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Freedom in West Bengal Revised
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ResearchArchive at Victoria University of Wellington Freedom and its Enemies: Politics of Transition in West Bengal, 1947-1949 * Sekhar Bandyopadhyay Victoria University of Wellington I The fiftieth anniversary of Indian independence became an occasion for the publication of a huge body of literature on post-colonial India. Understandably, the discussion of 1947 in this literature is largely focussed on Partition—its memories and its long-term effects on the nation. 1 Earlier studies on Partition looked at the ‘event’ as a part of the grand narrative of the formation of two nation-states in the subcontinent; but in recent times the historians’ gaze has shifted to what Gyanendra Pandey has described as ‘a history of the lives and experiences of the people who lived through that time’. 2 So far as Bengal is concerned, such experiences have been analysed in two subsets, i.e., the experience of the borderland, and the experience of the refugees. As the surgical knife of Sir Cyril Ratcliffe was hastily and erratically drawn across Bengal, it created an international boundary that was seriously flawed and which brutally disrupted the life and livelihood of hundreds of thousands of Bengalis, many of whom suddenly found themselves living in what they conceived of as ‘enemy’ territory. Even those who ended up on the ‘right’ side of the border, like the Hindus in Murshidabad and Nadia, were apprehensive that they might be sacrificed and exchanged for the Hindus in Khulna who were caught up on the wrong side and vehemently demanded to cross over. -
Red Bengal's Rise and Fall
kheya bag RED BENGAL’S RISE AND FALL he ouster of West Bengal’s Communist government after 34 years in power is no less of a watershed for having been widely predicted. For more than a generation the Party had shaped the culture, economy and society of one of the most Tpopulous provinces in India—91 million strong—and won massive majorities in the state assembly in seven consecutive elections. West Bengal had also provided the bulk of the Communist Party of India– Marxist (cpm) deputies to India’s parliament, the Lok Sabha; in the mid-90s its Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu, had been spoken of as the pos- sible Prime Minister of a centre-left coalition. The cpm’s fall from power also therefore suggests a change in the equation of Indian politics at the national level. But this cannot simply be read as a shift to the right. West Bengal has seen a high degree of popular mobilization against the cpm’s Beijing-style land grabs over the past decade. Though her origins lie in the state’s deeply conservative Congress Party, the challenger Mamata Banerjee based her campaign on an appeal to those dispossessed and alienated by the cpm’s breakneck capitalist-development policies, not least the party’s notoriously brutal treatment of poor peasants at Singur and Nandigram, and was herself accused by the Communists of being soft on the Maoists. The changing of the guard at Writers’ Building, the seat of the state gov- ernment in Calcutta, therefore raises a series of questions. First, why West Bengal? That is, how is it that the cpm succeeded in establishing -
India Freedom Fighters' Organisation
A Guide to the Microfiche Edition of Political Pamphlets from the Indian Subcontinent Part 5: Political Parties, Special Interest Groups, and Indian Internal Politics UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA A Guide to the Microfiche Edition of POLITICAL PAMPHLETS FROM THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT PART 5: POLITICAL PARTIES, SPECIAL INTEREST GROUPS, AND INDIAN INTERNAL POLITICS Editorial Adviser Granville Austin Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfiche project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Indian political pamphlets [microform] microfiche Accompanied by printed guide. Includes bibliographical references. Content: pt. 1. Political Parties and Special Interest Groups—pt. 2. Indian Internal Politics—[etc.]—pt. 5. Political Parties, Special Interest Groups, and Indian Internal Politics ISBN 1-55655-829-5 (microfiche) 1. Political parties—India. I. UPA Academic Editions (Firm) JQ298.A1 I527 2000 <MicRR> 324.254—dc20 89-70560 CIP Copyright © 2000 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-829-5. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................. vii Source Note ............................................................................................................................. xi Reference Bibliography Series 1. Political Parties and Special Interest Groups Organization Accession # -
It Is Well Known That After Independence, West Bengal Has Been Lagging Increasingly Behind Many Other States of India in the Field of Industrial Production
The Political Economy of Decline of Industry in West Bengal: Experiences of a Marxist State Within a Mixed Economy Subhash C. Ray University of Connecticut Working Paper 2011-10 May 2011 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DECLINE OF INDUSTRY IN WEST BENGAL: EXPERIENCES OF A MARXIST STATE WITHIN A MIXED ECONOMY Subhash C Ray Department of Economics University of Connecticut Storrs CT 06269 USA [email protected] Over more than six decades following Independence, industry in West Bengal has steadily gone downhill. Usually the Left Front government effectively controlled by the Marxist Communist Party (CPM), that has ruled the state for the past 34 years until its recent defeat in the state assembly elections, is held responsible for the plight of industry in the state. The party and its followers, on the other hand, blame denial of the due share of the state in the central resources by a hostile government at the center for industrial retardation. This paper takes a close look at the available statistical evidence to argue that the main reason for the decline is a direct outcome of poor work culture, political interference, and failure of governance that has resulted in industrial anarchy that scares off private investment in the state. While the Left Front has its share of responsibility, the newly anointed Chief Minister of the State, Mamata Banerjee, has herself contributed generously to fostering and cultivating this chaos by calling wildcat general strikes in her erstwhile role as the ‘one person opposition party’. The only thing that can revive industry in West Bengal is liberating civil administration from the grip of political party bosses. -
"NAXALITE" MOVEMENT in INDIA by Sharad Jhaveri
-518- We are not yet prepared to call ism, feudalism and comprador-bureaucrat the leaders of the CPI(M) "counter-revo- capital"! -- whatever that might mean. lutionaries" although objectively they play the role of defenders of bourgeois Indeed the "Naxalite" revolt against property. That is a logical consequence the leadership of the CPI(M) reflects to an of their opportunist class-collaboration- extent the growing revolt of the rank and ist policies emanating out of their er- file against the opportunist sins of the roneous and unhistorical strategy of a leadership. The ranks react in a blind and "people's democratic revolution'' in India. often adventurist manner to the betrayals of the masses by the traditional Stalinist But then the Naxalites, despite parties. all their fiery pronouncements regarding armed action and "guerrilla warfare," are For the present, Maoism, with its also committed to the strategy of a four- slogan "power flows from the barrel of a class "people's democratic front" -- a gun," has a romantic appeal to these rev- front of the proletariat with the peasant- olutionary romanticists. But the honest ry, middle class, and the national bour- revolutionaries among them will be con- geoisie to achieve a "people's democratic vinced in the course of emerging mass revolution. struggles that the alternative to the op- portunism of the CPI(M) is not Maoist ad- What is worse, the Naxalites under- venturism but a consciously planned rev- rate the role of the urban proletariat as olutionary struggle of workers and peas- the leaders of the coming socialist revo- ants, aimed at overthrowing the capital- lution in India. -
The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line *** Bangladesh Nurul Amin The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh First Published: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 15:3 (1985) : 349-360. Taken from http://www.signalfire.org/2016/06/08/the-pro-chinese-communist-movement-in- bangladesh-1985/ Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Introduction The Communists in the Indian sub-continent started their political journey quite early, founding the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1920. 1 After the Partition of India a section of young CPI members under the leadership of Sajjad Zahir established the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948. 2 By 1954 the CPP had been banned all over Pakistan. As a result, CPP started working through the Awami League (AL) and other popular organisations. The AL witnessed its first split in 1957 when it was in power. Assuming the post of Prime Minister in Pakistan, S.H. Suhrawardy pursued a pro-Western foreign policy and discarded the demand for “full provincial autonomy ” for East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Awami League Chief Maulana Bhasani did not agree with the policy of the Prime Minister. On this ground, Maulana Bhasani left the AL and formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 with progressive forces. -
Communism and Religion in North India, 1920–47
"To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920–47 Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) eingereicht an der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin von Patrick Hesse Präsident der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Prof. Dr. Jan-Hendrik Olbertz Dekanin der Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftlichen Fakultät Prof. Dr. Julia von Blumenthal Gutachter: 1. Michael Mann 2. Dietrich Reetz Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 20. Juli 2015 Abstract Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. -
Olitical Amphlets from the Indian Subcontinent Parts 1-4
A Guide to the Microfiche Edition of olitical amphlets from the Indian Subcontinent Parts 1-4 UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA fc I A Guide to the Microfiche Collection POLITICAL PAMPHLETS FROM THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT Editorial Adviser Granville Austin Associate Editor and Guide compiled by August A. Imholtz, Jr. A microfiche project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicaîion Data: Indian political pamphlets [microform] microfiche Accompanied by a printed guide. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 1-55655-206-8 (microfiche) 1. Political parties-India. I. UPA Academic Editions (Firm) JQ298.A1I527 1989<MicRR> 324.254~dc20 89-70560 CIP International Standard Book Number: 1-55655-206-8 UPA An Imprint of Congressional Information Service 4520 East-West Highway Bethesda, MD20814 © 1989 by University Publications of America Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. TABLE ©F COMTEmn Introduction v Note from the Publisher ix Reference Bibliography Part 1. Political Parties and Special Interest Groups India Congress Committee. (Including All India Congress Committee): 1-282 ... 1 Communist Party of India: 283-465 17 Communist Party of India, (Marxist), and Other Communist Parties: 466-530 ... 27 Praja Socialist Party: 531-593 31 Other Socialist Parties: -
Communist Party of India (Marxist) - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Communist Party of India (Marxist) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_India_(Marxist) Communist Party of India (Marxist) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (abbreviated CPI(M) or CPM ) is a communist party in India. The party Communist Party of India (Marxist) emerged from a split from the Communist Party of India in भारत की क,ुिन पाट" ( मा वादी ) 1964. The CPI(M) was formed at the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of India held in Calcutta from October 31 to November 7, 1964. The strength of CPI(M) is concentrated in the states of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. As of 2015, CPI(M) is leading the state government in Tripura. It also leads the Left Front coalition of leftist parties. As of 2013, CPI(M) claimed to have 1,065,406 members. [5] Secretary-General Sitaram Yechury [1] CPI(M) is organised on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Vladimir Lenin which entails Lok Sabha leader P. Karunakaran [2] democratic and open discussion on policy on the condition of Rajya Sabha leader Sitaram Yechury [3] unity in upholding the agreed upon policies. The highest Founded 7 November 1964 body of the party is the Politburo. Headquarters Gole Market, New Delhi, India Newspaper People's Democracy Contents Student wing Students Federation of India 1 History Youth wing Democratic Youth 1.1 Formation of CPI (M) Federation of India 1.2 Name Women's wing All India Democratic 1.3 Early years of CPI (M) Women's Association 1.4 Naxalbari -
Cyclone Aila and the Sundarbans: an Enquiry Into the Disaster and Politics of Aid and Relief
Cyclone Aila and the Sundarbans: An Enquiry into the Disaster and Politics of Aid and Relief Amites Mukhopadhyay 2009 December 2009 Published by: Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group GC-45, Sector - III, First Floor Salt Lake City Kolkata - 700 106 India Web: http://www.mcrg.ac.in Printed by: Timir Printing Works Pvt. Ltd. 43, Beniapukur Lane Kolkata - 700 014 This publication is part of a research work on the CRG Annual Winter Couirse on Forced Migration. The support of the UNHCR New Delhi, the Government of Finland and the Brookings Institution, Washinton DC is kindly acknowledged. 2 Cyclone Aila and the Sundarbans: An Enquiry into the Disaster and Politics of Aid and Relief Amites Mukhopadhyay Basanti Raptan, a resident of the southern part of Kusumpur 1 island in Gosaba Block of the Sundarbans, woke up to a morning that was different but not unusual in the Sundarbans. Since early morning, a thick cloud hung over the island and there was a strong wind blowing across the river. Basanti woke up early for her household chores little realising what the day had in store for her. She lived with her one and half year old daughter as her husband was away in Kolkata working as a construction labourer. While Basanti got up, her daughter was still asleep. As the day progressed the wind began to blow harder. Around eleven in the morning the wind suddenly changed into a violent storm. The mud wall and doors of her house started to tremble under its impact and Basanti could see from her courtyard that the storm made the coconut trees bend into halves. -
Chapter-V Period of Marginalization (1967-1971)
CHAPTER-V PERIOD OF MARGINALIZATION (1967-1971): A. NON-CONGRESS COALITION GOVERNMENT AND B. PRESIDENTIAL RULE A political reconstruction throughout the country and the All India Congress Party started unfolding the stratigies in the late 1960s. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s various steps regarding economic stance were not appreciated by the senior Congress leadership those who were popularly known as ‘syndicate’. The so called ‘syndicate’ group had started asserting themselves in post Nehru era on the ground of their seniority and experience which was counted more than important that of the political novice of Indira Gandhi. The senior as well as prominent Congress leaders like – K. Kamraj Nadar, S. Nijalingappa. S. K. Patil, Atulya Ghosh, C. Subramaniam, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy etc. collectively had formed an unconventional group at the aim of pressuring on Indira Gandhi to work on their advice.1 New Era- The All India Scenario Before the election of 1967 the so-called sundicate group leaders were sometimes succeeded to compel Indira Gandhi to act according to their advice. In that context, it may be mentioned that in case of the removal of G. L. Nanda from the portfolio of Home Ministy and Prime Minister had to resile regarding the keeping of Finance Minister Sachin Choudhury and Commerce Minister Munabhai Shah in their respective portfolio due to the pressure of syndicate group.2 But, the target of the syndicate group however, was not fulfilled as because most of these leaders were defeated in the election of 1967. The fourth general election was so detrimental for Congress party in India that for the first time after independence Congress had failed to form Governments in West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Kerala due to lack of majority. -
Accounts of Personal Involvement and Politics in West Bengal
Henrike Donner The significance of Naxalbari: accounts of personal involvement and politics in West Bengal Occasional paper Original citation: Donner, Henrike (2004) The significance of Naxalbari: accounts of personal involvement and politics in West Bengal. Occasional paper 14, Centre of South Asian Studies, Cambridge, UK. This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/21343/ Originally available from Centre of South Asian Studies, University of Cambridge Available in LSE Research Online: September 2008 © 2004 Henrike Donner LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. The significance of Naxalbari :1 Accounts of personal involvement and politics in West Bengal Introduction This article is part of a project on politics and the effect of the Naxalite movement on perceptions and political involvement among ordinary urban Bengalis. It therefore deals with accounts of personal involvement in the politics of the radical left in Calcutta, and explores ‘Naxalbari’ in relation to organisational and leadership ideals, personal sacrifice, and local politics in retrospect. Based on interviews with former activists, the ‘Naxalbari path’ of revolution is described in hindsight, and a particular form of narrative interpreted in the light of personal as well as cultural expectations.