analytic work. In

order to remain aware of my biases and preconceived notions, I used line-by-line coding through chucks of data (Glaser, 1978; Charmaz, 2006). Then, I used constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to compare data within each transcription and by each participant. This generated 498 different codes. In the next stage, I used focused coding to make decisions about which initial codes made the most analytic sense to categorize the data incisively and completely. Each code was placed into a category

(Appendix I). Some of the categories were collapsed into subcategories. An iterative process was used to compare and revise the different categories. Thirty-eight categories and subcategories were generated. In the third and final stage, I used axial coding

(Strauss & Corbin, 1998) through which I found relationships between the categories and subcategories in putting the data back together to generate insights into and understandings of the participants’ identity construction. Axial coding specified the properties and dimensions, and reassembles the data from the initial coding to give coherence to the emerging analysis (Charmaz, 2006).

A research team was used to assist the data analysis process, to ensure researcher reflectivity, and to check for consistency and rigor. The research team consisted of two female doctoral candidates and a male full professor (Appendix J) who reviewed my initial codes and categories until a consensus was reached within the team. Each research team member received a copy of the initial codes and categories. I carefully explained each step of my coding process. Team members were asked to review all the codes and categories independently. Also, they were asked to follow the same coding process and

152 create new categories from their analytic perspectives. The research team assembled twice for three hours to discuss the codes and categories. The coding process was discussed and the categories were reduced down until an agreement was reached within the team. The final categories included eight major categories with 39 subcategories. In addition, I met with the full professor to review the coding process, emerging categories, and the results from the research team.

Ethical Consideration

In conducting this study I was aware of the painful history of deceptions used to study African Americans. The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment studied the natural evolution of untreated syphilis in poor, rural black men who were under the impression that they were receiving free health care from the U.S. Public Health Service (USPHS) from 1932 through 1972 in Tuskegee, Alabama (Brandt, 1978; Freimuth, Quinn, Thomas,

Cole, Zook, & Duncan, 2001; Gray, 1998). Originally, the Julius Rosenwald Fund provided a grant for the USPHS to conduct studies to determine the prevalence of syphilis among blacks and explore mass treatment possibilities in the rural South. The

Rosenwald Study indicated that rural Blacks could be successfully treated but due to the economic collapse in 1929, funding for the mass treatment would not have been available and the findings were ignored (Brandt, 1978). The 40 year study was originally projected for six months. Without informed consent, 600 Black men were told that “they were being treated for “bad blood” - the rural South’s colloquialism for syphilis” (Brandt,

1978, p. 24). According to Gray (1998), the researchers never intended to provide treatment for any of the participants in the study. In October 1972, the study was halted

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immediately by the Department of Human, Education, and Welfare Ad Hoc committee.

In their final report, the study was deemed ethically and medically unjustified. The

Tuskegee Syphilis Study, cited as "arguably the most infamous biomedical research study

in U.S. history" (Katz et al, 2006, p. 699) which led to the establishment of the Office for

Human Research Protection (OHRP) and the 1979 Belmont Report

(https://www.citiprogram.org/). In addition, federal laws and regulations, requiring

Institutional Review Boards for the protection of human subjects in studies involving

human subjects, were created. Because of the infamous Tuskegee Syphilis Study, ethnical issues related to the protection of the participants have become extremely important

(Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Glense, 1999; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) in any research study that involves human beings.

For this study, I focused on protecting the participants’ anonymity throughout the entire study (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008; Glense, 1999; Patton, 2002). Informed consent was the central priority for the participants in the study. Both autonomy and complete confidentiality were at the forefront throughout the study. All participants signed an informed consent form stressing the upmost confidentiality for each step of the data collection process. Beyond the normal ordinary discomfort of discussing any narrative, this study had very minimal risk, harm, and discomfort. Strategically, I replaced each

participant’s identifiable information (email address) from the online demographic

questionnaire with his own pseudonym. For additional protection, I gave each participant

another pseudonym different from his own pseudonym that was placed on the informed

consent form. Only the second pseudonym was available to the research team. Cautionary

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steps were taken to secure all informed consent documents, which is the only identifiable

document. These documents are locked in a secured file until the final approval of this dissertation. Upon approval, these documents will be destroyed. Participants were allowed to withdraw from the study (Creswell, 2008; Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Glense,

1999; Marshall & Rossman, 1999; Patton, 2002).

Online ethics is one of the most important and complex areas surrounding online research. As a novice researcher, I am reminded that I was conducting research that can potentially enlighten, empower, insult, and/or even to do harm. ”It is a chance to reveal ourselves and our colleagues as goodwill ambassadors, public servants, or ignorant exploiters.” (Kozinets, 2010, p.136) As an African American man conducting research on

African American men, I am accountable for an accurate description from the perspective of the participants that can be understood by a broad audience. Ogbu (2003) described the importance of Black scholars studying Black people, “The uniqueness of these Black perspectives are forged through what I am term as living Blackness, that is, negotiating one’s humanity through a maze of socially constructed notions of what it means to be

Black as part of one’s everyday life” (p. 44). Ethical consciousness is paramount to the choices and decisions throughout this study and my future professional integrity.

Although online research ethics are still emerging, Kozinets (2010) provides four

key issues of online research ethics: 1) where online researchers should consider online

communities as public or private spaces, 2) address issues of informed consent, 3)

examine the need to avoid harm to cultural members, and 4) ethical complexities of

reporting data from online research participants. He provides general procedural areas to

155 address each issue, they are: 1) identify yourself as a researcher and inform all relevant constituents about your research study, 2) ask for appropriate permissions, 3) gain consent where needed, and 4) properly cite and credit all cultural members. The key issues were addressed and the procedural were followed by IRB protocol and approved.

Role of the Researcher

The qualitative research process is dependent upon the researcher as the primary instrument for data collection (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998; Creswell, 1998; Glense; 1999;

Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Patton (2002) asserted, “the credibility of qualitative methods…hinges to a great extent on skill, competence, and rigor of the person doing the field work” (p. 14). It was imperative that I identify my assumptions, biases, values, and attitudes to this research project and recognize how these things shaped how I saw the data, the decisions I made, and the value I placed on certain findings during my analysis.

Janesick (2000) offered,

I will like to point out that qualitative researchers accept the fact that research is ideological driven. There is no value-free or bias-free design. Early on, the qualitative researcher identifies his or her own biases and articulates the ideology or conceptual frame of the study. By identifying one’s biases, one can see easily where the questions that guide this study are crafted. The researcher owns up to his or her perspective on the study…the myth that research is objective in some way can no longer be taken seriously. At this point in time, all researchers should be free to challenge prevailing myths, such as the myth of objectivity (p. 385). The following section will describe my positionality in relationship to the research topic and participants.

Background of the Researcher.

According to Patton (2002), I am the primary data collection instrument that brings my own personal values, assumptions and biases. Furthermore, “the credibility of

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qualitative methods…hinges to a great extent on skill, competence, and rigor of the

person doing the field work” (Patton, 2002, p.14). In an effort to decrease the issue of

credibility, I want to share my background profile.

I am an African American male with various constructed identities including a

Christian, former high school athlete and first generation college student, a fraternity

member within the NPHC organization, father, and higher education administrator. Since

the beginning of my pre-school years, the intrinsic messages from my parents have been

good character, education, hard work, and perseverance. As a first generation doctoral

candidate, I am the last of five children. My oldest sibling and only brother completed his

high school diploma through a GED program. I have three sisters, with my middle sister

being the only one to enroll in college. She did not complete her degree due to a negative

racial encounter with a faculty member and financial challenges. My father is a retired

Navy veteran and my mother did not advance beyond the 10th grade. So far, I have two cousins who have received their Master degrees and one of them is pursuing a doctoral degree.

My parents pushed and supported me to finish in the top 1% of my graduating

class from a large urban public school district. I received a corporate college scholarship

from a major utility company in Northeast Ohio that included a four year summer

internship. I worked for a major American automobile manufacture the last two years of

my college career. I became a born-again Christian during my senior year. During my

freshman year of college, my high school girlfriend delivered a baby girl back at home. I

married my high school girlfriend during my sophomore year. My undergraduate

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experience was challenging as a husband, father, and the only African American math

student at the university. The African American population was less than two percent

during my freshman year. I experienced alienation, isolation, and covert institutional

racism for several years. After I reached junior status, these non-cognitive variables

appeared to decrease. In order to survive, I forced myself to interact more with my

classmates although many were implicitly resistant. Faculty members slowly started to

reach out more after I completed a math course with the chancellor of the university.

Working closely with the dean of the math department was vital to my undergraduate

progression. After six challenging years, I graduated from a private PWI with a Bachelor

of Science degree in Mathematics. I received my Master of Arts in Technologies of

Instruction and Media in 2005. This doctoral journey began one year later in 2006. I have

maintained at least one full-time job while pursuing all my postsecondary degrees. To

date, I have been the only male fortunate enough to take advantage of the educational

opportunities afforded to me among my immediate and extended family.

My initial spark for educational research occurred in 1990, when I volunteered for

Federal Trio Upward Bound Program (UBP) as a math tutor while working full-time as a

programmer analyst for a major health maintenance organization (HMO). This

experience influenced my decision to change my professional path due to my interaction

with the urban youth who participated in the program. I witnessed the academic struggles of poor study habits, comprehension, and low reading levels of African American high school students who implicitly yearned for academic assistance, mentorship, and guidance. Unaware of the future obstacles and hurdles in college, I noticed that these

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young urban students leaned heavily on my insight and advice as they prepared for

college. I would often ponder why these students were not academically ready, lack of

knowledge on college majors, and more importantly, lack of future aspirations. As a born

and raised urban Clevelander, I saw similarities and differences that made me continue to

ask why, how, and what can be done to change these students and their conditions. At the

end of the UBP summer academy, the alignment of my passion and purpose was revealed. In 1990, I transitioned out of corporate America into an educational setting.

From March 1991 to 2003, I served with pre-college first-generation students from nine major cities of the largest urban school districts in Ohio. These students have various cultural backgrounds including African American, Appalachian, Asian American,

Alaskan/Pacific Islanders, and Latino from urban and rural settings. In 2003, I transferred to a cultural center where I currently serve all students especially African Americans, members of the African Diaspora, Latinos, and Asian Americans. I have served on several major university-appointed committees that oversee the social experience of all students including the University’s Greek Life and African American student organizations. For many years, I have served as advisor for several student organizations including the local chapter of a nationally recognized organization, National Pan-Hellenic

Council (NPHC), and short-lived video production organization. Through these experiences, I bring practical experience as a working professional, mentor, and advisor with empirical knowledge and offline daily interaction.

In 2004, online social network sites like BlackPlanet and Myspace were not a notable topic among college students at the time. Truthfully, Myspace was the only

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online social network site where I witnessed African American males’ social

engagement. When Facebook became the new hot topic, I avoided becoming a user

because I was informed that it was for college students only. During the fall quarter of

2006, one of my employees and a member of NPHC fraternity re-introduced me to

Facebook. I had several lengthy conversations about the site but I never thought about

researching it until it was brought to my attention how some students were using the site

inappropriately. A couple of these students (females) were my student employees. After

seeing their photos, I called both students into my office and explained some of the

negative consequences based on their actions. I clearly did not have any idea of the

ramifications that would emerge and how it could impact my students, but as a former programmer analyst I understood enough about data storage. After a brief conversation with the students, they removed the photos from their profiles and adjusted their privacy settings accordingly.

That being said, as an African American male who attended a PWI in the same region of MWSU, as a born-again Christian, member of a NPHC organization, as a former athlete (high school), I hold an emic position with the African American student population on campus (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). My position allowed me access into many student cultural, customs, social activities, and events. Having established relationships provided me with the opportunity to gain the trust of most participants easily and to be privy to ‘insider’ information that would not be entrusted to a stranger.

Conversely, as an “insider” - being known has its shortcomings. Prior knowledge, underlying personal bias, and preconceived ideas can render disadvantages to this

160 intimate type of ‘insider research’ (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Patton, 2002). Therefore, the importance of ethical conduct, confidentiality, and trust are at the forefront of my subjectivity and biases. I understand the challenge of the dual role of researcher (insider participant) and community member (functioning African American male) in both offline and online cultural environments. There were precautions taken to ensure that the balance between this researcher’s personal and professional networks and my researcher role as an “insider” were maintained. I will elaborate on these precautions in the next section.

Trustworthiness

In quantitative research, both validity and reliability are standards for good and believable research. Lincoln (1990) notes “typically, conventional criteria for judging the rigor of inquiries include internal validity, external validity, reliability, and objectivity”

(p. 234). Naturalistic inquiry brings legitimacy to its approach by developing its own set of criteria for judging the rigor of its inquiries. However, in qualitative research inquiry,

Lincoln and Guba (1985) proposed various criteria for evaluating the trustworthiness of qualitative research. They offered that qualitative inquiries have aligning and parallel procedures equivalent to quantitative research investigations. These procedures involve examining the credibility, transferability, confirmability, and dependability of the data obtained.

Credibility.

The credibility of qualitative inquiry is especially dependent on the researcher because he is the instrument of data collection and the center of the analytical process

(Patton, 1990; 2002). Lincoln and Guba (1985) argue that ensuring credibility is one of

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the most important factors in establishing trustworthiness. Therefore, the researcher can

assess the credibility of his data by asking two questions: “Do the constructed realities of

the participants match the realities as represented by the researcher?” (Lincoln & Guba,

1989, p. 286), and “What techniques were used to ensure the integrity, validity, and

accuracy of the findings?” (Patton, 1990, p. 461). I described both offline and online

contexts and provided thick description from the participants’ experiences. “Thick

description” is described as a way of attaining a type of external validity (Ryle, 1949;

Geertz, 1973). I used thick description of participants lived realities within their multiply realities and procedures that ensured credibility to verify the reconstruction of these realities to the participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In this study, triangulation, member checks, and peer debriefing (research team) are some of the procedures recommended by

Lincoln and Guba (1985) that I used to ensure the credibility.

Triangulation.

In qualitative research, a single method can by no means adequately shed light on an experience (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). The use of multiple data collection methods within a single study contributes to the trustworthiness of the data (Glense, 1999). Using the online demographic questionnaire, two in-depth interviews, and cut/paste data from

Facebook profiles helped with trustworthiness. On page 31, Glense (1999) cited Berg

(1995), “The purpose for methods triangulation is not “the simple combination of different kinds of data, but the attempt to relate them so as to counteract the threats to validity identified in each” (Berg 1995, 5).” The demographic questionnaire offered demographic information about the participants, the initial interview provided insight into

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their daily experience while performing their identity construction, self-presentation, and

relationships offline and online. The data from the follow-up interview allowed me to compare the data taken from the participants’ Facebook page (e.g., profile photos, basic information, “About Me” section, etc.) in order to examine both their implicit and explicit identity construction and self-presentation. The second interview illuminated their claims of authenticity and congruency in both environments by explicitly describing their

Facebook profile. More importantly, their voices lessen any bias on my part.

For example, my methods of triangulation began with a review of the participant’s demographic questionnaire to establish some initial background information and Internet usage. After the initial interview, I reviewed each participant’s questionnaire responses with his interview responses looking for consistency and contradictions from both data sets. I highlighted all contradictions and made notes on the field note memos.

Then, I reviewed each participant’s screen captured data with his questionnaire responses. The most notable contradiction was the accuracy of the number of friends each participant accumulated. Most of the participants under-estimated the number of friends they had in their network. Also, many of the participants indicated that they did not use

Facebook for academic purposes; however, during the interviews, a majority of the participants had a chance to reflect on their academic use of Facebook. Topics on book exchange and cohort groups emerged. Returning to their Facebook profile, I noticed consistency with responses about their group affiliations with their cohort groups and

MWSU book exchange pages. At the follow-up interview meeting, each participant described his profile page. During this part of the triangulation between the questionnaire,

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the initial interview, and the screen captured data, I uncovered why they did not add any

additional personal information and did not complete their “Likes” and “About Me”

sections. While I probed, I discovered that the participants were not being deceptive but

they simply did not want to disclose any additional information to un-anchored audience

members. Constantly comparing the four different data sources helped me understand

why they were apprehensive to complete these sections and come to the conclusion that

their online caution was due to privacy and surveillance issues, especially with future

employers and un-anchored Facebook friends.

Member Checking.

Member checking is a process where the researcher asks a subset of participants

in the study to check the accuracy of the transcripts, findings and/or interpretations. This

process allows the researcher to take the writing report or interpretation back to the

participant(s) and ask if the description captures the thoughts, feelings and experiences of

the participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Creswell, 2005, 2008; Patton, 1990). The last

five participants including one freshman, one junior, and three seniors were chosen based on their availability to meet with me. The participant and I scrolled through the transcript to verify his comments, thoughts, and my initial codes (e.g., “building a brand for himself”. I asked each participant to make suggestions or changes of the initial codes.

Then, I opened up the Excel spreadsheet to show a small section of focused coding to confirm the category (i.e., Branding category). Beyond small transcription typos, the participant confirmed the accuracy of my coding representation of their thoughts and comments in the transcript.

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Peer Debriefing.

Lincoln and Guba (1985) define peer debriefing as the “process of exposing oneself to a disinterested peer in a manner paralleling an analytic session and for the purpose of exploring aspects of inquiry that might otherwise remain only implicit with the inquirer’s mind” (p. 308). One of its major purposes is to help keep researchers

“honest” by challenging the suppositions that lead to their interpretations. The peer debriefers questioned my biases, sought out meaning, and pursued clarity of my interpretation (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Creswell, 1998). For this study, I solicited two female doctoral candidates as my research team. I had them sign a pledge of confidentiality form (Appendix K) before they were given access to the initial codes and transcribed interviews. Also, during several retreat workshops for doctoral students, I had the opportunity to share my codes and categories with an African American male faculty member. The research team helped analyze the data and assisted with verifying categories. Both the research team and the faculty member provided reliable feedback, tested my interpretations, questioned my assumptions and made recommendations about my findings.

For example, my research team member was given a hard copy of all the 498 original codes. I explained that I followed Glaser (1978) initial coding strategy by using action verbs (e.g., describing, explaining, etc.), staying close to the data by using participants’ words, keeping my codes simple and precise (Charmaz, 2006). They reviewed a set of codes for consistency and agreed that I could move on to the next stage.

The research team also helped review the initial codes from the transcriptions and

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assisted with creating and verifying categories. For example, initial codes were easily

placed into categories such as “branding”; however, some codes were discussed because

they had the potential to fit into two categories such as “consciousness” and “awareness”.

If we could not agree upon the category, the team would go the transcription and review

the context to make a decision on which category best fit the initial code. We discussed

focused and axial coding strategies. Then, each team member was asked to review all the

categories independently. Next, we discussed the categories from their analytical

perspectives. Some categories were expanded with subcategories such as “Making His

Voice Heard” including “Political Voice” and “Religious Voice”. After the initial

meeting, the research team met twice to discuss the categories. The focus and axial

coding process were discussed and the categories were reduced down until a consensus was reached within the team. I met with the full professor to review the final emerging categories from the research team.

Transferability.

Transferability refers to the extent that the researchers’ working hypotheses about

one context applies to another context (Bradley, 1993). Generalization is not the goal for

a qualitative researcher; rather, the data collected is highly influenced by the context,

which includes the researcher’s interaction with the participants (Glense, 1999).

Qualitative research is contextual and current time in which the data was collected. As

time and contextual spaces change, the description from the participants’ experience

could change in different contexts and different time. According to Lincoln and Guba

(1985), the reader/researcher, who wishes to "transfer" the results to a different context, is

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then responsible for making the judgment of how rational the transfer in his/her context

and findings.

From this study, researchers can duplicate this study at another PWI with the

same population (male and African American) with different participants and a different

campus environment. The data collection methods can be replicated. Researchers can

also use ground theory to code their raw data and use the same techniques to analyze the

data for emerging categories. By tracking these similar methods, researchers will be able to establish some level of dependability as well.

Dependability.

For this study, dependability was maintained by use of an audit trail (Glense,

1999; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) and data corpus. The raw data was cataloged by each data source for all participants in computer file folders. Data from the online questionnaire created an accumulated trail of ten Microsoft Excel files. Original digital audio files and their verbatim interview transcriptions from both initial (21) and follow-up (21) interviews were copied and renamed to second level pseudonyms accumulating from 42 original files to 82 total files. I listened to the digital audio files while reading through the transcriptions for accuracy, participants’ intensity, pitch, and pauses to improve the reliability. All 498 initial codes were placed in an Excel file with accumulated trail files of focused and axial coding with research team. Field notes were kept in a binder and placed with each participant’s hard copy transcription. Digital audio files from meeting with research team and faculty professor created five field note memos. Screen captured

Facebook profiles were cataloged and placed in a folder with second level pseudonyms.

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By using the constant comparison method, my data corpus remained manageable and less

overwhelming. In addition, the audit trail consisted of proposal documents, evolved

conceptual diagrams of theatre stages, and constructed visual diagrams.

Confirmability.

In order to achieve confirmability, my interpretations and findings must be

grounded in events rather than my personal constructions (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Bradley (1993) refers to the extent to which the characteristics of the data, as posited by

the researcher, can be confirmed by other expert researchers who read or review the

research results. Lincoln and Guba (1985) declared that confirmability guides against a

researcher’s interpretations not supported by the data and encourages researcher present

the data in a discernible and transparency manner. I used data triangulation, participants’

member check, and feedback from the research team and faculty member. Each data source collected was constantly compared. During the interviews, participants were asked to clarify meanings, to go into more details to understand their experience, and to elaborate on unfamiliar terms or concepts to me. This member check strategy was used throughout all interviews. During the member check interviews, I used their terms/concepts to confirm if they were in agreement. These five participants validated transcription codes and evolving category titles. The research team provided invaluable feedback in the axial coding process for the emerged major categories. Furthermore, the thick description and the meaningful use participants’ vocalized experiences served as evidence of concepts and linkage to categories.

Reflexivity.

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Patton (2002) declared “reflexivity” as “a way of emphasizing the importance of

self-awareness, political/cultural consciousness, and ownership of one’s perspective” (p.

64). In 2006, I kept a reflexive journal from my qualitative research courses in which I

piloted my assignments around this very social media phenomenon. Besides the age

group, I am a perceived “insider” by race, gender, and a consistent user of Facebook

since 2009. Over the years, some of my thoughts and opinions have oscillated back and

forth with the use of SNSs. This, reflexivity, is a position of attending systematically to

the context of knowledge construction, especially to the effect of the researcher, at every

step of the research process (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). I have constantly reflected on my

position, biases, and beliefs because it is vital to the co-construction of knowledge with

my participants in order to report the findings accurately.

After each face-to-face interview, I reviewed my written field notes (memos) that

captured key words and phrases from the participants. On my way home, I audio

recorded my thoughts to document my personal reflections and interactions during the

interviews. Cultural phrases, nonverbal cues, and the silence pauses were captured in my

reflexive journal. Reflexive journals are considered cathartic and very private (Lincoln &

Guba, 1985). Also, reflexivity created the opportunity for me to question my own identity construction, self-presentation, thought process, and logic. Listening to the audio recorded interviews again allowed me to constantly reflect on my thoughts, interpretations, and biases.

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Limitations

Bloomberg and Volpe (2008) stated “regardless of how carefully you plan a

study, there are always some limitations…” (p.79). Thus, all studies have limitations and shortcomings. Qualitative research limits its generalizability due to the nature of in-depth exploration and question of a small representative group under study (Patton, 2002). The utilization of multiple data collection methods is ideal for triangulation; however, each method has its own limitation(s). For example, “interviews and wall personal interaction; cooperation is essential. Interviewees may be unwilling or may be uncomfortable sharing all that the interviewer hopes to explore…(Marshall & Rossman, 1999, p. 110). That being said, some participants may not have wanted to share some information about their online conversations and interactions. In an effort to reduce this limitation, I asked participants specifically “Is there anything else you would like or want to share that we did not cover?” and “Is there anything you would like to ask me?” These questions allowed the participants to any additional topics and thoughts, and allowed a final opportunity to inquire about any related topics to the study (Kvale, 1996; Seidman,

1998). At the end of the initial interview, only one participant, Meshach, had a comment.

He summarized his total experience with social media including Facebook as a “show and tell” tool.

Furthermore, it is very likely that there are varying perceptions of the identity construction by other subgroup participants. This study emphasizes offline and online identity construction of undergraduate African American males while attending a PWI.

Therefore, the responses should not be generalized to all undergraduate African

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American males at a PWI. It is for readers and/or other researchers with similar interests to judge the utilization and quality of this study.

Chapter Summary

This chapter provided the research methods for this study. A rationale for qualitative study and description of the research design was given. The multiple settings, sample population and size, and recruitment procedures were highlighted. Data collection methods, data analysis procedures, ethical considerations and trustworthiness were described. Limitations were shared and the researcher’s subjectivity in this study was revealed. The next chapter provides a summary of the major findings of this study.

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CHAPTER 4: Results

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to explore, identify, and examine how

undergraduate African American males (re) construct their social identities, how they

present themselves to others, and how they manage their relationships at a predominantly

White institution (PWI) and on Facebook. Specifically, this study sought to describe and

understand the ways in which social constructs surrounding race, class, ethnicity, and

gender influenced these African American males’ identities and representation as they

engaged in an academic setting and online environment. This chapter summarizes the

empirical findings from the participants’ demographic questionnaires, two face-to-face

semi-structured interview sessions, and information from their Facebook accounts.

The chapter starts with a description of the participants. Next, a summary of the

emerging themes is discussed with quotes from the participants to illuminate each theme.

Participants are represented through the remainder of this document by their pseudonym

and their educational demographics including rank (i.e., freshman), postsecondary

educational level (i.e., 1st – generation), background community (i.e., urban), and college major (i.e., mathematics major). Some quotes were edited only to protect the anonymity of the participants while maintaining the meaning of their statements. A brief summary concludes the chapter. The results from these findings helped answer the following research questions for undergraduate African American male students enrolled at a PWI: 172

1. How do African American men (re) construct their identities through race,

culture, and gender on Facebook and offline in their everyday experience?

2. In what ways do African American males build and manage the online and

offline presentation of themselves?

3. In what ways do African American males build and manage their online and

offline relationships?

Descriptions of the Participants

A Black male listserv, cultural center’s listserv, and a Black Greek-lettered organizations listserv at MWSU were used to recruit the participants. Twenty-one participants responded to the recruitment email and participated in this study (see

Appendix L). All of the participants were undergraduate African American male students that were currently enrolled at MWSU. The participants’ academic ranking included 12 seniors (57.17%), 3 juniors (14.29%), 2 sophomores (9.52%), and 4 freshmen (19.05%).

Three participants (14.29%) self-identified as “African American/Black” and “Bi- racial/Multi-racial” that included the following: one indicated “White” and two indicated

“African”. Three of the participants identified with “African Culture” (14.29%) as their ethnicity while the rest identified with “African American Culture”. Also, three participants were MWSU varsity athletes, three other participants identified as being a father (14.29%), and nine (42.86%) were members of a Black fraternity. The age ranges from 18 to 44, with a mean age of 21.8, although the mode was 23. This study had one non-traditional undergraduate student, Samuel (pseudonym), age 44. There were ten 1st-

generation college students (47.61%), six 2nd-generation students (28.57%), three 3rd-

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generation students (14.28%), and two 4th-generation students (9.52%) who participated.

From the twenty-one participants, eight came from suburban backgrounds (38.1%), thirteen came from urban backgrounds (61.9%), and none were from rural backgrounds.

Ten participants (47.6%) were in STEM majors, two participants (9.5%) had

double major status, and eight participants (38.1%) had declared minor academic areas.

Only the non-traditional student participant reported his high school GPA was below a

3.0 (1.7 GPA). He also indicated that both his ACT and SAT Composite scores were

“low”. The remaining twenty participants had a composite ACT mean score of 26 and

composite SAT mean score of 1616. The participants’ high school GPAs ranged from 3.0

to 4.5 (self-reported). Excluding freshmen because they had not established a grade point

average, the upperclassmen’s college GPA mean was 2.98 ranging from 2.35 to 3.7. The

twelve seniors had a GPA mean of 2.96.

ACT SAT Composite Number Percentage Composite Number Percentage Scores Range 18 2 10% 1000-1099 1 5% 19 1 5% 1100-1199 0 0 21 2 10% 1200-1299 3 15% 23 1 5% 1300-1399 2 10% 25 3 15% 1400-1499 0 0 26 3 15% 1500-1599 2 10% 27 1 5% 1600-1699 0 0 28 3 15% 1700-1799 6 30% 29 2 10% 1800-1899 3 15% 34 1 5% 1900-1999 2 10% 35 1 5% 2000-2099 1 5%

Table 4.1: Distribution of Frequencies and Percentages of ACT and SAT Composite College Entrance Exam Scores

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Table 4.1 indicates that the lowest ACT composite score of 18, which is 8 points lower than MWSU’s average score of 26; however 55% of the participants are above the score of 25. At MWSU, the overall African American male population averaged ACT score was 25.3. Of the twenty participants (non-traditional student did not share his ACT or SAT scores), twelve of them (60%) scored at least 1700 on their SAT. The overall

SAT score for African American males at MWSU was 1153. There was one participant,

Benjamin, who was one point way from a perfect 36 ACT score. In short, a little more than half of the participants scored higher than the overall African American male population on both college entrance exams.

When it comes to undergraduate African American males spending time online, the participants were spending more time on the Internet but less time on Facebook according to the information they provided from the demographic questionnaire (see

Appendix M). Both Twitter and Instagram were online sites mentioned during interviews.

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Facebook GPA Internet Time Time Range Academic Level Mean Range* (f) Percentage (f) Percentage Senior (n=12) 2.9625 30 – 60 (1) 8.3% 0 – 30 (4) 33.3%

60 – 90 (1) 8.3% 30 – 60 (3) 25%

90 – 120 (4) 33.3% 60 – 120 (4) 33.3%

Over 120 (6) 50 % Over 120 (1) 8.3%

Junior (n=3) 2.891 30 – 60 (1) 33.3% 0 – 30 (2) 66.7%

Over 120 (2) 66.7% 30 – 60 (1) 33.3%

Sophomore (n=2) 3.189 60 – 90 (1) 50% 0 – 30 (1) 50%

Over 120 (1) 50% 30 - 60 (1) 50%

Freshmen (n=4) 3.82** 30 – 60 (1) 25% 0 – 30 (2) 50%

90 – 120 (1) 25% 30 – 60 (1) 25%

Over 120 (2) 50% 60 – 120 (1) 25%

* - time units are in minutes ** - use Freshmen High School Grade Point Average (GPA)

Table 4.2: Distribution of Frequencies and Percentages of Daily Internet and Facebook Time by Academic Level

Table 4.2 indicates that at least half of the participants at every level spent more than 2 hours on the Internet each day. The seniors established the mode at six. Four seniors spent zero to 30 minutes and another four participants spent 1 to 2 hours on

Facebook. Interestingly, seven senior participants indicated that they spent 60 minutes or less on Facebook. Overall, each academic level had a higher frequency in the time range of zero to 30 minutes. Also, the participants access their Facebook profiles from their

176 mobile devices (19 out of 21 [90.47%]), from their tablet devices (7 out of 21 [33.3%]), and from their computers (18 out of 21 [85.71%]).

Emerging Categories

Throughout the data collection process, demographic questionnaires, semi- structured face-to-face interviews, and Facebook profile data were constantly compared.

As discussed in the data analysis section of chapter 3, I followed initial coding line-by- line strategy (Glaser, 1978; Charmaz, 2006) and 498 initial codes were created. My research team used focused coding strategies to generate 38 categories. During the axial coding process, eight major thematic categories emerged including: a) online identity construction - participants describe their initial introduction to Facebook and the role of their biological identities in their early identity production, b) race, gender, and online caution - participants describe their self-monitoring due to the impact of various audiences, c) professional brand/image control - participants share how they construct and protect their images, d) blended consciousness including academic inferiority and representation in media - participants highlight their self-consciousness, their perceived image through the eyes of others in both offline and online, e) making his voice heard including political voice and religious voice - participants describe the ways they shared a voice on Facebook, f) academic use of Facebook - participants share the ways they directly and indirectly use Facebook academically, g) the performance - participants describe their self-presentation and the ways they use impression management with their audience, and h) anchored relationships/Offline preferred - participants express their communication preferences for interactions with audience members with which they have

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relationships in both environments. The findings also provide rich and meaningful answers to the research questions.

The following discussion highlights the findings in the detail that will support and explain each particular finding. By way of thick description (Denzin, 2001), I will highlight and document the broader range of experiences and realities of all the participants. By allowing the participants to speak for themselves, quotations taken from the interview transcripts help illuminate the participants’ perspectives and capture some of the richness and complexity of this phenomenon.

Online identity construction.

In this study, each participant was given the opportunity to describe his offline and online behaviors. The data from both face-to-face individual interviews was used to uncover and illuminate how these 21 participants perceived who they are and how they constructed their profiles on Facebook. Both race and gender are important socially constructed identities by which American society is differentiated and stratified. These social statues emerge in social communities that include members from the dominant culture. When I prompted the participants, they reported various reasons for joining.

These reasons for creating their Facebook account included word of mouth, peer pressure, staying connected with their friends, and a way to meet new people. Almost a majority of the research participants (16 out of 21 [76.19%]) indicated that race and gender did not play a role when creating their Facebook profiles. Abraham (senior, 1st-

generation, urban, economics major) reported that he joined and created his Facebook

account due to “word of mouth (WOM)” about a new social network site for college

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students, “Race or gender really didn’t play a factor in terms of my decision to join

Facebook. The reason I joined Facebook was basically word of mouth.” Word of mouth

is one of the most powerful forms of communication in the African American community

(Harris, Gorelick, Samuels, & Bempong, 1996; Podoshen, 2008). Word of mouth

describes a communication network in which information is dispersed from one person to

the next through oral communication. It serves as a major part of online interaction

particularly within the context of online communities (Brown, Broderick, & Lee, 2007).

Reuben (junior, 2nd generation, suburban, sociology major) articulated,

I was chilling with one of my friends and he was on Myspace at the time. Then, he started telling me about this new social network site called Facebook and how it was designed for students so I decided to check into it and that’s when I created my account.

Several participants mentioned that their friends added some level of pressure to join

Facebook. David (freshman, 2nd-generation, urban, mechanical engineering major),

indicated that peer pressure, and not race, was the primary reason he created his

Facebook profile. He reported,

I made my Facebook because of peer pressure. All my friends had one and they’re like, “Why don’t you have one?” And I was like, “Because I really don’t want to make it.” And they’re like, “Make one.” So I don’t think my race really played any role in it but because my friends are black, it was like, “All right. Well, I guess all the other black kids are doing it so I guess I should make me one.”

Benjamin (senior, 2nd generation, suburban, mechanical engineering major) explained,

So, I didn’t think back then race really played a part in my decision to make a Facebook. It was more just being tired of Myspace and peer pressure saying that you should go to Facebook, that [is what] made me do it.

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Although they communicated that race and gender did not play a role in joining

Facebook, peer pressure and word of mouth from other African American students had

everything to do with them creating their account.

Unlike those who experienced some peer pressure to join, some participants

decided to join Facebook because they wanted to stay connected with their friends. Boaz

(junior, 1st-generation, urban, sports industry major), created a Facebook profile to join in

with his friends. He stated, “No, I didn’t think about it [race or gender]. I was in [high]

school and my friends had Facebook and I would keep in touch and everything, so I just

did it.” Another participant, Malachi (junior, 1st-generation, urban, operations management major), reported that he created a Facebook profile in order to meet new people and stay in contact with his friends. He reiterated that race or gender didn’t play a role in the initial creating of his Facebook profile. He commented,

It was more of me creating it so I could be social, meet new people, keep updated with friends that I wasn’t in contact with that I knew before, and also family members. Race and gender really didn’t have a big effect on me when I created it.

However, some of the participants (5 out of 21 [23.81%]) indicated that race and

gender did play a role when they created their Facebook profiles. Based on how they are

perceived as African American males in today’s society, the participants wanted to

carefully construct a positive image immediately. For example, participants indicated that

they were intentional and calculated when they first logged into their accounts. Jonah

(senior, 1st-generation, urban, social work major) confirmed he wanted to project a

positive image when he created his profile,

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… I was definitely very deliberate, strategic I guess, about what I did when I set up my Facebook account. So, the photo that I chose as my profile picture, the quotes that I used on my wall, the description about me, I want to reflect something that was true about who I am, but also that I was a gentleman. I wanted it to be something that was friendly, something that people could see and [say], “Oh, this looks like a nice guy,” kind of thing.

On Facebook, a user’s profile picture is another form of identity construction and self-

presentation (Tifferet & Vilnai-Yavetz, 2014 ). Then he explained the importance of

intentionally maintaining a positive image because his image is symbolic of his family

and it is a representation of his community, and a positive presentation of the Black male image in society,

I didn’t want to reflect anything negative, because I know that me being the first person to go to college in my family, I’m just not representing me, I’m a representation of my family as well and, on a larger scale, on Facebook I know I’m not just a representation of myself, but of a lot of people’s perception of what it means to be a black male. I’m either going to reinforce what they already think (stereotypes), or I’m going to be a contradiction and then cause them to ask questions. So I was definitely very deliberate, strategic I guess, about what I did when I set up my Facebook account.

The importance of projecting a professional first impression for his audience was

essential to his constructed image in this space. Another participant, Meshach (senior, 2nd

generation, urban, computer & information science major) stated,

My profile picture is a professional headshot of me… It’s the first thing that people see, like I talked about making first impressions, I wanted it to be a positive first impression, which is why I chose the photo I did.

Initially, many of the participants did not pay attention or think much of selecting their

favorite music artists, books, or movies. However, after they became aware that

Facebook was capturing data, some participants chose not to complete the “Likes”

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sections on Facebook. Here is an example, Job (senior, 1st-generation, urban, history

major) created his Facebook profile with little thought being an African American male

but then his awareness of his race and gender became heighted as he noticed the

demographic categories in the “Likes” section of the Facebook infrastructure. He

recollected,

I think I just created it. Then there comes a point where you say, “Okay, now what?” I created it, but now it’s starting to ask for some demographic data, right? And then you’re like, dang, what do I put? How much do I want people to know?

Emphatically, he continued,

Yes, [I was] very conscious. And, in some cases you’ll see in places [on my account] where I don’t necessarily share or care to, it’s because I made that kind of assessment. I intentionally (pause), the places that you see blank on my Facebook page were not done by accident. It’s not like I didn’t see that box, I just chose you’re not going to know that part about me. This is the decision I made.

Clearly, these participants were conscious and intentional as they developed and

constructed their identity as they anticipate their current and future engagement with their

audience.

Some participants expressed how race and gender made them modify their

profiles after early construction and interaction on Facebook. For instance, Jacob (senior,

3rd-generation, suburban, biomedical engineering major) grew up in a predominantly

White environment and he felt that he needed to impress his African American audience

in high school when he first created his Facebook account,

Those were the days we were wearing big shirts, baggy clothing. So I was posting pictures at parties and I was talking using slang that I thought would make me seem cool and accepted among my African American peers, but I quickly grew out of that once I became comfortable with myself coming to college.

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However, when he arrived at MWSU, he decided to modify his account for his predominantly white audience back at home, “I was with people I interacted with …it was more of a 85/15 split, 85% White, 15% Black”. Then, he explained,

…the re-creation of my [Facebook] account happened when I got to college. I came from a predominantly white background (neighborhood), so I was always concerned with how it would be perceived [by] my involvement within the black community here, so how did I balance that? So I put pictures of service and I would put up pictures of us having fun, but never anything too crazy, never drinking, and never really dancing that crazily. So, yes, naturally, race, gender, all of that was part of that decision. I need to be representing the best of all that I represent.

Another participant, Simeon (senior, 2nd-generation, urban, French major), articulated how he changed his profile due to his awareness of gender and race stereotypes while constructing his Facebook account. He confirmed,

I think gender and race, yeah. My head is shaved now. I don’t have hair, but when I created it I did have hair and I’m not sure how much you know about this, but I wore a do-rag sometimes which was to keep my hair nice and neat as I would have wanted it. So, even though I did that, there was never ever a picture of me on Facebook with it (do-rag) on.

A majority of the participants constructed their online identities on Facebook without considering their race and gender in the beginning. To them, it was the newest and latest social network site for exclusive college membership. However, the few participants that did consider race and gender as a factor were upperclassmen that were conscious of these identities. These participants who were particularly aware of their offline race and gender identities constructed their online identities with caution and some trepidation as they prepared to engage with others on Facebook.

Race, gender, and online caution.

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All the participants (100%) expressed an acute online caution and awareness of

their audience observing their behavior when they log into Facebook. This strategic form

of “self-monitoring” (Gogolinski, 2010; Snyder, 1974) refers to various degrees of

observation, regulation, and control over one’s public appearance (Snyder, 1987). Based

on the participants’ descriptions, there appeared to be a strong sense of self-monitoring when the participants interact on Facebook. Daniel (freshman, 2nd generation, suburban, electrical engineering major) shared, “You have to be careful with what you say on

Facebook. You always have to mind your ‘p’s and q’s’ as a black man on this type of thing.” When asked if he thought about his postings, Abednego (senior, 1st-generation, urban, electrical & computer engineering major) stated, “…I look at it as an image to uphold and so whether there’s maybe cursing in a status update, an inappropriate photo,

I’m always cautious on.”

Several participants expressed the ideal of caution due to their offline and online relationships with family members. Levi (sophomore, 1st-generation, urban, construction systems management major) reported,

I have a lot of relatives that follow me on Facebook, so you know how the teachers always say do something as if your grandma’s watching you or something like that? It’s kind of like that. I wouldn’t post anything crazy or me with a bottle in my hand and my mom calling about the picture. I’m always conscious of what I put on there, cause image is everything and the way you present yourself.

Since Facebook opened its membership beyond college students, the caution and awareness increased because loved ones can now interact and witness the participants’ interactions. Meshach (senior, 2nd generation, urban, computer & information science

major) expressed, “…like my mom is on my Facebook page now. I don’t want my mom 184

to look at me like, where did that come from?” Some participants expressed that their

leadership role on campus causes them to be cautious about what they post on their

Facebook wall. As the only black residential advisor in his dormitory, Simeon (senior,

2nd-generation, urban, French major) declared,

…I’m a student leader and I think there are certain opinions – not necessarily for me but in general – there are certain opinions regardless of who you are that have implications because of who may have access to that on Facebook.

Similarly, Jonah (senior, 1st generation, urban, social work major) insisted, “I’m

perceived as a leader. I think that’s the impression that I’ve tried to help portray.” He

continued,

I always thought about the implications of what I put on social media and I always put it in a way that if there was any question that it had a definite explanation behind it. I am very careful about what I put up.

Many of the participants expressed that they exercise caution to assure a good

impression for future employers. In particular, Malachi (junior, 1st-generation, urban, operation management major) proclaimed, “So, I feel like as African Americans, we have

to watch what we put on social networks, especially if you want to get a job…”. Another

participant, Shadrach (senior, 3rd-generation, suburban, public affairs major) explained why he takes precautionary measures when he posts and interacts with others on

Facebook due to his future career in politics. He revealed,

Well, I’d never post anything inappropriate, whether it’s pictures, none of my posts have swear words in them, and then even now, I’ve started to apply for jobs and I’m in a policy round major, politics maybe, but I wouldn’t mind going back to (mentioned his home state) and there’s a Republican Governor, so I wouldn’t mind working for him if it was a job, even though I don’t agree with most of his policies. So if I’m on there every day posting liberal things or like “I can’t stand

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this person,” who happen to be a Republican, then that also might negatively impact me.

All the participants recognized the fact that corporate American businesses use Facebook

(Peluchette & Karl, 2010; Smith & Kidder, 2010) to research potential candidates for future job opportunities. Moses (2nd-generation, suburban, sophomore, engineering

major) emphasized,

As a black male, I’m really trying to get (keep) a professional look, cause X- Corporation [is] blowing up, they (classmates) all start talking now about [how] jobs (HR personnel) now looking at your Facebook to see what kind of person you are, so I want to put something good up there that reflects me in a good light on Facebook, no cursing, no inappropriate or vile statements like that.

Based on past employment discrimination practices throughout corporate America

against underrepresented groups including African Americans, several participants

exercised caution to decrease the chances of their Facebook behavior impacting their job

prospects. Caleb (senior, 1st-generation, urban, mechanical engineering major), clearly

stated, “No, I don’t put anything [negative] on Facebook that anybody who has authority

over my career or my job, [or] anything that they could use to discriminate against me in

anyway.” Using inappropriate language and posting inappropriate photos were primary

actions that they wanted to avoid. All the participants understood the power of social

media and its ability to spread information to the masses quickly. As Facebook continues

to evolve and users’ audiences expand beyond the campus environment, participants

indicated that they are more responsible on social media outlets, especially on Facebook.

Abraham (senior, 1st-generation, urban, economics major) shared,

…[when] you start off [using Facebook]…you really don’t have a conscious in what you’re saying when you’re on social media. But as you realize how far and

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how deep these things go, especially with the integration of new social media features such as Twitter, Instagram, and now integrated with Facebook, you can say the wrong thing and it can be across the country in seconds. So you have to be careful because it can affect you personally and socially especially as black males, and from a business perspective as well, so you have to be more responsible with social media.

While Facebook was intentionally designed for college students, family members, relatives, college recruiters, and future employers access to membership have changed the landscape of social interaction and behavior for college students. In this study, my participants were concerned with racial discrimination from employers and they felt they must build a brand for themselves in order to attract employment recruiters and impress

HR hiring personnel. The next theme highlights this finding.

Branding/Image control.

The data revealed how the participants built their personal brand on social media and how they perceived themselves as having some control over their brand on Facebook.

Schawbel (2009) defines “Personal branding is about unearthing what is true and unique about you and letting everyone know about it” (p. 1). According to Peters (1997), personal branding has become increasingly important in the digital era and that everyone has the power to be their own brand and their own marketer. This concept of personal branding is driven by the concern that if you do not manage your own brand, the control is given to someone else and “chances are that their brand description won’t be what you have in mind” (Kaputa, 2005, p. 8). The business community acknowledged the importance of controlling personal brands and offered strategic advice about how to create a desired personal brand identity on social media spaces (Safko & Brake, 2009;

Schwabel, 2009). In social media environment, “self-branding tactics involve creating 187

and maintaining social and networking profiles, personal Web sites, and blogs, as well as

using search engine optimization techniques to encourage access to one’s information”

(Labrecque, Markos, & Milne, 2011, p. 39). More importantly, personal branding

involves highlighting and advertising one’s strengths and distinctive qualities to his/her

targeted audience (Kaputa, 2005; Schwabel, 2009). While personal branding can be part

of impressions management, the two are not synonymous. For example, my personal

brand is the way I articulate my entire package of experiences, unique strengths, skills,

values, education, verbal and non-verbal behaviors with my physical appearance and what I choose to have around myself. I have total control. On the other hand, my impression management is a strategic negotiation between my audience and myself

(Goffman, 1959). From example, bowties are symbolic representation of a scholar in the academic setting. Until recently, bowties were associated with the Fruit of Islam especially in the African American community. Now, the bowtie has become an important part of personal branding for African American college students including some of the participants in this study.

Within the social media context, people can promote themselves as brands. More than a majority (17 of 21 [80.95%]) of the participants indicated that Facebook allowed them to build their individual brands while controlling their own images. Many of the participants were purposeful in presenting a positive branding image. Job (senior, 1st-

generation, urban, History major), stated,

I truly am the artist of my canvas. I believe that I am creating a tapestry for consumption that I am determining as it evolves. The consumer, being those friends or audience members as you call them, gets only what I give them. So, yeah, in that way that’s control. 188

Since Job spoke metaphorically, I probed and asked him more about what he meant about

having control. He articulated,

I’m hyper-careful about how people see me …but you know how people say they don’t care what people think about them? I think that’s a lie, because you absolutely do care what people think of you or else you wouldn’t do 90% of the things you do on a day-to-day basis. I feel like I am in control of who people think I am. That’s one thing I can say that I am empowered to control who people see Job as.

Job’s consumer notion ties into high profile athletes representing themselves as consumable products not only for their team but for major shoes, headphones, and clothing companies. Another participant, Malachi (junior, 1st –generation, urban,

operations management student) provided his rationale of branding his image Facebook

in a probed discussion during his follow-up interview. He explained,

Malachi: It gives you all the control over your brand, because at the end of the day, unless your page gets hacked or something, you’re controlling your page. So whatever you do, whatever you post, whatever you say on Facebook, it’s all something that you wanted to do; whether you thought about it or not is a different story. Whatever you want to say, you’re able to say it. Whatever you want to post, you’re able to post.

Researcher: So, with your Facebook account, you just mentioned the term, “brand”. How do you “brand” yourself on Facebook?

Malachi: No matter what you think, somebody’s always watching you. You’ve always got to be at your best, because you never know that one moment when you’re walking down the street somebody thinks, “Oh, he’s dressed up nice,” and that can lead to something great. I could definitely say that a couple people have really helped me realize how important social media is.

Researcher: Give me a specific example.

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Malachi: The biggest step that I did was …I changed my name. I changed my name to my real name and made it more professional instead of the old nickname that I used to go by. I also took that outside of social media and as people call me the old nickname that I had, I just politely tell them, “No, just call me Malachi” and stuff like that.

Meshach (senior, 2nd-generation, urban, computer information science major) confirmed that Facebook allowed him to control his image but he had no control over how his audience perceived him. He explained, “For the most part, yes, I can show people the sides of me that I want to show them. The only thing that you can’t control is what other people say about you…”. Like several participants, Meshach expressed his concern about protecting his brand and image,

I try to treat social media as I treat the way I am in public…I can walk down the high street and running to the Mayor…. At the same time, I feel like...I can just be online or not even be online and somebody who I’ve never even met, somebody who could potentially make or break me professionally, or something that could just see my profile. So I would say that I definitely try to look at it that way.

A few participants (4 of 21 [19.05%]) indicated that all users have control over what they put on Facebook; however, they are aware that some users may not present their “true” selves (Goffman, 1959) of who they are. For example, Daniel (freshman, 3rd- generation, suburban, electrical engineering major) said,

Yeah, I was saying does give you a sense of control over who you are. I would say it gives you a sense of control over who you want to portray. Now whether you want to portray who you actually are, or if you want to portray a façade, that’s your choice, but I definitely think it can do that for you.

In nonymous environments, particularly with anticipation of a face-to-face meeting, there is a small discrepancy between “actual selves” and “ideal selves” in people’s online self- presentation (Ellison et al., 2006). As a member of several professional student

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organizations, Benjamin (senior, 2nd-generation, suburban mechanical engineering student) indicated, “I’m involved so much and a lot of them are professional type

organizations, I’m kind of in that professional mode…”. He understood that his online

and offline branding image had to be congruent with his audience including potential

future employers. He provided this statement:

Let’s say an employer was considering me and somebody that I knew was a past intern of theirs or something and they asked them, “What do you think about Benjamin?” The things that they say could impact some of the opportunities I might get, so I think they matter in that sense.

However, due to this nonymous context, some participants realize that there is a level of

accountability to themselves and their audience to represent themselves as accurate as

possible. Jonah (senior, 1st-generation, urban, social work major) shared,

So if I’ m portraying someone who’s a leader, who’s a scholar, who’s a gentleman, who’s respectful, who has all these qualities but I’m not in that person in reality and there’s that disconnect, then you’re doing it for nothing.

He continued,

But I think it definitely can, in some ways, keep you accountable to yourself based on what you put out there. Although I have 2000 friends, there are a strong handful of those friends who are around me every day and can keep me accountable to what I said, or they can say, “Jonah, why would you say something like that on Facebook? That doesn’t reflect you are.

Finally, he added,

Or they can say, “Jonah, I see what you said on Facebook. Make sure you uphold that in our everyday interaction”…. And the only way it offers control is if you have people who can hold you accountable to what you have said or done on Facebook.

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Each participant articulated that they had control over the image and brand as they

interact and engage on Facebook. In an online environment, like Facebook, where users

are perceived to present their authentic self, my participants articulated a heightened level

of self-awareness that erected a strong self-image for their current and future audience viewers. Some of the participants mentioned how some of their audience member could impact their future career including administrators, faculty and future employers. In the next section, we will discover how this offline and online consciousness impact the participants in this study.

Blended Consciousness.

Du Bois (1903) used the term, “double consciousness” to capture the experiences

of black people in America through their own eyes and the eyes of the other (particularly

white Americans). All 21 participants (100%) expressed how they perceive themselves

and how they are perceived through the eyes of others in both offline and online

environments. This is what I call “blended consciousness”. Simone (senior, 2nd

generation, urban, French major) explained his offline experience,

Everything I’m saying is coming from a black man. I think if I (short pause) – for example if I say something in support of Barrack Obama, I think my perspectives are devalued. It’s like, “Oh, yeah, of course he’s going to say that. He’s a black guy.

Then, he provided his online experience,

For example, if I post a picture [on Facebook] of myself in Europe versus if a White friend posts a picture of himself in Europe, that’s seen as more of an anomaly. “Oh, wow, he’s traveling to Europe,” because that’s atypical for a black man to travel to Europe.

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Benjamin (senior, 2nd generation, suburban, mechanical engineering major) articulated how his offline and online experiences blend, “So, if it’s something that might be funny to Black people, but since I have a lot of White friends on Facebook, I might not post it just because of how it might be perceived.” Another participant, Daniel (freshman, 3rd generation, suburban, electrical engineering major) provided an example how his offline consciousness with his White friends influence what he post on Facebook,

You just have to be careful with what you say. Again, growing up in a predominantly White community, a lot of my friends are going to be the people that know me from my high school, and they are White. If I post something that another African American person, not even male, it could be a woman too, that would understand and it’s like [they would respond], “Oh, okay, I got you,” but that might rub someone of a different race or Caucasian race the wrong way [be]cause they don’t fully understand it….

Joshua (senior, 1st generation, urban, nursing major) offered,

I’m in nursing school and I can think back three years ago when I had long hair and cornrows and I stepped into a patient’s room and before her even giving me consent to complete her patient care, she judged me not only off my skin color, but the fact I had cornrows in my hair.

Then he expressed his frustration on Facebook to his friends,

I sort of spoke out about [the experience] it at the time it happened. That may have been offensive to some White people that do…follow me [on Facebook], but in the same breath, it’s some of the things that you can’t understand about the race and dealing with those hardships.

Joshua illuminated how his skin color and cultural hairstyle reinforced how a White person’s preconceived thoughts impacted him. More importantly, he shared how could be perceived by his online White friends as offensive and misunderstood. Some other

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participants highlighted their consciousness with different levels of negative stereotypes

including in-class academic inferiority and online representation on social media.

Academic inferiority. Many of my participants were aware of the academic

inferior disposition placed on them by their white professors and peers. This subtheme

highlights their experiences on campus. Job (senior, 1st-Generation, Urban, History) articulated his experience this way,

You go into these classes and you can see on the faces of professors that [say], “Okay, I don’t know about this one. He’ll probably be a challenge for me,” or “He may not necessarily get and grasp my concepts.” So, you either get two types (white professors): Either they will overly make eye contact with you trying to make sure you get it, or you get those who ignore you completely, and even ignore your hands in the class because they don’t think you can get it, or don’t see you as equal in your ability to process as your counterparts in the class.

Job continued,

It’s truly an experience where you don’t know what you’re going to get when you start a new semester. You don’t know what kind of professor you’re going to get. So I make it a point to sit in the front of every class that I have, because I intentionally don’t want to fit the stereotypes that I think that many of them have. So I wanted, from the very beginning, I want them to say, “Oh, he’s sitting right there in the front, huh?” And even if I don’t know what I’m talking about, I’m making my voice heard in that first class. They need to know that I will be a willing participant throughout the course. Right off the bat, you’ve got to know.

Another participant, Solomon (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, public health major) provided an example of one of his many experiences,

For example in a classroom setting, I’ve noticed some people can skip class and the instructor won’t notice. I can’t skip class because I’m one of the few black males in there and I’m big and I have a big personality so they know if I’m in the class or not.

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Jeremiah (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, electrical engineering major), shared his concerns about the way his peers viewed him,

I think I am being perceived differently, especially in the higher level classes. People might have a stereotype like, “This guy’s African American and he’s taking calculus,” like my intellect is probably stereotyped because of the face I’m African American.

In the classrooms, participants are constantly reminded about their presence and challenged with the negative perception placed on them by others. As they attempt to find a safe space online, participants continue to face a similar level of their “twoness” in media.

Representation in media. Even online, a few participants debunked the notion of an online ‘raceless’ environment (Bailey, 1996; Kendall, 1998; Nakamura, 2002). Caleb

(senior, 1st-generation, urban, mechanical engineer major) explained how his consciousness plays a role online, “I try to word things in a way that I think people wouldn’t say he’s uneducated, or doesn’t know what he’s talking about, or something of that nature.” Another participant, Meshach (senior, 2nd-generation, urban, computer & information science major), compared how he could post a comment online and it would be viewed differently if his White male or female counterparts posted a comment,

I could probably post the same thing that a woman could post or that a white man could post, and in certain instances, people would look at it differently because…of stereotypes.

Interestingly, another participant, Jonah (senior, 1st-generation, urban, social work major), shared how his online double consciousness is heightened,

…I had an understanding of how black males’ image is portrayed in the media, so that plays a huge role in ‘who you are’. To a degree, it’s like you’re walking on

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eggshells in society and on social media, because the media as a whole, by and large, say that African American males are X, Y & Z and it comes with a negative connotation. You only see them as rappers, or drug dealers, or going to jail, or something negative associated with it versus “well-to-do” productive citizens.

He continued by providing an example on Facebook,

So, if I did anything on Facebook, just say for instance, I got upset at someone today and I wanted to post that on Facebook, or express my anger or my frustration, then I’m perpetuating a stereotype that’s already impressed in some people’s minds about black males. So I have to be careful about what I reflect, whether or not I’m upset, angry or whatever. It’s just my understanding if I want to be a positive reflection of who and what it means to be a black male, then I can’t necessarily perpetuate those stereotypes that already exist about black males.

Jeremiah (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, electrical engineering major), added this

statement when it comes to social media, “Most things I post are positive things [on

Facebook], but I’m sure it does for others, especially with the social media and the way

African Americans are portrayed in social media, which is not very good.” During the

member check follow-up interview, he provided some additional insight,

…also because the stereotypes of African Americans and I think the media is what ruins who African Americans really are, because once people see the social media, they want to ‘believe it’, and ‘believe it’ applies to every African American male when it doesn’t, which is upsetting – not just males, either, but the whole African American race in general.

Participants expressed that they constantly try to manage this notion of double

consciousness whether it’s in online SNS spaces or walking around in their lived

environments. The daily offline and online interaction creates an ever-present

consciousness that forces the participants to always be in performance mode that can

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cause some levels of frustration. This is where they will explicitly express their thoughts,

opinions, and actions to ensure that their voices heard.

Making his voice heard.

Lee, Campbell, & Miller (1991) explained that social networks serve as a coping

mechanism and a space to access social resources that are not normally available. They

argued that Blacks are more likely to interact with one another and to develop

neighborhood networks, committees, and associations than are Whites. All the

participants (100%) felt that online social mediums were ideal platforms to share their

thoughts and opinions to their audience. These participants use Facebook to promote

events, to share their political and religious thoughts online. Abraham (senior, 1st- generation, urban, economics major) who has a strong entrepreneurial spirit and a member of a Black fraternity, shared,

I use Facebook as a megaphone to be able to utilize and touch people. Since more people spend more time on social media, the days of promoting with just general flyers and dropping them off at area businesses is almost over, and it may be easier to reach the masses at a click of a button; but, unfortunately, it also diminished the work ethic of most students because they rely strictly on social media and not have the hustle that they used to have.

Metaphorically, Abraham viewed Facebook as a ‘megaphone’ as a way to promote his fraternities’ social entertainment events and campus activities. Another participant,

Joshua (senior, 1st generation, urban, nursing major), recalled,

I think as far as events go, I use Facebook more to either promote an event or tell about an event and those events are usually with my fraternity. So if we have an informative program coming up on Thursday the 26th, then we’ll put it on there a couple weeks before and promote it and tell about the event, kind of just build up a little attention for the event and get people excited to come out and learn something new. 197

Jacob (senior, 3rd-generation, suburban, biomedical engineer) explained how he uses

social media for networking. He emphasized,

…I was very resistant to social media at first. I thought it was a waste of time. Then I realized it’s a tool just like everything else. It’s not what it is, it’s how you use it. So I started using it to promote a lot of student organizations, put out a positive message, get people involved. I’m always trying to put out the positive energy that I have within me.

Majority of the participants used Facebook to promote their student organization events,

social gatherings, and campus activities. In addition, the participants shared that

Facebook allowed them to express their spirituality both implicitly and explicitly. The

2012 presidential election and the Trayvon Martin trial were ongoing discussion topics

for the participants in the study.

Religious Voice.

According to Cone (1990), many African Americans tend to have a strong religious foundation. African American males at PWIs may need emotional support to help them cope with their everyday experiences. Some of them may chose some form of cool pose to cope while others may turn toward their religious or spiritual beliefs as a buffer in times of crisis (Cohen & Willis, 1985). Walker and Dixon (2002) indicated that

African American students at PWIs report higher levels of spiritual beliefs and religious participation than their White counterparts. Herndon’s (2003) findings highlighted

African American males using their spirituality as a bolster for resilience and as a way to give them a sense of purpose. Based on their questionnaires and on their Facebook profile accounts, an overwhelming majority (19 out of 21 [90.48%]) of the participants indicated

Christianity as their religious affiliation. Quotes from both semi-structured interviews 198

were used to present themes. With great detail, Jonah (senior, 1st-generation, urban, social

work major) illuminated,

As a Christian man, there’s [are] so many interpretations of what it means to be a Christian and I think I have a good handle. I know I’m not perfect. I know that’s something to strive for. So, I try to reflect what it means to be a good Christian, whether that’s through posting scriptures or posting that I’m praying about someone or something. I don’t want to say it’s hard to be a Christian on Facebook, but it’s difficult to express it sometimes. So if you look at my “About Me” [section], you can see that my favorite quotes are aligned with scripture. My religious views are Joshua 24:15, “But as for me and my house, we shall serve the Lord.” So, I do use it [Facebook] in that capacity to be a Christian. I follow “Our Daily Bread” on Facebook and a “Jesus Daily” [page], some things like that I try to be associated with.

During our follow-up interview, Jonah provided some additional insight into how he represented his Christian identity on Facebook during our dialog,

Jonah: I am the total sum of all my life experiences. I think I talked a little bit about that in our last interview, taking all the good, the bad and the ugly and putting that together and that being who you see today. Anything changes in that path, I am a different person right now than who you see. So I appreciate all those life experiences, whether good or bad. Secondly it says, “I have been crucified with Christ and I no longer live, but Christ lives in me. The life I live and the body I live by faith in the Son of God who loved me and gave Himself for me.” This is something that I strive to be and to do, to reflect a positive image of Christ.

Researcher: As you go down to your favorite quotes, I notice that you have three Bible scriptures and then you have three other quotes. What are those other quotes?

Jonah: There are three scriptures, Proverbs 3:5-6, John 3:16, and Micah 6:8. These are scriptures that really have been integral in my growth as a Christian man….

Self-presentation is one of the major purposes driving activity in SNSs (Kramer &

Winter, 2008). Facebook users can present themselves through explicit declarations 199

(Pempek et al., 2009), such as spiritual representation. Some participants expressed their

Christianity with subtle messages. For example, Jacob (senior, 3rd-generation, suburban,

biomedical engineering major) stated,

Yeah, I’ll drop a couple things, like, “I love the way God’s working in my life,” but I’ll never really try to convince anyone. It’s never really preaching. It’s more like, “this is me.”

Jeremiah (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, electrical engineering major) explained,

“Everyone that’s friends with me knows I’m Christian, because of the things I post.” As

one of the participants who did not select a religious affiliation on his questionnaire,

Reuben (junior, 2nd-generation, suburban, sociology major), explained,

I do voice my opinions concerning myself as far as religion is concerned. Anything concerning anybody else, I try to stay away from because I feel like that’s their personal business and their own doing, unless it affects me in some way. I know as far as religion is concerned, I mostly identify with Christianity….

Also, another way of self-presentation is through more implicit cues like posting photos

(Zhao et al., 2009). During his follow-up interview, Jeremiah described one photo that highlighted his Christianity implicitly during a portion of our conversation,

Jeremiah: This was before the start of the match. That was recorded on video. I was pointing up to God and the ceiling kind of saying, “Lord, give me the strength to be able to perform well.” So I think you can see who I am just through my pictures. You know, you see that I’m an athlete and I have a firm belief in God.

Researcher: Why did you pick those pictures for those to represent who you are?

Jeremiah: I think it shows me in a positive light, which I want people to see me on Facebook. I don’t want anything negative or things that could be – that people would not like or approve of…. I just want everything to be positive and I think it’s just a little way to show who I am, that I have passion for athletics…and I’m a firm believer in Christ. 200

Some participants have anchored relationships (Zhao, 2006) with their church members

on Facebook. For example, Malachi (junior, operation management major) is a member

of his church’s Facebook page explained,

My church has a Facebook page, so just based off of going to church, you know, I will have something to say that the preacher said that really touched me, and also comment on my church’s [Facebook] page….

Similar to previous research (Cohen & Willis, 1985; Herndon, 2003; Walker and Dixon,

2002), the participants’ spiritual ethos are relevant and prevalent in their daily

experiences.

Political Voice.

On the demographic questionnaire, a majority of the participants (16 out of 21

[76.91%]) identified “Democrat” as their political affiliation, three identified

“Independent” as their political affiliation, and two did not select a political affiliation.

No participant identified as a “Republican”. During the follow-up interview, both non- answering participants verified that they did not have a political affiliation. Nevertheless, when it came to make their voices heard offline and on Facebook, nearly two-thirds of the participants took to social media to express their political opinions and engagement.

Both President Barack Obama (13 of out 21 [61.9%]) and the shooting of Trayvon Martin

(12 out of 21 [57.14%]) were the major topics for this theme. Simon (senior, 2nd

generation, urban, French major) affirmed,

Well, I’ll speak on the recent presidential elections. It would be a lie to say that there wasn’t tension on this campus after the re-election. Now I’m not going to go as far as saying it was a racial divide, because obviously for anybody to be elected they have to get a majority of the white vote, but there was definitely

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tension between those who were supporting President Obama versus those who were against.

He then continues,

…I did vote in the elections and I did vote for Obama, although I don’t identify as a Democrat. So when I say I’m not Democrat, people say, “Oh, you’re a Republican,” and I’m like, “Oh, no, no, no, no, no.”

Jonah (senior, 1st generation, urban, social work major) mentioned, “…when Barack

Obama was elected president…I definitely posted information about that.” Later he added, “…as far as politically, like when Trayvon Martin was murdered. I expressed my opinions on that, when the verdict came out about the shooter, I expressed my opinions about that [as well].” Briefly, Shadrach (senior, 3rd generation, urban, public affairs

major) highlighted how he share his voice with his audience,

Sure, Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman, [especially] when he was acquitted, my news feed was going crazy with conservatives and liberals, or white people and black people. I have a lot of white friends who are liberal and they also sided with the black liberals. I actually “defriended” one of my [conservative] friends just because I was like, “I just can’t be friends with you if you think like this way. So, offline I got into an argument. It started over Facebook and then we got into why he got acquitted and if he was actually innocent or not with my roommate from the summer program I did this summer, so that was really intense.

Another participant, David (freshman, 2nd generation, urban, mechanical engineering

major), shared why he engages politically online,

I get on Facebook a lot around election time…I like to make statuses that talk about the actual issue without the fluff that politicians add to it to try and get in office. So people actually understand what’s going on and they’re not out here being fed – not false, but biased information.

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Their civic engagement with the national political election process emerged on Facebook.

Furthermore, the participants utilized Facebook and other online SNSs to express their

disappointment surrounding the Trayvon Martin trial case. Beyond their online religious and political expression, the participants took advantage of Facebook to promote on campus activities and events. The next emerging category highlights how the participants make use of Facebook for academic reasons.

Academic Use on Facebook.

The original use for online social media environments like Facebook was to create a space for users to meet, connect, and socialize with friends and peers; yet, some researchers would suggest that students have begun to use the site to support their academic goals (Lampe, Wohn, Vitak, Ellison, & Wash, 2011). They found that predictors of Facebook use for class organizing behaviors were self-efficacy and personal motivation to communicate with others using the site. Depending on how the students used the site would predict their level of communication to collaborate. In this study, one of the questions on the demographic questionnaire asked the participants to select other reasons they used Facebook besides social interaction. Seven participants did not select

“academics” as a reason to use Facebook. Only two participants were not congruent with their survey responses. During their initial interview, they expressed that they use

Facebook indirectly for academic purposes. All the participants expressed that they use

Facebook either directly or indirectly (outside of the classroom) for academic purposes.

An overwhelming majority of the participants (17 out of 21 [80.95%] indicated that they use Facebook indirectly for academic purposes. Many of the participants discussed how

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they used Facebook as a medium to reach out to classmates and peers to ask questions

and connect with study groups on Facebook. For example, Samuel (senior, 1st-generation, suburban, political science major) explained,

There are a lot of people that don’t read their emails, so in order for me to get a hold of them, I will look for them up on Facebook, and see if I can find them, I would ask them, “Hey, how’s the project going?” Or, “I’ve got a question. Can you like keep me up on this?” It’s like little thing like that.

Another participant, Reuben (junior, 2nd generation, suburban, sociology major)

highlighted,

I know students that have been my classmates, we usually text [each other], but some of them will contact with me over Facebook [and ask], “Hey, do you want to meet up for study tables?” or “Do you want to go to the library to go over this?” I use it for that.

Even Solomon (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, public health major) had found early

indirect use of Facebook as he explained,

I have academic groups that are on Facebook. For example, my scholarship program has a Facebook page and through that, it tells me about different events and keep us up-to-date on stuff that we need to be doing, or if we have a meeting. I really like that.

Many of the participants utilized Facebook as an online medium for campus book exchange. Levi (sophomore, 1st-generation, urban, construction system management

major) shared, “Yes. I have a group called MWSU 2016 and they’ll have study

groups…we are always selling books or different resources they have on there.”

And Benjamin (senior, 2nd-generation, suburban, mechanical engineering major) stated,

Yes. In the mechanical engineering group, we do buy and sell books from each other. Typically, you can get them a lot cheaper than buying them online or at the bookstore. For instance, I just bought a book today from a guy that I didn’t know,

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but he’s in the same major as I am…I got a book that’s typically $175 for $25.

Another participant, Jeremiah (freshman, 4th-generation, suburban, electrical engineering major) expressed, “Right now I actually am. I’m on the MWSU student page for textbooks, so I’ve been going back and forth on Facebook trying to find a way to get textbooks.” A few participants indicated that they use Facebook for various ways to assist them academically. For example, Simeon (senior, 2nd-generation, urban, French major)

articulated,

Yes, when you’re in a class on Melody (MWSU’s eLearning system), there is a listing of the classmates that you can Facebook (search) who they are and ask them for the homework assignment, or help with the homework, or to share their book. You can create a study group, an event, or a group for a class. If a student is in class already, you can ask them has attendance been taken. There have been times where a student puts on a page that Professor so-and-so is doing this (lecturing on a topic). So, if you have his class this coming week, they (professor) will post it on the class page for the year, “Be prepared for this, be prepared for that”.

Based on their self-efficacy and personal motivation, these participants have discovered

various ways to use Facebook for their indirect use as they interact with their classmates

and peers.

Interestingly, a few participants (4 out of 21 [23.53%]) described how Facebook

was used more directly for academic purposes. Joshua (senior, 1st-generation, urban,

nursing major) illuminated,

… just last semester, we actually did a group project and the idea was put out there to create a Facebook group and we did that; and through creating that Facebook group, we were all able to communicate with one another and tell updates on the project and new data and research collected, so on and so forth. It was really instrumental in us getting the project done in a reasonable time.

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He continued, “It’s an amazing feature to have. Our professor, she had a Facebook

[account] and we actually added her to the group so she could look and see what group members were and weren’t doing work.” Abednego (senior, 1st generation, urban, electrical & computer engineering) shared how he used Facebook directly for academic reasons,

Yeah, you can kind of use Facebook as a way to reach out to people and if you’re stuck on a question or if there’s something you don’t understand you can kind of use Facebook to reach out to somebody who may know the answer to my problem. Or I can find a [Facebook] page that might have a topic about Calculus or Circuits or something and I can kind of learn information from Facebook.

Another participant, Benjamin (senior, 2nd generation, suburban, mechanical engineering

major) a member of National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE), commented,

In the past we’ve done some study groups on Facebook, so we’ll kind of see who all’s in the class and you might make a group on Facebook to kind of say, “Hey, do you guys want to meet up at this time,” or “Can’t get the answer to problem 37. Can you help?”

He continued,

I’m a part of NSBE, we have a Facebook group too and as part of our organization we typically save tests and past exams that we’ve kind of shared with people that have come after us. So… if you’re in a class that somebody else has taken, you can kind of shout out to them and see if they have any tips for you or [ask if] “Should I take this professor? Do you have any past exams, or do you have the book for this class?” I do use it for academic purposes too.

Finally, in a dialogue with Daniel (freshman, 3rd generation, urban, electrical engineering

major), he explained his academic experience in high school on Facebook,

Daniel: So far in college I haven’t used it for academic as much as I did in high school. In high school we have a page for my AP classes. For AP physics, we were talking about the tests, talking about the quizzes, talking about the homework. AP calculus you would talk about the tests, quizzes and homework 206

and share ideas, share different concepts, how we got different things so we could understand it for the test. Or when we’re doing test corrections, we would all collaborate on Facebook. As far as here, so far I have not used it for academic purposes but then, again, there’s only been a week of school.

Researcher: Would you want to use Facebook in a similar way for college?

Daniel: Yes, I would, because that definitely helped a lot. The cool thing is on Facebook you can take a picture and post it, so if they don’t understand what you’re saying through words, there’s a picture right there. It could really be used as a helpful academic tool at times.

Researcher: You say, “Here’s the formula,” or “Here’s how you work through it.”

Daniel: Exactly.

Although many faculty members are hesitant to integrate Facebook in their pedagogical

practices (Ajjan & Hartshorne, 2008; Cloete et al., 2009; Roblyer et al., 2010; Sanchez et

al., 2013) and many college students did not feeling comfortable using this form of

technology (Garcia & Qin, 2007; Jones & Shao, 2011; Lohnes & Kinzer, 2007;

Schulmeister, 2008; Smith & Caruso, 2010), the participants in this study found both

direct and indirect ways to make use of this online social network site space for academic

purposes, support, and interaction. In this study, some of the participants have discovered

ways to use Facebook academically. They have taken advantage of the group and inbox

features to contact and interact with their classmates. In a few instances, they have

expressed how Facebook help with academic transparency by inviting professors into

their Facebook groups. In some cases, the Facebook group creates a space to minimize

intentional isolation and/or covert discrimination. For some of the participants, Facebook

provides an online space that can assist with negating the academic stereotypes of others

and serves as a performance tool that will enhance their academic identity. 207

The performance.

All of the participants (100%) indicated some form of self-presentational behavior as they navigated on campus, off campus, and online environments. Many of the young men shared anecdotal stories of how they represented themselves in these spaces.

Establishing and maintaining a consistent positive representation was at the forefront of their performances. Abednego (senior, 1st generation, urban, mechanical engineering major) asserted,

I’m real old school when it comes to presentation. Saying “please” and “thank you”, shaking people’s hand, acknowledging people, making eye contact when I speak with people as well, and just present myself in a manner where that I want it to be people are saying positive things about me and not negative. So if I’m going to class or if I’m in class, making sure I’m alert and walking with my head held high and not really falling into a lot of stereotypes that are placed upon us when we come to school.

When I asked Abednego if he presented himself differently in other environments including his online social media accounts, he responded, “It’s still the same for me.

Yeah. I feel that how I am in real life, I can still portray that on Facebook, and other social media accounts.” Another participant, Jonah (senior, 1st generation, urban, social work major), indicated that he tried to present himself as a positive leader on campus, off campus, and on social media. He commented, “I think in a positive light as a leader and I would assume that there are administrators around campus who could attest to that very thing.” He explained his off campus behavior in this way,

I think also as a leader, as a scholar but, at the same time, that’s just one portion, a pie slice of who I am. I’m laid back…I’m a very good friend, a very good listener…I am consistent both on campus and off campus, with and without family. They (his family members) see me as a Christian, they see me as a good

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kid, [and] a smart kid. I think through everything, no matter what arena I’m in, I’m recognized as a leader.

Even online, Jonah tries to exude his leadership as well. As he considered what other people might think of him, he talked about his online performance on Facebook. He continued,

A leader in the family, a leader when it comes to social/ political issues like I talked about [earlier], a leader when it comes to religious issues, and being vocal about those things. While I think a lot, I don’t bite my tongue about how I feel or what I think. I do present in a way that I think is appropriate. People respond to it however they might, but I do make people aware of things that are going on.

Participant Benjamin (senior, 2nd generation, suburban, mechanical engineering major) had a similar response. When we discussed how people represented themselves in various climates, he said this,

I think they’re kind of all (on campus, off campus, and online spaces) the same, at least I try to make them that way. And, again, I don’t know if I generalize my Facebook in order to kind of meet the expectations of all the groups on the outside world, or if I generalize myself in the outside world because I’m friends with all these people on Facebook…for the most part, I think I kind of act the same or present myself at least the same way between the three.

Now, Job (senior, 1st generation, urban, history major) provided some unique insight toward his representation within these various spaces. He discussed how he perceives himself in these environments and how he chooses share different aspect of himself depending on the context,

It’s funny because those spaces are kind of siloed for me. The person I am on campus is different than the person I am at home, which is different than the person I am in the community. My version of me online is little snippets of each component of that. And it’s not like it’s not authenticity for each of those segments, it’s just that I compartmentalize a lot of myself. I don’t need to be the

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broad view of me in each of those segments. I like to focus in on what I need to be in those environments. I think the version[s] of me crosses over, it blends.

The participants’ perceived description of their front stage performance displays a strong positive self-presentation image and a strong leadership disposition to their various audiences as a part of their “authentic” selves in both offline and online spaces. Many of the participants felt that their online performance must represent their offline presentation because they are connected with family members and close friends in both environments.

These anchored relationships are vital to the participants’ ongoing identity production.

Anchored relationship/Offline preferred.

An “anchored relationship” (Zhao, 2006) is developed when participants communicate both offline and online with their family members, friends, peers, colleagues, and other acquaintances. Zhao et al. (2008) posit that online relationships can be offline anchored through institutions, residence, or mutual friends. According to

Ellison et al. (2007), Facebook users look for friendships as well as romantic relationships with people they already have an offline relationship established. Grasmuck et al. (2009) indicates that three different types of relationship development emerge from anchored relationships: 1) relationship enhancement is deepening an existing relationship,

2) relationship facilitation is where a shared connection through a mutual friend without actually knowing that person, and 3) relationship creation is where a user has mutual friend connection and do not know the individual. In this study, the participants highlighted their anchored enhancement relationships with their close family members and friends. It was clear that the participants preferred to communicate more offline using their mobile devices by texting or calling these individuals. More than majority (18 out of 210

21 [85.71%]) of the participants preferred more face-to-face and texting interaction with their family members and close friends primarily due to the level of intimacy and privacy of their conversations. Reuben (junior, 2nd generation, suburban, sociology major)

affirmed,

Family members are usually much more personal and I don’t go through Facebook unless it’s like distant, only because I don’t have their number. My mom, my dad, and my sister [communicate] all through the phone. Anything else, like distant cousins or people that are far away, I’ll use Facebook to message them from time to time.

Another participant, Job (senior, 1st generation, urban, history major), indicated that he

only engages his family members offline. He claimed,

My family I don’t engage them at all online. I’m friends with them all online, I follow them online. Maybe we’ll like a picture here or there, but I do not engage them online. If I have something to say to my sister, my niece, my brother, I will contact them offline.

Benjamin (senior, 2nd generation, suburban, mechanical engineering major) reflected,

Online actually there’s not a whole lot of interaction from my family members at least. Typically we’ll talk to teach other face-to-face. It might be a little bit different now that my brother’s in school, my youngest brother’s still in high school back home. But typically we’ll either be able to talk face-to-face or on the phone, so we don’t typically interact as much online.

The participants maintain their connection with their family members using their mobile

devices often. Boaz (junior, 1st generation, urban, sports industry major), highlighted,

“I’m a real strong family man. Me and my mom talk every day. Me and my brother, we

probably text [each other] every day, if not every other day.” At times, participants

reported the inconvenience of using online social media, like Facebook, for various

211 reasons. Jacob (senior, 3rd generation, suburban, biomedical engineering major) explained,

Offline, I prefer texting. On Facebook I don’t interact with friends that heavily because we see each other and we have more direct ways to interact. You have to get on Facebook to respond, whereas with a text message you can just read it. Half the time people have their notifications turned off, so they won’t even get it.

Another participant, Simeon (senior, 2nd generation, urban, French major) stated,

I don’t interact with family as much on Facebook as I do with friends and peers. With my parents it’s more over the phone, although my other does have a Facebook that she goes on three times a year. I have two brothers. I don’t know the extent which they view my page, but I know that we don’t necessarily talk much on Facebook. They text and call me.

The participants, with long distance relationships with their family members, will use social media outlets to communicate. Meshach (senior, 2nd generation, urban, computer & information science major), explained,

The only people I communicate with online, for the most part, are family members that is overseas or just far. If I don’t have much face-to-face interaction with them, I’ll more talk to them online or if I don’t have their phone numbers.

A few participants (3 out of 21 [14.28%]) embraced the “anchored relationship” concept to communicate with their family members and close friends. Samuel (senior, 1st generation, suburban, political science major), uses Facebook quite often to connect and interact with his family and friends especially due to long distance. He stated,

Family and friends, we’re so spread out and Facebook is a way of bringing me, a lot of family, and friends together. My cousins that are in Florida, my brother is still in California with his wife, and my good friend in Italy, my other friend in Korea, my friends in L.A., my friends in Chicago, my friends in Las Vegas. I have a lot of friends but they’re just distant and it’s way of bringing us together

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and keeping us together, whereas without it, it would be we’ll see each other when we see each other.

Some participants wanted to stay connected with close extended family members within

their age range. Solomon (freshman, 4th generation, suburban, public health major)

shared,

I really use [it] to stay in touch with my cousins, because we’re all around the same age. Some of them are just about to be in their 30s, so we’re all considered basically like young adults, so we’re all big in social media and social networking.

Finally, Abraham (senior, 1st generation, urban, economics major) takes full advantage of

Facebook’s connectivity as he interacts with his close friends but not as much with family. He shared this comment about interaction with his close friends, “…I think it

[Facebook] strengthened our relationships because we could see what views we agreed upon and didn’t agree upon. It always helped for open dialogue among ourselves, so it was pretty cool.”

Although research indicated that “anchored relationships” are great opportunities to stay connected with close family and friend (Grasmuch et al., 2009; Zhao et al., 2008;

Zhao, 2006), the undergraduate African American male participants did not use Facebook when it came to having personal and private conversations with parents, siblings, and close friends including potential intimate partners. Avoiding trouble and/or public offline and online drama with current anchored relational friends and misinterpreting textual comments or status updates by friend(s) were two reasons the participants did not use

Facebook to communicate personal or private dialogue.

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Chapter Summary

In summary, these eight major thematic categories capture the essence of how

these twenty-one participants crafted their identity in offline and online social contexts.

For many of the participants, race and gender was not a key factor when they joined

Facebook. However, traditional offline stereotypes surfaced on Facebook as they built

their profiles that caused them to become conscious and aware of their gender and race

identities. Such awareness caused the participants to self-monitor their online performances and interactions with others by limiting what they say or do in this global online space. Although many of the participants perceived that they have control of their image, they carefully constructed their brand to ensure nothing would place their future in jeopardy. The participants expressed how they manage their academic identity and negative media representation as they navigated Facebook and MWSU campus environment. The offline and online daily experiences are blurred and often causing the participants to remaining conscious of their performance with others especially with

White classmates, staff and faculty members. The participants were not hesitate to talk about their pride and support of the first African American man to serve as president of the US; and yet, they unapologetically shared their frustrations and disappointments about the Trayvon Martin case. A few participants had to ‘unfriend’ some of their White

Facebook friends due to some heated political discussion. As the participants performed on Facebook, they found both explicit and implicit ways to represent their religious identity. Using positive quotes or biblical scriptures, participants recognized their audience’s response through the ‘like’ button and short comments from their friends.

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While communicating with family members and close friends, majority of the African

American male participants rejected the frequent communication through SNSs.

Facebook was not the space to have intimate conversations with their parents, siblings, and close friends. Because of privacy issues, many of the participants used their mobile devices to hold personal and private conversations offline.

In the final chapter, I take the findings of the eight major themes and use them to directly answer the research questions that guided the study.

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Chapter 5: Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations

Introduction

This chapter is comprised of a brief overview of the study, a summary of the findings, the major conclusions, and recommendations for further research. This discussion will highlight practical and theoretical implications for understanding Black men who engage and interact in both offline and online spaces. Many of the recommendations for future research go beyond “undergraduate African American males” and “social media” to include students in secondary and postsecondary environments; especially underrepresented students at PWIs using social media platforms. The chapter concludes with a summary of the chapter and my final thoughts.

Overview of the Study

This qualitative study, guided by a conceptual framework that included DuBois’ double consciousness (1903) and Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective (1959), explored how undergraduate African American males construct their identities through social media. It provided insight into their self-presentations to their audience, and new understandings how these individuals build and maintain their relationships while attending a PWI and through Facebook. More specifically, this study sought to understand and describe the ways in which social constructs surrounding race, culture,

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and gender influenced these undergraduate African American males’ interaction and

relationships with others who use social media.

This study used university-based email listservs and snowball sampling to recruit

21 undergraduate African American male participants. The data corpus included an online demographic questionnaire using MWSU’s Qualtrics online survey system, analysis of their online presentation on Facebook, two sessions of individual semi- structured interviews, and my reflexive memos. The questionnaire results were organized and used as secondary descriptive data. The interview data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using constant comparison method, initial, and axial coding (Charmaz, 2002,

2006; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The research team convened and confirmed 38 categories that generated eight (8) major themes guided by the conceptual framework.

Summary of Findings

This section will answer the research questions and follow with a discussion of the findings.

Research Question #1.

How do African American men (re) construct and present their identities through race, culture, and gender on Facebook and offline into their everyday experience?

Based on the research literature, demographic questionnaire, semi-structured interviews, the participants constructed the self-identities around three major categories:

1) online identity construction, 2) race, gender, and online caution, and 3) professional brand/image control. Within the online space of Facebook, these African American males were motivated by a variety of reasons to create their Facebook profiles including

217 word-of-mouth, peer pressure, remaining connected with friends, and having an opportunity to meet new people. Some of the participants initially resisted creating a

Facebook page but they relented to peer pressure and fear of being left out of this relatively new form of social interaction and connection.

The majority of the participants indicated that race and gender did not play a role when they were creating their Facebook account. Key factors that superseded both gender and race awareness included a strong desire to stay connected with their friends and yielding to peer pressure to join. Also, a number of participants noted that Facebook created new opportunities for them to meet more people especially potential romantic interests. The participants who were highly conscious of their race and gender proceeded to create their Facebook account with some sense of awareness. Some participants wanted to project a positive and professional image immediately. They realized that they would have an audience and they wanted to ensure that their representation of themselves remain positive. Initially, other participants started creating their Facebook profile haphazardly; however, after completing the general demographic information, they noticed that Facebook’s “About” section asked for more personal information. A few of the participants decided to go back and make changes to their Facebook profile because they were concerned with how their White friends would perceive their Facebook page.

The second theme, “race, gender, and online caution”, emerged as the most pronounced category for the participants. Using constant comparison method, across-the- board all participants articulated an acute awareness and online caution because their audience were constantly watching them. While constructing their Facebook profile they

218 also had a strong self-monitoring behavior. Before posting their “status updates”, many of the participants reviewed their comments before hitting the post or submit button. Many of the participants were concerned with their self-presentation because they understood that future employers could potentially see their Facebook profile. Therefore, many of the participants selected either professional headshot for their profile picture and/or dressed with either a sports jacket or a suit and tie. A few participants selected either a symbol or graphic for their profile picture. During the data collection, I noticed when they changed their profile picture they selected a picture that represented them in a positive manner. In addition, some participants made changes to their profile because they didn’t want to misrepresent themselves to future employers. Also many of the participants were in leadership roles within their various student organizations, which impacted their self- presentation because they wanted to maintain authenticity with their group members and advisors. All of the participants perceived that they were authentic in their presentation even if they had to limit their profiles to administrators and staff on campus. Also, family members including parents, grandparents, aunts, and uncles influenced their behavior on

Facebook.

Another theme, “branding/image control”, was essential to the participants’ identity construction while countering the negative narratives and stereotypical images of black males. A majority of the participants felt that they were responsible and purposeful in building their brand while making sure they had control over their impression management. Reckless comments and status updates were avoided because some of them realized that they had no control over how their audience would perceive them and/or

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their comments. These undergraduate African American males are not hypersensitive to

their impressions management because they felt congruent with their authentic “self”. It

was imperative to some participants that they held themselves to a level of accountability

to ensure they projected a positive image. They also understood that future employment

recruiters would and could search and view their Facebook profiles. Thus, a positive

brand and controlling their image were vital to their foundational construction.

The participants in this study are well aware of their maleness and blackness

because of the social constructs of our society and its past history. Due to the long history

of discrimination, overt and covert prejudices, and mistreatment by the dominant culture,

African American males have some sense that they are treated as second class citizens

during face-to-face encounters with non-Black people. The social and academic experiences of African American males are regularly tainted by discrimination, racism, and negative stereotypes especially at PWIs. Often categorized in groups, African

American males are not often viewed as unique individuals. However, technology has created opportunities and power for people, who have access to the Internet, to construct their own image that they want others to see. Despite the historical and ongoing negative misrepresentation from others, African American males are constructing strong positive images of themselves to their offline and online audience members. Although they cannot control the perceptions of others, these undergraduate college men understand that much is at stake in how their project their self-presentation to others.

More importantly, many undergraduate African American males are ignoring or not allowing the past images of inferiority to influences them in their offline and online

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performances. We know that constant exposure to negative attitudes, prejudices, and

biases can have a debilitating effect on African American students’ emotional and social

growth that eventually impacts their academic identity (Fleming, 1984, Herndon &

Moore, 2002). Yet, SNSs and some PWIs are created less hostile spaces for African

American males to develop behaviors that foster confidence in who they are and how

they interact with both Blacks and non-Blacks. Within the college environment, it

appears that African Americans particularly males decided to take advantage of these

online social spaces to create, maintain, and enhance strong positive images for their

current and future audience members.

Research Question #2.

In what ways do African American males build and manage the offline and online

presentation of themselves?

From the research literature, demographic questionnaire, semi-structured

interviews, three major categories helped to answer this research question centered on

presentation of self and impression management. The categories included blended

consciousness including academic inferiority and representation in media, making his

voice heard including political voice and religious voice, and the performance. In this study, I discovered that these African American males had a strong sense of dual consciousness as they attended a large PWI while fluidly engaging in social network site that connects the two environments every day. One of the themes to help answer this question is “blended consciousness”. All of the participants had White friends, peers, classmates, and/or faculty and administrators as Facebook friends. A few mentioned that

221 their White peers would devalue or provide some form of backlash when they supported

President Obama. Because they had a mixed audience, these participants struggled with posting their thoughts or comments that might make their White friends feel alienated and/or upset. Also, a few participants avoided posting insider black jokes because their

White friends might become offended. Several participants, who graduated from predominantly White high schools, continue to struggle with how they represent themselves to their Black and White audiences as they build and maintain their Facebook profile. Offline campus environments and online digital spaces have become blurred; college students often consider both environments as a part of their daily interaction with classmates and faculty members.

One of the subthemes of blended consciousness is academic inferiority. Some of the participants war with this cultural twoness especially when it pertains to interaction with White faculty members and classmates. They often perceive that the professor might consider them a challenge based on maladaptive behavior and lack of cognitive ability to grasp the material. They were concerned with faculty members by the language and facial expressions due to hostile classroom environments. Several participants indicated that they sat in front of the classroom in order to debunk the negative notions of academic inferiority and degradation from their White peers. They understand because of their race and gender, even their physicality, they are forced to reconcile stereotypes of laziness, attentiveness, and lack of participation. In addition to some professors preconceived views, several of the participants indicated that their White classmates were surprised to

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see them in upper-level math and engineering courses. These participants always felt like

they have something to prove to their White counterparts.

The representation of African American males in the media has been well

documented and was described in chapter 2. All the participants articulated their

awareness of the negative stereotypical perceptions illustrated through various forms of

mass media. The second subtheme illuminates the participants’ thoughts about being

misrepresented in mass media, and now social media. Many of the participants indicated

that they scrutinize their Facebook profiles because of long-standing stereotypes and their

White Facebook friends could manipulate anything that they place within their profile.

Some felt that they had to be extremely cautious in order to avoid being labeled with

negative stereotypes of African Americans especially males. Many of them recognize

social media’s impact on reinforcing the stereotypes; therefore, most of the participants

intentionally and purposefully built and maintained a positive narrative and profile to

counteract ongoing patterns, symbols, social cues, and explicit narratives. A majority of

the participants posted photo images of themselves wearing nice suits, well-groomed head shots, smiling faces, and nonthreatening images in order to maintain a positive and likable persona. These highly conscious African American males worked diligently towards merging their double selves into a better, a truer, and positive self.

Throughout the study, the participants quickly understood the opportunities

Facebook provides that allow them to express their thoughts about various issues and

topics to their audience. They understood that Facebook provides a new stage for users to

perform and maintain social capital online because they stay connected and their

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associated with the community (Ellison et al., 2007). Thus, Facebook became a new

platform for users to express their thoughts and share their ideals. The participants took

advantage of this platform to make their voice heard. Many of the participants utilized

Facebook to promote and advertise various events and activities on and off campus.

Participants were members of fraternities had a heightened use of Facebook and other

social media platform to advertise their programs and social events including parties. For

some users Facebook became the digital “word-of-mouth” or “megaphone” to advertise and promote their organizations’ programmed events. However besides promoting events and activities, both religious and political something emerged as a represented themselves on Facebook and on campus.

An overwhelming majority of the participants identified as Christians. They often posted biblical scriptures, updated their statuses with subtle messages, asked for prayers, and openly interacted with church members who had ‘friended’ them on Facebook. Many of the participants’ “About” section items included the Bible, gospel musical artists, and poems with Christian overtones. In addition to their religious self-presentation, a majority

of the participants identified as Democrats and used Facebook to promote and support

President Obama. However, a number of participants had several intense debates about

the President on Facebook with their White counterparts. Some participants indicated that

they tried to avoid such heated debates by posting subtle and non-confrontational statuses

during both major general election years, 2008 and 2012. Also, majority of the

participants voiced their thoughts and opinions surrounding the murder of Trayvon

Martin. Again, some participants engage in heated debates with their white peers and

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Facebook friends based on their polarized views of the verdict. For a few of the

participants, their political opinions and thoughts forced them to “unfriend” a few of their

peers including some White classmates. In order to maintain a positive self-presentation, some of the participants had to use the digital tools on Facebook for impression management by deleting, blocking, or placing limit restrictions on a few of their audience members.

Establishing and maintaining a positive self-presentation was vital to all the participants in the study. In offline environments, some of the participants felt that demonstrating good manners when interacting with her parents, elders, administrators, staff, and faculty members. Some participants recognized that they performed differently depending on the social context. They emphasize that it was not being fake instead they chose to reveal different traits and different identities suitable for the social context.

Positive and strong leadership was at the forefront of many of the participants’ self- presentation. Establishing and maintaining strong leadership presence in front of their online and offline audience became a conscious effort for some of the participants. More importantly, many of the participants indicated that they work consciously to maintain a consistent authentic self in all environments. These key factors by the performance theme helped answer this research question.

Research Questions #3.

In what ways do African American males build and manage their offline and online relationships?

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Based on the research literature, demographic questionnaire, and semi-structured

interviews, two (2) major categories helped answer this research question based on the

participants offline and online relationships. These categories included academic use of

Facebook and anchored relationships/offline preferred. In this study, a majority of the participants utilized Facebook directly or indirectly for academic purposes. Some of the participants indicated that their classmates created a group page for specific courses. The group page included all classmates and their professor. Other participants utilized

Facebook to reach out to classmates for assistance with solving a problem. During constant comparison, I noticed participants in STEM majors utilized Facebook more directly.

On the other hand, most participants indirectly use Facebook for academic purposes. Forming study groups, attending study tables, and connecting with their cohorts were primary indirect use. Also, some participants indicated that they would look up potential classmates on the schools eLearning system in order to search for classmates on

Facebook. These participants send a “friend request” to establish a relationship in order to work together on projects, seek out homework assistance, and establish study groups.

Many of the participants articulated that Facebook has become a digital book exchange marketplace. Participants explained how they would go to Facebook search and seek out other classmates to purchase books for the upcoming semester. Lower book prices and the willingness to barter were offered as one of the main attractions for using

Facebook to sell and purchase college text books.

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Most of the African American males in this study indicated that having a strong and positive relationship with their family members, close friends, and significant others were extremely important to their matriculation through college. Technology plays a vital role in their efforts to maintain and manage their close relationships. Based on the questionnaire and interviews, mobile devices were the primary technological instrument for interaction and connectivity. The participants established “anchored” relationships

(Zhao, 2006) with family members and close friends. However, an overwhelming majority of the participants preferred to communicate more offline with their family members and close friends. In particular, many of the participants use their mobile devices to call or text their parents and siblings. Some participants explained that synchronous conversation is most desirable when they are communicating with their parents because of the high level of intimate, sensitive, and personal dialogue.

Some participants alluded to their parents not having the technical proficiency in order to engage via texting. Some participants felt that it was the inconvenience to login on Facebook to communicate with their family members. It’s easier just to dial or text.

Depending on the level of importance, some of the participants preferred to text their siblings and friends. However, texting, asynchronous form of communication, is commonplace and the preferred use of their mobile devices when they communicate with their peers or friends. Many of the participants indicated that they reach out to family members and close friends on Facebook if long distance is a factor and their interaction is limited. Facebook is ideal for checking up on siblings and cousins. They utilize the

“Inbox” feature if they want to communicate with relatives and close friends privately.

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Nevertheless, the participants in the study maintained anchored relationships but they

preferred to communicate with their loved ones offline.

Derived from the demographic questionnaire, semi-structured interviews, and the eight (8) overarching emerging themes help to answer the research questions above.

According to the twenty-one (21) participants in the study, Facebook allowed them to construct their identities and their self-presentations while building anchored relationships in a optimistic and inspiring manner in spite of the negative stereotypical perceptions created by mass media architects.

Conclusion

Based on the demographic questionnaire, the two semi-structured interviews, and the eight overarching themes emerged, the following twelve (12) conclusions were derived from the findings, which uphold previous research:

1. In spite of “the missing box” (Ginger, 2008), the intersection of race, gender, and technology particularly SNS for these African American undergraduate male participants served as a social psychological stage that will allow them to construct their identities freely within the infrastructure of Facebook (Grasmuck et al, 2009; Zhao et al, 2008). A majority of them indicated that race and gender were not a factor during the initial construction of their Facebook page. Participants indicated that peer pressure, staying connected with their friends, and meeting new people were major reasons for joining Facebook. African American college students’ primary reason for using Facebook was to keep in touch with friends and family members while the smaller percentage said it was to meet new people (Lee, 2011).

2. In today’s technological society, where practically everything can be monitored and tracked, the undergraduate African American male students at MWSU strategically self-monitored their behavior to lessen any negative feedback and/or outcomes. The participants were highly aware of about their Facebook pages and offline self-presentation. Individuals with higher levels of public self- consciousness were more self-conscious about their own Facebook pages, as well 228

as more concerned with displaying truthful and accurate information on their own Facebook pages (Gogolinski, 2010). Also, their online self-presentation among their friends, family, and peers was important; however, they were equally concerned with weakening their job opportunities or lessening potential discriminatory practices with future employers (Volz, 2013). According to Zeidner (2007), human resource personnel are accessing potential applicants’ Facebook pages as part of their screening process; and, employers are making “friend” request to find shared connections for particular job candidates (Smith & Kidder, 2010). Even our government agencies have Facebook pages for recruitment of new employees (Hansell, 2009).

3. Internet and social media surveillance have created a heightened awareness and consciousness for these undergraduate African American men. Based on their online identity construction with others in mind, their online interaction with their particular audience in mind and their social ties with their personal social network (family and close friends) are interpersonal features that provide unique surveillance opportunities (Trottier & Lyon, 2012).

4. Undergraduate African American male participants were positive and purposeful with their online personal branding (Labrecque et al., 2011) and offline image control. The participants utilized their profile and cover photos, uploaded pictures and videos, and updated their statuses primarily from their mobile phones in order to monitor and maintain their online self-presentation. Also, Facebook provides a space to represent our “hoped-for-possible” selves, but for these participants having control over their brand was imperative. They realized that they could not control how others’ perceived them. Facebook users have some control over the online self-presentation they portray; yet, their personal brand is also shaped by the comments and pictures they post and those with whom they associate (i.e., friends, friends’ friends) (Labrecque et al, 2011).

5. Black students attending white schools indicated that they faced unaccepting environments that provide inadequate support; consequently, identity problems frequently service that takes up intellectual energies (Fleming, 1984). The idea of African Americans having to feel their twoness, warring ideals of being a Negro and an American (Du Bois, 1903) continues to impact these participants at a PWI. These undergraduate African American male students indicated that they continue to have this experience as they interact online. They felt this duality during their daily experiences on campus and online interactions with their white counterparts.

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6. These African American undergraduate male students credited the black male initiative program and their involvement in student organizations at MWSU served as supportive and developmental entities that helped them counter academic inferiority perceptions regardless of what others perceived and/or attempted to craft such inferiority ideologies. Research evidence confirmed that African American students’ on campus involvement impacted their development (Moore, McGann, & Wyrick,1998; Flowers, 2004; Harper & Quaye, 2007).

7. Participants took advantage of Facebook and social media platforms to articulate their religious thoughts and political opinions. Both President Obama and Trayvon Martin were major topics of discussion between the participants and their interaction with their audience. Some of the discussions were heated and led to “unfriending” friends with opposite opinions. Facebook became the platform political discourse during the 2008 U.S. presidential election (Robertson, Vatrapu, & Medina, 2010) and end-users engaged in heated political discourse on Facebook ever since (Kushin & Kitchener, 2009). Besides political expression, sharing biblical references and spiritual messages are significant to the online interaction of the participants. Yust, Hye, and Ota (2010) suggested that Facebook and other social network sites are prime online environments for “cyber spirituality” among adolescents. In this study, undergraduate African American men are using these online social platforms as a part of their identity construction and self-presentation.

8. Participants found Facebook to be a useful academic tool both directly and indirectly. Students inside the engineering and medical-related majors had more of a direct interaction with classmates and/or faculty, while others at a more indirect interaction with their peers and classmates to set up study groups, work on group projects, and seek out help with difficult homework problems. Based on explicit responses and implicit behavior, they were open to the idea of using Facebook as a part of their academic experiences. Consistent with the literature, undergraduate students including African Americans are open to using Facebook being a convenient tool for class- related purposes (Roblyer et al., 2010).

9. The men in this study have strong family ties and anchored relationships (Zhao, 2006). Their preferred mode of communication with close friends and family members filtered through their mobile phones and not so much on Facebook. Family interaction, communication, and various forms of kinship that are mediated by technology are called “networked families” according to Jones (2014). Participants are “networked” by staying connected with family members 230

who resided far away, network relatives, and check their timelines and posts on Facebook via mobile and computer technology.

Discussion of Findings

Double consciousness (Du Bois, 1903) provides a narrative that captures the psychological struggle and challenges for African American men and women as they navigate and interact in mainstream American culture. The dramaturgical perspective

(Goffman, 1959) provides the dominant sociological theoretical framework that helped to highlight the participants’ interactions with their peers, classmates, faculty and staff, close friends, and family members. The participants in this study gave various accounts of their unique identity construction experiences during their daily lives on campus and on Facebook. Due to their intersection of race and gender, it was apparent that each participant had some level of awareness of their biological makeup and their perceived inferior status on campus. Initially, most of the participants entered the online environment of Facebook as a college student excited about a new phenomenon; their biological features were not an immediate factor. Nevertheless, as the participants began to interact with others in this online environment, the visible identities (race and gender) that led to discrimination in the offline world (Turkle, 1995) quickly became relevant in their identity production. I examined the identity construction of undergraduate African

American males through the lenses of self, through others, and through their relationships within their multiple environments.

Through the lens of Self.

Because identity construction is contextual and not monolithic, the undergraduate

African American male participants in this study shared diverse perceptions of 231

themselves. Some of the descriptors used by the participants when describing themselves

included leader, driven, professional, vulnerable, both extroverted and introverted, goofy,

silly, intelligent, servant, loving, passionate, team player, scholar and thinker, just to

name a few. In preparation for their offline audience, participants described their daily

routine preparation for class: “waking up”, “getting dressed”, “grabbing something to

eat”, “checking their Facebook and Twitter accounts” and “heading off to class”. These

men described themselves with positive prideful and respectful traits. Majors and Billson

(1992) state, “… coolness as a strength may be linked to pride, self-respect, and

masculinity.” (p. ii) Also, hooks (2004) explains,

Black male cool was defined by the ability to withstand the heat and remain centered. It was defined by a black male willingness to confront reality, to face the truth, and bear it not by adopting a false pose of cool while feeding on fantasy; not by black male denial or by assuming a ”poor me” victim identity. It was defined by individual black males daring to self-define rather than be defined by others. (p. 147)

Both Majors and Billson’s (1992) and hooks’ (2004) perspectives capture the essence of the participants’ self-conceptualization regardless of the contextual spaces. More than two thirds of the participants’ profile pictures on Facebook displayed them in a suit; some were smiling and some posing in a “cool” fashionable stance. During the second interview, we discussed their Facebook profile and cover photos; and many of the participants spoke with enthusiasm, pride and humor as they described their profile photos wearing suits and ties. Dressing up for events on campus allowed the participants to permeate an expressive lifestyle behavior (Majors & Billson, 1992). They often cropped, uploaded, and tagged photos to display their own self-image for their profile

pictures. Mancini (1981) calls this a “strategic style”. She explained, 232

Symbolic interactionism rests on the basic assumption that meaning is not inherent in social interaction - it must be “negotiated” by the participants in a given situation. “Strategic style” is the characteristic way the individual handles himself, others, and his physical/cultural world, based on the meaning he has come to attach to himself and others - through his interaction with those others. (p. 4)

Thus, a participant’s ways of acting, creating, and redefining his self in relation to others

is most salient to himself than simply reacting to cues given by others in a particular

interaction (Majors and Billson, 1992). The participants use their photos as a form of

implicit identity production. A majority of the participants had well over 100 profile

photos. Samuel (senior, 1st generation, urban, political science major) on the other hand

did not have as many photos. As a nontraditional student, his primary use of Facebook

was to stay connected with his long distance friends. In contrast, Joshua (senior, 1st

generation, urban, nursing major) had more than 200 profile pictures that captured him posing in various fashionable outfits. His athletic physique and well-dressed persona were salient to his visual self-representation.

During the follow-up interview, participants highlighted their personal interests

and hobbies that included their favorite activities, movies, books, music, and TV shows.

This “cultural self” (Zhao et al, 2008) portion of self-description provided some insight into their consumption preferences and tastes. Besides their “music” preferences, the majority of the participants decided not to select or share their interests on Facebook.

Some participants selected a few books, some movies, and a small amount of TV shows.

At this point, participants began to notice and become aware of Facebook’s data collection. Many of them bypassed various sections and some indicated that they would add to the sections later on. However, during the study’s data collection period, only a 233

few added new music artists. At this “enumerative” or consumer identity claim (Zhao et

al, 2008), the participants’ lack of participation suggests that this information is for their

anchored audience. In other words, if new friends want to know this information, there

must be a face-to-face interaction. Meshach (senior,2nd generation, urban, computer & information science major) illuminated, “… if she wants to know more about me, we can meet up at the union and have lunch…”. So, besides their cautiousness online, a few participants strategically decided not to complete this information to draw intrigue from a particular part of their audience.

The “About Me” section is the explicit self-description for identity construction on Facebook. Only twelve of the participants decided to enter a written narrative about his “first-person Self”. This is the ideal section for Facebook users to express “who they are” to their audience; however, only five participants included direct descriptions about themselves. This was an opportunity for the participants to take advantage of the

Facebook infrastructure that would allow them to explicitly create their professional brand, articulate their disposition of various issues, and express their “true” or “hope-for-

possible” selves with their audience. Yet, they decide not to share.

Based on the nonymous, disembodied, voyeuristic, and surveillance nature of

Facebook, the participants chose not to provide a rich narrative of self-description. For example, Abednego (senior,1st generation, urban, electrical & computer engineering

major) wrote in his “About Me” section, “ There is not an adjective to describe how hard

I work. Hard is not enough, brother, I’m tougher. I'm from N.C. That's All You Need To

Know.” This explicit statement captured the essence that Facebook is not the ideal safe

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space for in-depth identity construction for the participants in this study. Overall, the

participants’ explicit narratives were positive, uplifting often with a biblical orientation,

which are similar to Grasmuck et al.’s (2009) findings in their study.

In addition, the participants were engaged in many student organizations, they

participated in campus events and activities, and some spoke highly about the Black male

initiative program on campus. Out of the 21 participants, 15 of the undergraduate men

participated in the black male initiative at the MWSU this year. They expressed how the

program provided guidance and leadership in their development of a positive self-image.

Many of the same participants talked about building a positive professional brand and they participated in community service projects in the local community sponsored by the black male initiative which some indicated that they actually see themselves as being part of the university.

Through the lens of others.

Hard workers, role models, ambitious, caring, nerdy, outgoing, and optimistic and outspoken were terms used when participants articulated how others (anchored friends and family members) perceive them. Some of the 1st and 2nd generation college student

participants indicated that family members see them as the “promising superstar”. Many

of the participants shared that their close friends view them as “comedians” because they

like telling jokes and “cool” because they develop positive friendships with each other.

Overall, a majority of the participants articulated that their classmates consider them to be

serious, passionate, and dedicated in their academic performance. However, an

overwhelming majority of the participants paused and pondered when asked how

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professors would describe them. A few senior participants expressed that they just

recently began developing closer relationships with faculty members. Supportive

programs, academic group organizations, and some student group organization stress the

value of a positive relationship with faculty members.

During the construction and maintenance of their Facebook profile, the African

American undergraduate male participants relied heavily on their profile photos and

status updates as the main features for identity construction and self-presentation props.

Receiving “Likes” from your friends and audience members are indications that your

audience confirms and appreciates your photo and/or status updates. Therefore, I suggest

Facebook’s “Like” button is an impression management feature where the audience can

give approval. Many of the participants emphasized the need for positive, admirable, and

professional aspects in creating their branded image. The participants mentioned that they

generated numerous “likes” on Facebook when they posted pictures of themselves in

suits. These men have bought into this form of self-presentation because it is a positive impression management strategy for their social media image. Kapidzic and Herring

(2014) found that their data was consistent with “the cool pose” concept. They posit that

Black males who are fully dressed up in their online profiles, meaning not exposing their bodies in a sexualized manner, demonstrate a form of “cool pose” behavior due to the negative depiction of African Americans in other media outlets including advertisement and film (Kitwana, 2002). Moreover, the overwhelming majority of the participants mentioned that they go on their own wall to monitor and check for any inappropriate postings as their way of controlling their “cool” online image.

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Since Facebook allows friends to “tag” photos, visual images, and status updates to other friends, the participants monitored and deleted any negative images or offensive content that would affect their brand. They wanted to protect their professional brand; but more importantly, they did not want their parents or family members to see any unflattering content or images of themselves. This is one of the strategies they use to control their image; however, some participants use privacy settings as their impression management tool to avoid any negative postings. Simeon (senior, 2nd generation, urban,

French major) said he has privacy settings that only allowed him to post on his wall.

Other participants allowed friends to tag them; but, the participants set their privacy settings to hide all “tagged” content until they approved and allow the content to be posted on their wall.

The overwhelming majority of the participants in this study perceived themselves as constructing their “real” and authentic selves on Facebook. “What you see, is what you get” was the underlying tone among many participants as they constructed their self- presentation. Yet, most of the participants did not complete their profiles because they chose not to reveal everything about themselves on Facebook with people they did not have an offline relationship with. A few of the participants mentioned that their online representation was real but it was not their “overall” authentic presentation. Quite a few of the participants asserted that they did not want to be perceived as “fake”. They wanted to ensure that their “rep” (reputation) remain credible on both offline and online environments. They strategically posted photos of themselves and their various student organizations, profile pictures representing their fraternities by wearing paraphernalia or

237 holding up their Greek hand sign, posted status updates, and online “memes” to ensure authentic self-presentation. A third of the participants mentioned that a “dislike” button should be included as one of the front stage features on Facebook. Based on their comments, a “dislike” button would stop users from posting inappropriate content, unflattering images, and meaningless comments. Contrast to this notion, Facebook CEO,

Mark Zuckerberg, recently informed social media consumers that Facebook would not include a “dislike” button (Lee, 2014). His argument was that a “dislike” button is not socially valuable or good for the online community and it could negatively impact relationships on Facebook.

Through their relationships.

Several studies (Allen, 1992, Fleming, 1984, Wilson & Constantine, 1999) have documented the salient connection among African American families and their collegiate students on issues of academic success, psychosocial development, and racial identity.

Across the board, interactions with family members were salient relationships among the undergraduate African American males in this study. While, they had limited contact with family members on Facebook, an overwhelming majority reached out to their family members via mobile phone. According to Bonner & Bailey (2006), family members serve as a key resource of support for African American college students. This holds true for the participants in this study. Many of them indicated that they call or text their parents or siblings often throughout the week and even a couple of times during their daily activities. A few participants are local hometown residents and they have more interaction with their family members offline. Wilson and Constantine (1999) suggested

238 that the development of a positive Black racial identity is due to the impact of familial relationships for African American students. Bonner and Bailey (2006) posited,

The establishment of a positive identity for the African American male student is significant in that it serves as the foundation upon which the student can develop some sense of agency and in turn determine where he “fits” within the academy. (p. 28)

Strong messages like, “we believe in you”, “keep going”, “stay strong because God got your back”, and “we’re looking forward to your graduation” are some of the messages participants received from their family members. With such positive messages, it is easy to confirm that close relationships with family members are salient and vital to the participants’ continuous identity construction and self-presentation.

Inferiority, stereotypes, and isolation served as perceived factors that hindered the social interaction between the participants, their classmates, and their faculty. Despite some modest gains, African American students are still confronted with racial dynamics similar to those described in previous studies (Harper, 2013). Consistent with previous research literature (Berry, 1983; Harper & Hurtado, 2007), these men articulated that they are being ignored and excluded from informal conversations among their white classmates. A majority of the participants expressed that they had little social interaction outside of the classroom with their White counterparts. These undergraduate male participants conveyed that they still pick up on nonverbal cues that suggest a perceived lack of intellectual competency (Cokley, 2003) and low academic expectations from faculty members.

The participants’ online experiences were slightly promising as they developed their relationships with their non-Black classmates and peers. Creation of study groups 239

and connection with White classmates to complete homework assignments, to find

solutions to tough problems, and to meet on campus to work on projects were the main

reasons for establishing relationships on Facebook. All the participants shared that they

do have some anchored relationships with some of their White classmates. However, the

majority of social interactions with White classmates take place offline during campus

events and activities.

Interaction with administrators, especially African American, seemed to foster

rich interaction among the institutional personnel. Some of the participants highlighted

their close connection with both mid-and upper-level administrators. Relationships served as resources, mentoring, sounding boards, and informal counselors. Also, some of the men mentioned that they had strong supportive relationships with the men who served as administrators for the black male initiative program. As these administrators provide programming, mentoring, and non-academic advising, participants shared that they trust and depend on these administrators for structure and accountability. Many of the participants communicated that the Black male initiative program provided a safe space and a culture of academic and personal excellence through valued relationships and interactions with these administrators.

Facebook’s academic potential.

In this study, the participants indicated that they primarily use Facebook indirect but some had direct online academic interaction with classmates and faculty members.

They participants shared that MWSU created Facebook pages for incoming freshmen and

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online cohort groups. Many of the participants described how they use Facebook as an

online book exchange space.

Due to the many features available to Facebook users, this site has academic

potential for educational institutions especially for its original targeted population. For

example, when the participants choose the “Like” button on MWSU Facebook pages,

they found it useful to ask questions, receive notifications for important dates, keep up to

date with current events and activities, and interact with other students who attend the

university. Not only will these university-created Facebook pages allow students to create study groups but with the approval of faculty and lecturers, students can work on group projects and form offline and online study groups. Students can search for Facebook pages that further explain difficult concepts and/or assist with homework problems. If a student posts a picture of a calculus problem, classmates can comments or hints on how to solve the problem. Faculty members can use Facebook to post photos from study abroad trips with a comments or questions to quiz or interact with their students. This site would serve as an online pedagogical tool for academic learning and interaction. Also, faculty members can self-assess their curriculum instructions to little experienced or future educators by posting videos, images, and comments and use the ‘Like’ button as an assessment tool.

In addition, faculty member that have student- athletes in their classrooms can create a Facebook private groups pages and provide assignments or classroom assistance especially for student-athletes that have leave the campus setting often.

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Social media and the college athletes.

This study has three college varsity athletics. During the interview, each athlete- participant provided responses to all the questions; however, I sensed some withholding their thoughts in some of the responses. I probed for more insight but the participants remained vague in terms of providing additional insight. Once recording stopped, they later expressed that they wanted to be careful with what they said in consideration of

NCAA rules regarding their social interaction in digital spaces. This may be another level of awareness especially for African American males who compete in collegiate sports. In addition, a small nuance emerged when I looked at these three male athletes. These athlete-participants were consistent in protecting and controlling their brand/image. All three were a part of the participants who indicated that race and gender did not play a role during their initial Facebook construction. The upper-classmen modified their Facebook profiles before team tryouts during their freshman year. All three of the participants preferred to communicate with their intimate loved ones offline (not on Facebook) and they communicated with at least one family member daily. In addition, all three participants seemed to be keenly aware of how much people pay attention to social media including their coaches, athlete director(s), teammates, and the general public.

Both professional and collegiate athletes have to represent themselves on social media platforms in the best possible ways to avoid public scrutiny, judgment, and embarrassment for themselves and their respective teams. The power of social media can have a major impact any athlete especially at the collegiate and professional levels. For example, a promising freshman quarterback at major football program, jokingly tweeted

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“Why should we have to go to class if we came here to play FOOTBALL, we ain’t come to play SCHOOL, classes are POINTLESS”. This infamous tweet went viral and received national attention, and seemed to place a black mark on the football team and school’s reputation. A few years, this young African American male had the opportunity to redeem the reputation of the school and his own image. Due to injury of the first and second-string quarterbacks, this third-string quarterback led the school to the first national championship in years. He received national attention for his on-the-field performance. There was an opportunity for him to perpetuate the media’s stereotype of

African American football players, by leaving school and entering the National Football

League (NFL) draft. He held a press conference at his high school alma mater with everyone assuming he was heading to the NFL. Surprisingly, he decided to stay in school in order to complete his degree requirements. His action discredits the notion that all

African American male athletes only attend college in order to reach the professional level of their desired sport. This young man was able to utilize social media and traditional media platforms to reconstruct his identity in a positive way, to debunk the societal stereotype of Black male athletes, and to re-establish his credibility with coaches, teammates, future NFL personnel, and a better draft position potentially.

Athletes who decide to use social media to connect and interact with others in these online spaces must realize that their image and reputations is always on the line.

Immature athletes can cause major embarrassment for themselves and their athlete programs through these power tools of social interaction. More attention to educating high school and college athletes is imperative because social media can be a friend or foe.

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That being said, student-athletes’ identity construction not only avoid the traditional stereotype threats (Steele, 1999) but their brand and interaction have to be positive and intentional especially if they desire to progress to the next level of their respective sports.

On some campuses, some African American student-athletes decide to join Black fraternities. Young undergraduate men who make this decision adds to their already highly visible image especially within the Black community on campus. They will have to negotiate how they will manage their identity in both offline and online social contexts.

Social media and Greek fraternities.

Inside the Black Greek community, social media plays an important role for

African American males’ identity construction. Throughout the history of African

American fraternities, black men constructed their identities through their membership in

African American fraternities. There is a long history centered around slavery, identity construction, and the formation of the rights of passage through the pledge process.

Scholars have documented the emergence of Black fraternities from Freemasonry (Jones,

2004; Kimbrough, 2003; Ross, 2000).

Many individuals after becoming a fraternity member maintain strong identities around these organizations. More than a third of the participants were members of an

African American fraternity who represented themselves to their audience as strong, positive leaders within the campus community. Their online identity provided images of them with their fraternity brothers, their symbols, languages, and social awareness among their audience. The participants in this study utilized Facebook to not only promote their

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brand, but they also would promote their fraternities’ brand. They would advertise

various parties and events. A few participants indicated that as a group, they would use

Facebook as a marketing and advertisement tool to attract their peers and classmates to

their events and activities; however most of the participants did not speak in terms of the

fraternity itself during the interviews.

It is my belief that this was due to the culture of secrecy associated with fraternities and potentially my position as a researcher but also as fraternity member.

Additionally, some of the conversations centered around such organizations are very private and often not implicit in written form. Similar to the participants who expressed

their spiritual identity, fraternity members expressed that their identity has a strong

foundations inside of their fraternity. However, in comparison with the participants that

were athletes in the study, participants in the NPHC fraternities were not as guarded but they certainly seem to withhold some comments. My position as a researcher and administrator seemed to play a role in what they would and would not share. Participants who were members of my fraternity did share a little more but remained guarded.

Although many of the undergraduate African American fraternities and sororities

have the desire to hold to their organizations’ past pledging activities that recently

heightened hazing incidents, African American males have not utilized social media to its

fullest potential. Many undergraduate fraternities use social media to promote their social

events and parties and not enough focus is given to their social capital and political power

on campus. In the past, African American fraternities and sororities held high leadership

positions on campus, demonstrated high academic performance levels, and preconceived

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student organizations with social and political capital among university administrators.

Unfortunately, some of these student organizations no longer representing the high

achievers that once represented (Harper, 2007; Kimbrough, 2005). Black fraternities can

use social media to regain their social capital in their campus communities by using

social media beyond social advertisement. They can use social media like Facebook to express their organization’s position on issues surrounding campus climate, social interaction with administrators, and local and national political topics.

Social media and politics.

Facebook has allowed African Americans a platform to articulate their thoughts

and ideas center around political and economic issues. The participants in this study

highlighted their support of President Barack Obama in both the 2008 and 2012

presidential elections. They had an opportunity to share their thoughts and opinions of

witnessing an African American man in one of the highest positions, if not the highest, in

the world. Furthermore, they had an opportunity to discuss the ongoing challenges of

police brutality, an attack on African American men. They highlighted their frustration

and disgust for the Trayvon Martin case and the shocking not guilty verdict. At the time

of the interviews, Trayvon Martin was the most high profile case in America that caused

stateside protest offline and online. Black Twitter, cultural subgroup on Twitter that

focuses on issues that impact the Black community, members vocalized their disdain for

the verdict and one of the jurors who wanted to write a book about the experience (Kelly,

2013). Both the book agent and juror quickly realized the power of social media as a tool

of activism.

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After the data collection period, more recent events have brought about global attention to the relationship between young African American men and law enforcement in the US. Besides Trayvon Martin, two young Black males were killed by their local police drawing national protest against police officers who exercised excessive force against unarmed Mike Brown (Missouri) and Freddie Gray (Baltimore). Again, social media played a major role in the national protest of these killing incidents. Many citizens in Missouri and Baltimore used these online spaces to organize their protest strategies including marches and meetings with city officials and law enforcement.

Social media has changed the “political calculus in the United States by shifting who controls information, who consumes information, and how that information is distributed” (Gainous & Wagner, 2015, p. 1). Due to its power of distribution, social media especially Facebook has now become spaces for activism and sociopolitical discourses. President Obama and campaign team exercised political astuteness and well- constructed strategies by using social media platforms to not only campaign but raise funds and stay connected to his supporters. Similar to the participants in this study, undergraduates students especially Black males can use social media to actively engage in local, state, and national politics to make their voices heard and potential developa new form of political power.

Monitoring and tracking on Facebook.

In this study, the overwhelming majority of the participants recognized that race and gender played a critical role in their identity production on Facebook. More

247 importantly, they maintained a high level of caution during their online performance due to the monitoring, tracking, and surveillance from their audience members.

As human beings, we have an innate curiosity or desire “monitor the world around us” and “we like to be in the know” (Shoemaker, 1996, p. 32) about what our family members, friends, and peers are doing. From example, parents constantly want to know what their children are doing when they are away from their presence. One of the major Facebook features that provide can assist us in keeping informed about their friends is the “Status Update” feature. When participants update their status, it appears on the public news feed and on their timeline that serves as an asynchronous feature that allows his friends to view his status whenever they log into Facebook. Meshach (senior, urban, 2nd-generation, computer & information science major) explains how he used this feature,

…look at the timeline to see if anything interests me…generally what I’ll do is if

I’m tagged to a picture, I will look at the picture and before you know it I’m

looking at what other friends are there and go over to their friends’ pages and

going back and forth.”

Goffman (1959) suggested that such human behaviors like monitoring, tracking, and surveillance are essential for individuals to learn and understand the performances and behaviors needed for social acceptance. However, many of the participants alluded to the idea of perceived online tracking and monitoring by unanchored friends on social media particularly Facebook. Although they did not mention it verbatim, participants with open profiles expressed their awareness of being under surveillance by users who are not their

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Facebook friends including college administrators, recruiters from graduate college

admissions, corporate businesses, and government agencies.

America has been the beneficiary of free labor since slavery began. This ideal of

free labor only exists in the form of our US prison system. Legal scholar and civil rights

litigator, Michelle Alexander, authored, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the

Age of Colorblindness, which gives a stunning account of the rebirth of a caste-like system in the US that shed light on the fact that millions of African Americans locked behind bars and denied the rights of a full citizen upon release from prison. Her book highlights the historical connection between African Americans and the US prison system and brings light to a national epidemic of disproportional racial incarceration of

African Americans especially the men. Recently, scholars (Pane & Rocco, 2014) are revisiting the notion of school-to-prison pipeline for Black youth. They cited NCES

(2010a, 200b), “Black youths’ involvement in the juvenile justice system is 10 times higher than Whites and Hispanics combined. Blacks are 27% of all high school dropouts, and 52% of Black male dropouts are incarcerated by the time they are 30 years old” (p.

301). Wright, White, Hirst & Cann (2013) suggest that social media use can signal a need for support if a student fails to interact and engage academically with their classmates and becoming at-risk as a dropout. This is a brief attempt to tie together how African

Americans males progress from slavery to poor educational experiences that cause them

to dropout due to their lack of academic engagement using online social network sites as

to track and monitor students’ behaviors.

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Six weeks after of the attack on the World Trade Center twin towers, US

Congress passed the “USA/Patriot Act”. The American Civil Liberties Union Under

(ACLU) defines the Act this way,

…the "USA/Patriot Act," an overnight revision of the nation's surveillance laws that vastly expanded the government's authority to spy on its own citizens, while simultaneously reducing checks and balances on those powers like judicial oversight, public accountability, and the ability to challenge government searches in court.

Based on the history and treatment of African American males in America, and the participants’ online caution and awareness that others could be tracking and watching their behaviors, online SNS users especially Black men are always onstage (Majors &

Billson, 1992).

Facebook’s facial recognition software application is as accurate as the human brain (Anthony, 2014). Now African American males have to be concerned with their surroundings and their awareness of their audience, consistently observing and tracking their movements and behaviors. In some sense, African American males never leave the front stage until they are alone. They are consistently interacting with others on a daily bases with this ongoing notion of representing themselves in a positive way and also negotiating their identity in the eyes of others (Du Bois, 1903) in both offline and online spaces. This is where they have a blended consciousness of online and offline identity construction. It is imperative that they understand the negative images and connotations surrounding their race and gender with the preconceived notions of non-black audience members who do not trust and often fear them.

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Implications for Higher Education Stakeholders

The findings from this study suggest several practical implications for individuals

who are interested in helping African American men develop their self-concept of “who

they are” in multiple contexts. The intersection of college student identity development

and online social network sites creates new implications for all higher education

stakeholders including college students, faculty, administrators, and parents. University’s

student code conduct manuals are being altered and/or updated to include college

students’ use of online SNSs like Facebook and Twitter. Facebook is no longer an online

space where college students are free from administrative scrutiny. This is evident to the

participants in this study and serves as a part of their online caution. Such awareness has

helped these men proactively address their self-presentation and impression management to prevent breaking any of the university’s student code of conduct policies.

Traditionally, faculty members are resist to new forms of pedagogies especially those

related to technology (Baldwin, 1998; Lynton & Elman, 1987; Marzilli, Delello,

Marmion, McWhorter, Roberts, & Marzilli (2014). Nonetheless, faculty members that

want to foster group collaborations and discussion chat rooms as pedagogical

interventions such as developing and discussing an archive that include posting photos,

videos, and website links of a particular subject matter would be ideal. Students would be

graded on participation and content explanation to demonstrate their competency would

foster scaffolding (Sawyer, 2006). Study groups are essential to the learning environment

at the postsecondary level. Faculty members may need to investigate how college

students are using online study groups in order to develop a resource space for additional

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materials that enhance learning but discourage any academic misconduct behaviors like

cheating. Facebook allows college students to create public and private pages that can

serve as group project laboratories. Creative faculty members could use Facebook for

dynamic and fun activities inside these learning labs while fostering social interaction

with all enrolled classmates. For example, Facebook provides a space for cultural and

ethnic learning. College students would have to post a cultural artifact and see if their

classmate can explain its meaning. After all attempts, the posting student would reveal its

true meaning. As African American fraternity members become more sophisticated with

their only use, administrators and fraternal advisors will have monitor and engage with

the college students to ensure strong positive images and avoid misrepresenting the

fraternity on campus or nationally. The development of an anchored relationship between

students and administrators are essential to the identity construction of the students they serve. Both the offline and online environments are inextricably linked; therefore, administrators must recall that both spaces are part of today’s everyday experience for college students. Understanding how today’s college student use these online SNS are necessary Learn how Facebook works will plays a crucial role for discerning parents. By establishing on online presence, some parent may obtain additional insight about their student(s). In this study, undergraduate African American male participants’ anchored relationships with their parents proved to be quite beneficial to their identity construction.

Recommendations

This study provided insights into identity construction dynamics of undergraduate

African American males both online and offline. Based on the findings, analysis, and

252 conclusions of this study, several suggestions are provided for undergraduate African

American male students, faculty and administrative staff, parents, and recommendations for future research.

Undergraduate African American male students.

1. Before logging into any online social network site and creating a user profile, it is imperative that these men understand both the offline and online social contexts. The findings suggest that race and gender are still the basis for discriminatory practices in nonymous environments.

2. It is imperative that African American males must research their history before, during, and after slavery in Africa and America. Findings suggested that from the beginning, those who were aware and conscious of their racial and gender negative stereotypes tend to construct a positive self-presentation and employed strong impression management strategies.

3. At the beginning of their college experience, African American men should seek out administrators, faculty members, and program initiatives that will provide guidance and resources for their identity development. The findings suggest that those who engaged in the black male initiative program, developed a relationship with administrators who had their best interest in mind, and socialized with like- minded African American males who also desire to create a positive offline and online representation.

4. Online social network sites, like Facebook and Twitter, have become technological surveillance environments for friends and parents, educational administrators, graduate school admissions recruiters, future employers, and government agencies. Findings suggest that the men in this study became acutely aware of this reality. While keeping their Facebook profile page open, some of the participants have moved on to other social network sites that allow you to remain more anonymous (i.e., Twitter and Instagram).

5. As undergraduate African American males utilize social media platforms, like Facebook, it is imperative that they articulate their thoughts and opinions with discernment and discretion. The findings suggest that African American males engaged in online heated debates on issues of race, gender, political, social and civil injustices with their White classmates and peers. They must understand that

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social media is a “double-edge” sword; it has both advantages that provide positive and spiritual uplifting discussions and disadvantages that can cause negative explicit interactions.

Recommendations for University Faculty and Administrators.

1. Before seeking an online presence with undergraduate African American males, there must be an offline relationship that fosters trust, respect, transparency, and more importantly, both implicit and explicit behaviors that demonstrate a safe and supportive environment. The findings suggest that African American undergraduate males will interact with both faculty and administrators for online if they have an offline relationship.

2. Faculty members, especially those who are White, must make a strong effort to avoid the implicit cues and explicit narratives that suggest any form of academic inferiority and negative stereotypes concerning underrepresented students particularly African American males. The findings suggest that conscious and socially aware students can easily pick up both nonverbal and verbal forms of communication from non-Black faculty members.

Recommendations for Parents.

1. Parents of African American male students should create a Facebook profile page to develop and manage their online presence but they should not engage in private and/or intimate conversations. The findings suggest that anchored relationships with their parents and extended family members provide students additional opportunities to interact, to receive support, and to strengthen their relationships.

2. Parents with Facebook pages can provide implicit support and encouragement by simply posting pictures, updating their statuses, and clicking on the “like” button of photos and status updates of their children. The findings in this study have illustrated the positive impact and close connection between undergraduate African American males with their parents and siblings.

3. Parents should value and expose the historical facts of American history to African American males to the historical facts of American history to avoid misguided thoughts, maladaptive behavior, and the misconstruction of a healthy identity. To rely on our American educational system for such vital information has been a major miscalculation from the African American 254

community. It will be up to our home environments and non-educational spaces including online environments to help expose our young men to such key knowledge. As discussed by the participants in this study, many of them constructed profile pages unconsciously.

4. Parents should seek out educational materials and resources (books, videos, online websites, Facebook postings, etc.) that provide points of conversation to young African American males to historical facts that shape the fabric of today’s American society. In doing so, African American men will be able to reconcile the two warring ideals of being a Negro and an American. Also, this could allow African American males to develop and construct a healthy self- concept and well-being.

Recommendations for Future Research

This study provides information regarding the experiences of identity construction and self-presentation of undergraduate African American males at a PWI and online. The shared experiences of offline and online identity construction, self-presentation, and relationship building and maintaining from 21 undergraduate African American male participants at one PWI cannot be generalized. However, the range of potential research studies that explore the identity construction for African Americans undergraduate males throughout the educational pipeline is immense. This study could serves as a foundation for other research projects such as comparison studies between cohorts, majors, groups, or other online SNSs. For example, a study that investigates the identity construction among Black fraternities and Black athletes due to their perceived high level of social capital and performance. Another interesting study could explore STEM majors and non-

STEM majors to shed light on how African American males’ identities are influenced by their majors. These studies would help advance and fill the research gaps on identity construction and performance in these multiple offline and online environments. Future

255 research could use an ethnographic approach with a longer period in the field to develop strong relationships, uncover unarticulated needs and visual data, and identify any discrepancies in their identity construction with more in-depth investigations.

A study of identity construction of African American men could be researched on a larger scale by expanding the sample size and other higher educational institutions could discover more emerging categories and/or different nuances related to the categories in this study. This would build upon this study by covering more variations throughout the US and beyond. Revisions of racial identity validated scales, like MIBI

(Sellers et al., 1998) and racial identity attitude scale (RIAS) (Helms & Parham, 1981), to consider racial identity in more detail in online social contexts could be modified to address identity development in digital spaces. Such revised scales should then be validated. The new instrument could serve as a supplement to qualitative methods.

Also, different qualitative methods could be used. For example, focus groups could be used to allow for broader and deeper insight surrounding this phenomenon.

Also, focus group would be ideal for interactive conversation within small groups to unpack the various perspectives on similarities and differences in identity construction and branding development. More importantly, researchers would get the opportunity to pick up on emotions responses, enthusiasm, and frustrations that African American males experience during their academic and social interactions with their White peers and faculty members. African American male construct their identities in online nonymous and anonymous environments and seek out how their blended consciousness around race, gender, privacy, monitoring, and tracking impacts their performance.

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To account for the educational pipeline, additional research is needed for other sample populations of African American males at the secondary level (9 – 12th grade), graduate and professional level, and degreed African American men outside of educational institutions. This study included undergraduate African American males from one predominantly white campus; however, undergraduate black males from other PWIs and other regions of the country should be examined to see if the same themes emerge.

Identity construction is contextual; therefore, a comparison study should be conducted to explore the identity construction and anchored relationships of undergraduate African

American males at a PWI(s) and at HBCU(s). Also, Facebook was the only online social network environment for this study. Other online social network spaces, like Twitter,

Instagram and other popular sites where African American males participate, should be studied as well. Finally, a longitudinal study would provide more in-depth analysis of the progression of African American males throughout the educational pipeline now that social interaction is a daily experience for online social network consumers, particularly college students. The slow emergence of academic practices and online spaces creates opportunities to bring together both classroom curriculum and extra-curriculum to online social spaces. This could shed some new light surrounding the use of social media and academic performance in the collegiate environment (Junco, 2012; Lampe et al., (2011);

Madge et al., 2009; Roblyer et al., 2010).

Final Thoughts

The historical stereotype narrative, the negative representation in mass media, and mis-education are critical factors in the oppression, subjection, and marginalization of

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African American people in the US. Over the years, such factors have caused psychological and sociological conflicts among African American identities as they encounter and interact with European American (White) people. The stripping of one’s heritage, culture, beliefs, and language impacts the psychological well-being of human beings. Nevertheless, Black men, such as Richard T. Greener, W.E.B. DuBois, Frederick

Douglas, Paul Roberson, Benjamin E. Mays, Malcolm X, Huey P. Newton, Rev. Dr.

Martin Luther King, Jr. and President Barak H. Obama were able to overcome such horrific conditions and reconcile their ‘twoness’ to construct strong identities and honorable self-presentations that impact the image of African American men in a more positive light. Certainly, these men, and many others, serve as role models of men who know who they are, what matters to them, and how they want others to perceive them.

The purpose of this study was to explore, gain insight, and hear the voices from current undergraduate African American males describe their experiences while constructing their identities, presenting themselves to others, and managing their relationships in mainstream social contexts including a PWI campus and on Facebook.

The chance to sit down with these students and ask questions about their daily undergraduate experiences and learn how they methodically constructed their images and representations provided a unique perspective and experience for this novice researcher.

Also, this study allowed me to understand how they performed their identity production of race, culture, and gender as they interact with peers, classmates, faculty and administrative staff. More importantly, my interaction with these amazing young African

American men will be cherished with genuine humility and great respect. Their

258 willingness to open up and share their life experiences, thoughts, and opinions in our private meetings was truly unforgettable. To date, I remain Facebook “friends” with most of the participants in this study.

259

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Appendix A: Institutional Review Board Approval Letter

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Institutional Review Board Approval Letter

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Appendix B: Recruitment Letter/Email Message

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Recruitment Letter/Email Message

Date

Address

Dear African American Male Facebook User,

We hope this letter finds you well! We understand that your academic pursuit is important, time consuming, and valuable to your educational and career goals.

That being said, we are conducting a study on how African American males use Facebook.com to (re)construct their identities, self-presentation, and relationships. Historically, African Americans have had very little control over the way they are represented throughout American society; thus, this study aims to shed light on how African American males use social media to represent themselves and maintain relationships online and offline. For this study, we are looking for research participants: 1) who self-identify as African American male, 2) who are18 years and older, 3) who are currently enrolled as an undergraduate student, 4) who are active Facebook users, and 5) who agree to “friend” request the researchers to have access to their Facebook profile for at least one month.

For this study, your involvement would consist of completing an online demographic questionnaire (20 to 30 minutes), participating in an in-depth face-to-face individual interview (90 to 120 minutes), archive data collection from each participant’s “about” section on their Facebook page, and a brief follow-up one-on-one interview (30 to 60 minutes). This study will take no more 3.5 hours to complete. All selected participants will receive a $20 gift card for completing the entire study.

Your identity and privacy will be fully protected. Confidentiality will be protected per OSU Institutional Review Board and ethical guidelines. You will have the right to withdraw from the study at any time throughout the research process without penalty.

If you are interested in participating, please complete the all dates and times you would like to schedule your initial interview below, copy and paste into email, and return it privately via email at [email protected] or you may call Ronald L. Parker at (614) 688- 8463 or (614) 348-6759.

Please provide the best dates and times to meet and conduct the interview:

Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday AM

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Time PM time

Best telephone number: ______Best Time to Call: ______

We will contact you to confirm the best date and time based on the dates and times you provide. At the scheduled interview, you will sign a consent form, complete an online demographic questionnaire, and engage in an in-depth interview. This will take approximately 2.5 hours. After the interview, we will request that you “friend” request the researcher for approximately one (1) month from the date of the initial interview. Also, you will set-up a date and time for a brief one-on-one follow-up interview.

This research study serves a significant purpose in that it African American males’ voices will be heard by academic researchers, educational community and our global society. For more information about the study or questions, please contact Ronald L. Parker and/or Dr. Richard J. Voithofer. Your interest and participation in this study is greatly appreciated.

Sincerely,

Ronald L. Parker Richard J. Voithofer, Ph.D. Doctoral Candidate Associate Professor The Ohio State University The Ohio State University [email protected] [email protected]

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Appendix C: Informed Consent

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Informed Consent Date

Dear Potential Participant,

Welcome and thank you for wanting to participate in this research study!

Again, we are conducting a research study that will explore how African American males use Facebook.com to (re) construct their identities, their self-presentation, and their relationships. Historically, African American people had very little control over the way they were represented in various forms of mass media outlets; thus, this study aims to shed light on how African American males use an online social media space to create and represent “who they are” by their interactions online and offline. This project is being conduct by me, Ronald L. Parker, Doctoral Candidate, as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School at The Ohio State University with supervision of his advisor, Dr. Richard J. Voithofer, associate professor in College of Education and Human Ecology Department of Educational Studies.

Your participation in this project is greatly appreciated and extremely important to various research communities to hear your voice and how you describe your daily experience on a predominantly white campus using this popular form of social media. For today, it will take no more than 2.5 total hours of your time to complete an online demographic questionnaire (30 minutes) and one-on-one interview (90 to 120 minutes) will be audio recorded. At the end of the session, I will ask you to “friend” request me so that I can analyze how you are constructing your identity in the “About” section. The best area for self-description on Facebook is the “About” section. The researchers will collect archive Facebook profile data from the participants’ “About” section to answer the study’s research questions. Quantifiable data will be collected including “Work & Education”, “Family”, “Basic Information”, “Friends”, “Music”, “Movies”, “TV Shows”, “Books”, “Games”, “Likes”, “Groups”, and “Notes”. Also, we will determine another date and time to meet for a brief follow-up interview (30 to 60 minutes) to allow you to share any additional experiences and to clarify any questions I may have about your profile information. The follow-up interview will be audio recorded. The questionnaire covers general details of your background, your use on Facebook, and a survey centered on Black identity. You will receive a code and login into an OSU survey website to complete the questionnaire. Your real name will not be used at all. Below, you will create a pseudonym (alias) to protect your identity and privacy. On all data collection instruments you will be referred to only by way of your code and/or pseudonym to maintain your anonymity. This consent form will be kept in a secure locked cabinet off- campus location until all requirements for the dissertation and publications are fulfilled.

Risks and Benefits This research project will contribute to understanding how African American men construct their identity, their self-presentation, and their relationship on Facebook and 293 offline. No more than minimal risk is expected. Participants may disclose negative experiences, which could cause some discomfort. If you experience any discomfort, you may withdraw from the study or suspend the interview until a later time. Outside of generalizable knowledge, there are no other known benefits to participation in the study. There are no financial costs to participate and there is a small incentive to complete the entire study, a $20.00 gift card. In the situation that you experience any adverse physical or psychological reaction due to participation in my research study, appropriate referrals will be made for you.

Data Storage to Protect Confidentiality Under no circumstances whatsoever will you be identified by name in the course of this research study, or in any publication thereof without your consent. Any information about you obtained as a result of your participation in this research will be kept as confidential as legally possible. Also, we will work hard to make sure that no one sees your survey responses without approval by providing you with a code (both letters and numbers). The code will be used to complete the online questionnaire to assure their identity and confidentiality for all participants. The consent form with the participants’ real names and codes will be stored in a secure (locked file) off-campus location separate from all other data. But, because we are using the Internet, there is a chance that someone could access your online responses without permission. In some cases, this information could be used to identify you. Please note that your research records, just like hospital records, may be subpoenaed by court order or may be inspected by the sponsor, federal regulatory authorities, or the IRB without your additional consent.

Every effort will be made that all information provided by you will be treated strictly confidential. You must be 18 years of age or older to participate. I will not ask any information that should lead back to your real identity as a participant. Your participation is completely voluntary. You may not provide information on any question that you do not wish to answer and you may discontinue at any time. Your refusal to participate or discontinuing participation in the study will not affect benefits otherwise entitled. Your class standing or relationship with the institution will not be affected if you decide either not to participate or to withdraw from this study. All data will be coded and securely stored, and will be used for professional purposes only.

How Results Will Be Used This research study is to be submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Graduate School and College of Education and Human Ecology Department of Educational Studies at The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. The results of this study will be published in professional presentation(s) and/or educational publication(s).

Participant’s Rights • I have the read and discussed the research description with the researcher. I have 294

had the opportunity to ask questions about the purposes and procedures regarding this research study.

• I understand that my participation in this research is voluntary. I may refuse to participate or withdraw from participation any time without jeopardizing my student status or other entitlements.

• The investigators may withdraw me from the research at his professional discretion.

• If, during the course of the study, significant new information that has been developed becomes available that may relate to my willingness to continue to participate, the investigators will provide this information to me.

• Any information from the research that personally identifies me will not be voluntarily released or disclosed without my separate consent, except as specifically required by law.

• If I have any questions regarding the research or if I feel I was harmed as a result of my participation, I can contact the researcher, Ronald L. Parker, who will answer my questions. The researcher’s phone number is (614) 688-8463 or (614) 348-6759. I may also contact him via email at [email protected] or [email protected]. I may also contact the faculty advisor and primary investigator, Dr. Richard J. Voithofer at (614) 247-7945.

• For questions about my rights as a research participant, or to talk to someone who is not a member of the research team, I should contact Ms. Sandra Meadows in the Office of Responsible Research Practices at 1-800-678-6251.

• I should receive a copy of the research description and this Participant’s Rights document.

Please check the appropriate line below:

______I CONSENT to participate in this research study.

______I DO NOT CONSENT to participate in this research study.

Confidential & Pseudonym Information All legal identifiable information (i.e., participant’s name) will be converted into a code for your protection and confidentiality. Please self-select your own pseudonym (alias) below. I will create another pseudonym for the final write up for additional confidentiality and protection of your identity. This consent form with your identifiable information has been filed in locked file cabinet off campus and protected by a secret password. Code #: 295

Participant’s Alias:

Researcher’s Pseudonym for Participant: PLEASE TURN THIS CONSENT FORM TO RESEARCHER PRIVATELY. THANK YOU!

My signature means that I give my consent to participate and I plan to participate fully to meet all the requirements for this research project.

Participant’s Name: (Please Print)______

Participant’s Name Signature: ______Date: ___/___/___

Investigator’s Verification of Explanation

I, Ronald L. Parker, Doctoral Candidate and Co-Investigator, certify that I have carefully explained the purpose and nature of this research to

______(participant’s Name). He has had the opportunity to discuss it with me in detail. I have answered all his questions and he provided the affirmative agreement to participate in this research study. At the end of this study, this consent form will be destroyed.

Investigator’s Signature: ______Date: ___/___/___

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Appendix D: Demographic Questionnaire

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Demographic Questionnaire

Participant’s Code:

Personal Identification Race  African American/Black  Biracial/Multiracial includes African America/Black and (check one):  White/Caucasian  Native American  Hispanic/Latino  Asian/Pacific Islander  Appalachian  Other ______

Ethnicity Select your ethnic culture background that you must identify with:  African Culture  African American Culture  Mainstream Culture______ Other Culture______(Please Specify)

Marital Status  Single  Engaged  Married  Separated  Divorced  Widowed

Religion Affiliation  Atheism  Buddhism  Christianity  Islamic  Jewish  Other______ None

Political Affiliation  Democrat  Republican  Independent  None

Family Background Your household estimated yearly income range?  Under $10K  $10K – $19,999K  $20K – $29,999K  $30K – $39, 999K  $40K –$49,999K  $50K – $59,999K  $60K –$69,999  $70 K and over

What generational of college degree attainment would you be considered?  1st Generation  2nd Generation  3rd Generation  4th Generation

What was the community make-up where you grew up (estimate)?

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 Urban  Suburban  Rural

Are you responsible for other family member(s):  Sibling-Brother  Sibling-Sister  Parent(s)  Other Family Member  Your Child (ren) If so, how many? ______ None

High School Information HS Class Rank: _____ out of____. HS GPA: ____/4.0 scale ACT Comp:_____SAT Total: ____

HS Type:  Public  Private  Other ______

Resources for College Tuition Select all that apply:  Scholarship  Grants  Work Study  Job – Off Campus  Parents  Other______

College Education Classification Currently Enrolled Student Please check the box and complete each educational level:  Freshman  Sophomore  Junior  Senior

Undergraduates Major(s): ______Minor(s):______

What is your cumulative/overall GPA? ______

Are you a member of fraternity?  Yes  No Do you live:  On campus  Off campus List Top Three Activities Leadership position(s) Held: Club/Organization(s): ______

______

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______

List Top Three Honors, Awards, Year(s) Received: Achievements: ______

______

Internet & Facebook Information

On a typical day, how many hours do you spend on the Internet? ___ Zero to 30 min ___ 31 to 60 min ___ 60 to 90 min ___ 90 to 120 min ___ More than 120 min

Do you have other online social media account(s)? _ Yes _ No (If Yes, check all that apply)  BlackPlanet  MySpace  Twitter  Other ______

What month and year did you create Facebook account? ______MM______YY

What provoked you to create a Facebook account? (Probe: What was the driving force behind creating your profile?)

As you created your Facebook account, did you think about how it would represent you? (Probe: Why or why not?)

How much time did you spend on Facebook daily? __ Zero to 30 min ___ 31 min to 1 hr ___ 1 to 2 hrs ___ 2 to 4 hrs ___More than 4 hrs

How many times do you check Facebook on computer? ______Daily ____Weekly _____Monthly

How many times do you check Facebook on mobile device (phone)? ______Daily ____Weekly _____Monthly

How many times do you check Facebook on iPad/Tablet? ______Daily ____Weekly _____Monthly

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How often do you change your profile picture on Facebook? ______Daily ____Weekly _____Monthly

Estimate the following questions:

Approximately how many Facebook friends do you have? ______Out of these friends, how many of them are on-campus (OSU) friends? ______Other-campus friends? ______How many our your relatives? ______How many of them are non-Black? ______How many of these friends do you have offline contact with? ______

Do you have people of other race and ethnic background as friends? (Probe: How many? What race(s)?) Describe your relationship with them.

Do you describe yourself in the “About Me” section?  Yes  No

If yes, do you feel that this is your most accurate authentic description of yourself?  Yes  No

List the top three most important reasons that you are using Facebook? 1). ______

2). ______

3). ______

Do you use Facebook for potential dating opportunities?  Yes  No  Sometimes

Do you use Facebook for other reasons beyond online social interaction?  Yes  No

If yes, select all that apply:  Academics  Work-related  Advertisement

If select “Academics”,  Other______

Open Ended Question: Do you think the media represent you correctly? (Why?)

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Appendix E: Initial Semi-structured Individual Interview Guide

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Initial Semi-structured Individual Interview Guide

Good Morning/Afternoon/Evening. First, I want to thank you for your willingness to participate in this portion of this study. I appreciate the time you are taking out of your schedule to help with this important research. I will be asking you a few questions today about your daily college experiences on Facebook and your offline social interaction with your friends, peers, and family members as you matriculate through the university. The purpose of the study is to explore and examine how African American males use Facebook.com to (re)construct their identities, their self-presentation, and their relationships. This interview will take no longer than two hours. This communication exchanges will be audio recorded and transcribed in order for me to capture all text of our discussion for later analysis.

To reemphasize the information that is provided on your written consent form, please note that:

(1) You may leave the study at any time. If you decide to stop participating in the study, there is no penalty to you, and you will not lose any benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. Your decision will not affect your future relationship with said institution. (2) We will use you pseudonym for your name in this interview and in any written documentation that is shared in order to protect your identity and to keep a high level of confidentiality. Information shared in the interview will not connect to you in any way. Every effort will be made to keep your personal information collected during the study confidential. However, there may be circumstances where this information must be released. For example, personal information regarding your participation in this study may be disclosed if required by state law. (3) All the information that you share will be kept secure and private.

Before we begin the discussion, do you have any questions for me at this point? (Pause)

Now that you have sign your consent form and completed the online demographic questionnaire, let’s start the interview by briefly introduce yourself by stating your pseudonym, your current class ranking status, your major, and the year you created your Facebook account.

Questions - General Information

1. Tell me about yourself. (Probe: Can you describe your public and private you? Describe your public you. (Probe: Really…is this your best you? Why?) How different is the public you from the private you?)

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2. Describe your typical day. (e.g., on campus, off campus) 3. What characteristics or personal traits best describe you? 4. How would your family members describe you? Friends? Peers? Supervisor? Professor? Anyone else? My primary research question asks the following:

How do African American men (re)construct and present their identity by race, culture, and gender on Facebook? 1. As an African American male, do you think Facebook allows you the freedom to express your who you are? (Probe: If so, in what ways? If not, why? Which Facebook feature allows you to express yourself best? Give me an example?) 2. Do you feel that Facebook allow you to present yourself differently? (How?) 3. Does your race and gender play a role when you post things on your wall or in the News Feed? (Probe: In what way(s)? 4. Did your race, culture, or gender play a role in your choices when creating your Facebook profile? 5. When you post things on your wall, do you think about it before you post them? (Probe: What do you think about?) 6. As an African American male, do you think about posting anything that might offend people of different race and ethnic backgrounds from you? (Probe: Why or why not?) The following questions will guide how I will answer this primary question: Question #1 - In what ways do African American males integrate Facebook into their everyday experience? 1. When you log on the Internet, what are the typical websites you visit? 2. When you log on Facebook, what are the first few things you do? (e.g., check messages, look at other people’s profiles, look at News feed, look for comments, post a comment, chat with friends) 3. What are the main features you use on Facebook most often? (Probe: Why do you use those features more than others? Are there any features you wish Facebook had? Explain why you want those features? Do you use the chat function much? 4. As an undergraduate student, do you use Facebook for academic purposes? (Probe: Why or Why not?) 5. Do any of your peers or friends use Facebook for academic purposes? (Probe: If yes, in what ways? If no, why do you think they don’t) 304

6. What events and activities have you use Facebook or other social media to make your voice heard? 7. Can you describe one major event on Facebook that occurred that impacted you offline? (Probe: Tell how did it make you feel? How did you react?) 8. Have you ever used Facebook to voice your political or religious perspective? Probe: In what ways?)

Question #2 - How do the online and offline identities of African American men vary?

1. How well does your Facebook profile reflect who you are? (Probe: Explain or tell me more)

2. Do you see your Facebook account as a virtual or digital identity, or do you feel it as an actual connection to how you see yourself? (Probe: Please explain.)

3. In what ways do your Facebook profile don’t describe who you are when you interact with your friends offline?

4. How do you present yourself on campus? Off campus? Online? (How do they connect with who you are?

5. Do you present yourself differently in multiple environments (For example home vs. campus)? Probe: What about this online?

6. When you are alone on Facebook, what do you typically spend your time doing? 7. How is this presentation different from the way you present yourself in your personal life? Is this a conscious decision? Please explain. Online?

Question #2(a) - In what ways do African American males build and manage the online and offline presentation of themselves?

1. What is your primary reason for creating and maintaining your Facebook profile? 2. In general, how do you think others describe you? At your high school? Undergraduate educational institution? Professors? Peers? Staff? Supervisor(s)? Family members? Girlfriend/Partner? Online? 3. In what ways does your audience’s description of you matter? (Probe: If they say something negative do you care? Why or why not? 4. Do you feel like your Facebook profile gives you a sense of control over who you are? Sense of Pride? Sense of strength? (Probe: How?)

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Question #3 - In what ways do African American males build and manage their online and offline relationships?

1. How would you describe your interaction with your family members, close friends, and peers? (Probe: Do you communicate with them more offline? If so, is it more face-to-face or on the phone?) 2. Do you interact with your classmates on Facebook? Faculty? Administrators? Family? (Probe: What type of information do you share with each other? 3. Do you post anything on Facebook that you wouldn’t want your family to see? Girlfriend/Partner? Advisor? Supervisor? Peers? 4. Have you “friend request” someone that you were interested in meeting offline? (Probe: Why?) 5. How has Facebook affected any of your offline relationships? (Probe: In what ways?)

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Appendix F: Follow-Up Semi-structured Interview Guide

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Follow-Up Semi-structured Interview Guide

1. Since our initial interview session, do you have any additional experiences that you would like to share at this time? (Probe: Was there anything you felt that you left out after the interview?) 2. Tell me about your profile picture? Tell me about your cover picture? (Probe: Why do you pick these pictures? 3. [If “About” section is incomplete] - In your “About” section of Facebook, I notice that you did not complete all of your personal information, why? 4. [If “About” section is complete] - Tell me about your experience completing this section. Were you along or did you fill it out with someone? (Probe: How did you feel after completing your personal information?) 5. I noticed that you posted images on your profile, which pictures best resonate with who you are? (Probes: Are there photos you have decided not to upload? Why? What do you think your pictures say about you? Do you have any personal favorite pictures? Which ones? Why? 6. How often do you look at or change your “About” section? (Probe: What are some reasons for changing this section?) 7. Tell me about your Timeline. (Probe: What postings would best describe ‘who you are’?) 8. I noticed you belong to this group, why did you decided join that group? 9. How do these applications relate to you? 10. How would you describe your friends list? Have you met all of them in-person? 11. Do you view or post photos or videos that closely express how you feel? Can you provide an example? Describe how it relates to you? 12. Is there anything you would like to add at this time?

Well, I want to thank you for participating in this study! This concludes your participation in this study. Here is your $20 gift card. (Researcher(s) hands the $20 gift card to the participant). You have been a great help in sharing your experiences, providing insight from the African American male perspective, and making a contribution to the academic, local, and global communities.

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Appendix G: Sample of Interview Coding in HyperRESEARCH

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Sample of Interview Coding in HyperRESEARCH

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Appendix H: Sample of Initial Codes

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Sample of Initial Codes

Frequency Initial Code (f) Total AA - DESCRIBING HIMSELF 22 AB - DESCRIBING HIS TYPICAL DAILY ACTIVITIES 23 AC - DESCRIBING HIS PERSONALITY TRAITS 26 AD - DESCRIBING HOW COACH VIEW 1 AD - DESCRIBING HOW FAMILY MEMBERS VIEW HIM 6 AD - DESCRIBING HOW FAMILY VIEW HIM 21 AD - DESCRIBING HOW FRIENDS VIEW HIM 18 AD - DESCRIBING HOW GIRLFRIEND VIEW HIM 9 AD - DESCRIBING HOW OPPOSITE SEX VIEW HIM 11 AD - DESCRIBING HOW PEERS VIEW HIM 17 AD - DESCRIBING HOW PROFESSORS VIEW HIM 19 AD - DESCRIBING HOW SUPERVISOR VIEW HIM 12 addressing awareness of public view 1 articulating he is ambitious and intelligent 6 attaching sport with native country 1 BA - INDICATING FB ALLOW HIM TO EXPRESS WHO HE IS 22 BA - INDICATING FB DON'T ALLOW HIM TO EXPRESS WHO HE IS 2 BB - AGREEING THAT FB ALLOW HIM REPRESENT HIMSELF DIFFERENTLY 21 BC - INDICATING RACE AND GENDER PLAY A ROLE IN POSTING 18 BC - INDICATING UNCONSCIOUS OF RACE AND GENDER POSTING FB 3 BD - INDICATING CONSCIOUSNESS OF RACE AND GENDER CREATE FB 5 BD - INDICATING UNCONSCIOUSNESS OF RACE AND GENDER CREATE FB 17 BE - INDICATING HE DON'T THINK BEFORE POSTING 1 BE - INDICATING HE THINKS BEFORE POSTING 24 becoming aware of his cyber identity 1 being judge by his appearance 1 BF - EXPRESSING HOW HE DON'T WANT TO OFFEND OTHER RACE 10 building a brand for himself 12 CA - DESCRIBING HIS TYPICAL INTERNET ACTIVITIES 22 CB - DESCRIBING HIS FB ACTIVITIES 24 CC - INDICATING MOST USED FB FEATURE 11 CC - USING FB MAIN FEATURES TO INTERACT 8 CCA - EXPRESSING FUTURE FB FEATURE 28 CD - INDICATING NOT USING FB FOR ACADEMICS 10 CD - USING FB FOR ACADEMIC PURPOSES 23 CE - EXPRESSING FB USE ACADEMIC AMONG PEERS AND FRIENDS 8 CE - EXPRESSING HIS PEERS USE FB FOR ACADEMIC REASONS 2 CF - DESCRIBING HOW USE FB MAKE VOICE HEARD 23 CF - USING OTHER SOCIAL MEDIAS FOR VOICE HEARD 9 CG - USING FB WITH OFFLINE IMPACT 24 CH - EXPRESSING HIS POLITICAL THOUGHTS 18 CH - EXPRESSING HIS RELIGIOUS THOUGHTS 17 312

Appendix I: Sample of Categories

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Sample of Categories

Identity f Total Interaction w/Others f Total explaining how multiple events EA - DESCRIBING HIS INTERACTING impact his identity 1 FAMILY AND FRIENDS 9 letting his offline interact EA - DESCRIBING HIS INTERACTION SHAPE him vs Social MEDIA 1 WITH CLOSE FRIENDS 19 expressing his responsibility as a EA - DESCRIBING HIS INTERACTION FATHER 3 WITH GIRLFRIEND 3 EA - DESCRIBING HIS INTERACTION expressing his social class status 1 WITH PEERS 7 EB - EXPRESSING INTERACTION Total 311 WITH ADMINSTRATORS ON FB 7 Branding EB - ENGAGING WITH FACULTY 15 DDII - EXPRESSING HIS EB - LITTLE ENGAGING WITH CONTROL OVER HIS IMAGE 25 FACULTY ON FB 7 indicating his concern with professional image 13 interacting with family 1 building a brand for himself 12 interacting with opposite sex 1 expressing his concern for describing interacting with friends on and FUTURE EMPLOYMENT 6 offline 5 expressing his ATTIRE is CC - USING FB MAIN FEATURES TO important part IMAGE 1 INTERACT 8 expressing that FB can RUIN using other SOCIAL MEDIA to FUTURE 1 INTERACT 2 deleting items on FB to keep positive image 3 showing he interact with others 2 expressing his value for education 3 indicating offline communication more 20 indicating walking in PURPOSE 2 indicating online communication more 10 indicating he communicate offline with Total 66 family and close friends 1 Identity Construct preferring face-to-face interaction 4 indicating FB allow him to letting his offline interact SHAPE him vs construct himself 1 Social MEDIA 1 indicating FB allow him to reconstruct himself 1 indicating he avoid negative situations 1 expressing his ATTIRE is expressing REAL and DEEPER interaction important part IMAGE 1 offline 1 expressing his responsibility as a expressing that its TABOO to engage with FATHER 3 faculty 1 Total 6 Total 125

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Appendix J: Description of the Research Team Members

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Description of the Research Team Members

Primary Researcher: Ronald L. Parker

I am the primary researcher in this study is a African American male doctoral candidate in the Educational Technology Educational Studies

Research Team Members

Research Partner #1 was an African American female that recently completely her doctoral degree from the School of Educational Policy and Leadership. She used grounded theory for her dissertation.

Research Partner #2 was an African American female that recently passed her doctoral candidate examination in the area of Cultural Foundations of Education.

Boot Camp Instructor

Boot Camp Instructor was an African American male who is a distinguished full professor in the College of Education and Human Ecology.

All members of the team had instruction, training, and experiences in qualitative methodology and research.

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Appendix K: Research Team Members’ Pledge of Confidentiality

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Research Team Members’ Pledge of Confidentiality

As a member of this research team, I hereby understand that I will be provided access to the transcriptions of confidential interviews and demographic questionnaires. The research participants in this project who agreed in good faith that their interviews would remain confidential have provided the information in these documents. The participants provided pseudonyms via their consent forms. The researcher has given each participant another pseudonym as a second level of confidentiality. I understand that as a member of this research team that I have a responsibility to honor this confidentiality agreement and hereby agree not to share the information in the aforementioned documents with anyone except to, Ronald L. Parker, the project’s primary researcher and other members of the research team. Any violation of this agreement would constitute a breach of ethical standards set by both the Institutional Review Board and traditional research code of ethics. I hereby pledge not to breach the confidentiality of this study.

______Research Team Member Signature Print Name

Date ______

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Appendix L: Participants’ Demographics Data

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Participants’ Demographics Data

HS Community Family HS Academic Current Participants Identities Class ACT SAT Major(s)/Minor Age Background Income GPA Level GPA Rank Bi, 1, C, $30 - Nursing Joshua Urban 4.5 1 26 1760 Senior 2.985 23 D, F/FM $39,999K AA, 1, L, $10 - Political Science Samuel Suburban 1.7 15/35 0 0 Senior 2.8 44 D $19,999K AA, 1, C, Under Electrical & Computer Abednego Urban 3.78 2 21 1340 Senior 2.95 23 D, FM $10K Engineering AF, 2, C, $70K and Computer & Information Meshach Urban 3 200/600 27 1880 Senior 2.5 21 D, FM Over Science Bi, 1, N, Under Sports Industry Boaz Urban 3.7 24/80 21 1500 Junior 2.98 20 D, A $10K H, 2, N, $70K and Simeon Urban 3.8 9 29 1250 Senior French & Political Science 3.3 23 D Over Levi AA, 1, C, $30 - Construction Systems

3 Urban 3.4 15 18 1290 Sophomore 3.2 19

20 D $39,999K Management/Business

Biomedical AA, 3, C, $70K and Jacob Suburban 3.97 14/800 34 2020 Senior Engineering/Psychology 3.04 22 N, FM Over

Sociology/ AA, 2, N, Under Reuben Suburban 3.58 33/340 28 1800 Junior Entrepreneurship 2.692 20 I, A $10K

Mechanical Engineering/ AA, 2, C, $70K and Benjamin Suburban 3.98 35/351 35 1350 Senior Industrial Design 3.525 21 I Over

AA, 3, C, $50 - Electrical Engineering Daniel Suburban 4 10.70% 25 1700 Freshman N/A 18 N $59,999K Bi, 4, C, $70K and Electrical Engineering Jeremiah Suburban 3.9 4/315 25 1700 Freshman N/A 18 D, A Over

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HS Community Family HS Academic Current Participants Identities Class ACT SAT Major(s)/Minor Age Background Income GPA Level GPA Rank Operations Management/ AA, 1, C, $20 - Malachi Urban 3.6 10 23 1590 Junior Coaching Education 3 21 D, FM $29,999K

Public Affairs/ AA, 3, C, $70K and Top Shadrach Urban 3.9 29 1920 Senior Economics 3.7 21 D, FM Over 20%

Moses AA, 2, C, $10 - Engineering/ AAAS Suburban 3.8 11th 28 1800 Sophomore 3.179 19

3 D $19,999K 21 AA, 2, C, $30 - Mechanical Engineering

David Urban 3.63 N/A 26 1760 Freshman N/A 18 D $39,999K AA, 4, C, $70K and Public Health Solomon Suburban 3.75 N/A 28 1900 Freshman N/A 18 D Over AA, 1, C, $30 - Mechanical Engineering Caleb Suburban 3.5 5 18 1290 Senior 2.7 23 I, FM $39,999K AA, 1, C, $70K and History Job Urban 3.6 16 26 1760 Senior 2.35 22 D, F Over AA, 1, C, $60 - Economic & AAAS/ Abraham Urban 3.4 28 19 1000 Senior 2.8 23 D, FM $69,999K Business AA, 1, C, $10 - Social Work Jonah Urban 4.07 2 25 1700 Senior 2.9 22 D, F $19,999K AA – African American, AF – African, Bi – Bi-Racial, H – Haitian College Generation – (1 – 1st Generation, 2 – 2nd Generation, 3 – 3rd Generation, 4 – 4th Generation) Religious Affiliation – (C – Christian, L – Lutheran, N - None) Political Affiliation – (D- Democrat, I – Independent, N - None) Other – (A – Athlete, F – Father, FM – Fraternity Member)

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Appendix M: Participants’ Online Demographic Data

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Participants’ Online Demographic Data

Device to Academic Current Internet Facebook Other Social Participants Major MySpace Twitter Check Level GPA Time Time Media Accts Facebook Joshua Senior Nursing 2.985 90 to 120 Zero to 30 No Yes Instagram Mobile Political Samuel Senior 2.8 30 to 60 30 to 60 Yes No No Computer Science Electrical & More than Computer & Abednego Senior Computer 2.95 2 to 4 hrs No Yes Instagram 120 Mobile Engineering Computer & More than Vine, Linked Computer & Meshach Senior Information 2.5 Zero to 30 No Yes 120 In, Instagram Mobile Science Sports Mobile & Boaz Junior 2.98 30 to 60 Zero to 30 No Yes Instagram Industry Computer Simeon French & 32 Mobile & Senior Political 3.3 90 to 120 60 to 120 No Yes No

3 Computer

Science Construction Levi Sophomore Systems 3.2 60 to 90 30 to 60 No Yes Instagram Mobile Management Biomedical More than iPad, Mobile, Jacob Senior 3.04 60 to 120 No Yes Instagram Engineering 120 Computer More than Tumblr, Computer & Reuben Junior Sociology 2.692 Zero to 30 No Yes 120 Instagram Mobile Mobile, Mechanical More than Benjamin Senior 3.525 60 to 120 No Yes Google+ Computer, Engineering 120 iPad Mobile, Electrical Daniel Freshman N/A 30 to 60 Zero to 30 No No No Computer, Engineering iPad Electrical Computer & Jeremiah Freshman N/A 90 to 120 60 to 120 Yes Yes No engineering iPad

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Device to Academic Current Internet Facebook Other Social Participants Major MySpace Twitter Check Level GPA Time Time Media Accts Facebook Operations More than Mobile & Malachi Junior 3 30 to 60 No Yes Instagram Management 120 Computer Mobile, Shadrach Senior Public Affairs 3.7 90 to 120 Zero to 30 No Yes Instagram Tablet, Computer More than Tumblr and Computer & Moses Sophomore Engineering 3.179 Zero to 30 No Yes 120 Instagram Mobile Mechanical More than Mobile & David Freshman N/A 30 to 60 No Yes No Engineering 120 Computer 324 Computer, More than Solomon Freshman Public Health N/A Zero to 30 No Yes Instagram Mobile, 120 Tablet Mechanical Caleb Senior 2.7 90 to 120 30 to 60 No No Linked In Mobile Engineering Tablet, Job Senior History 2.35 60 to 90 Zero to 30 No Yes Instagram Mobile, Computer Economic & More than Computer & Abraham Senior 2.8 60 to 120 No Yes Instagram AAAS 120 Mobile More than Mobile & Jonah Senior Social Work 2.9 30 to 60 No Yes GroupMe 120 Computer

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