Be Truthful: So That India Does Not Become a Hypocritical Nation! Prem Singh
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Freedom in West Bengal Revised
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ResearchArchive at Victoria University of Wellington Freedom and its Enemies: Politics of Transition in West Bengal, 1947-1949 * Sekhar Bandyopadhyay Victoria University of Wellington I The fiftieth anniversary of Indian independence became an occasion for the publication of a huge body of literature on post-colonial India. Understandably, the discussion of 1947 in this literature is largely focussed on Partition—its memories and its long-term effects on the nation. 1 Earlier studies on Partition looked at the ‘event’ as a part of the grand narrative of the formation of two nation-states in the subcontinent; but in recent times the historians’ gaze has shifted to what Gyanendra Pandey has described as ‘a history of the lives and experiences of the people who lived through that time’. 2 So far as Bengal is concerned, such experiences have been analysed in two subsets, i.e., the experience of the borderland, and the experience of the refugees. As the surgical knife of Sir Cyril Ratcliffe was hastily and erratically drawn across Bengal, it created an international boundary that was seriously flawed and which brutally disrupted the life and livelihood of hundreds of thousands of Bengalis, many of whom suddenly found themselves living in what they conceived of as ‘enemy’ territory. Even those who ended up on the ‘right’ side of the border, like the Hindus in Murshidabad and Nadia, were apprehensive that they might be sacrificed and exchanged for the Hindus in Khulna who were caught up on the wrong side and vehemently demanded to cross over. -
Red Bengal's Rise and Fall
kheya bag RED BENGAL’S RISE AND FALL he ouster of West Bengal’s Communist government after 34 years in power is no less of a watershed for having been widely predicted. For more than a generation the Party had shaped the culture, economy and society of one of the most Tpopulous provinces in India—91 million strong—and won massive majorities in the state assembly in seven consecutive elections. West Bengal had also provided the bulk of the Communist Party of India– Marxist (cpm) deputies to India’s parliament, the Lok Sabha; in the mid-90s its Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu, had been spoken of as the pos- sible Prime Minister of a centre-left coalition. The cpm’s fall from power also therefore suggests a change in the equation of Indian politics at the national level. But this cannot simply be read as a shift to the right. West Bengal has seen a high degree of popular mobilization against the cpm’s Beijing-style land grabs over the past decade. Though her origins lie in the state’s deeply conservative Congress Party, the challenger Mamata Banerjee based her campaign on an appeal to those dispossessed and alienated by the cpm’s breakneck capitalist-development policies, not least the party’s notoriously brutal treatment of poor peasants at Singur and Nandigram, and was herself accused by the Communists of being soft on the Maoists. The changing of the guard at Writers’ Building, the seat of the state gov- ernment in Calcutta, therefore raises a series of questions. First, why West Bengal? That is, how is it that the cpm succeeded in establishing -
Reg. No Name in Full Residential Address Gender Contact No
Reg. No Name in Full Residential Address Gender Contact No. Email id Remarks 20001 MUDKONDWAR SHRUTIKA HOSPITAL, TAHSIL Male 9420020369 [email protected] RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 PRASHANT NAMDEORAO OFFICE ROAD, AT/P/TAL- GEORAI, 431127 BEED Maharashtra 20002 RADHIKA BABURAJ FLAT NO.10-E, ABAD MAINE Female 9886745848 / [email protected] RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 PLAZA OPP.CMFRI, MARINE 8281300696 DRIVE, KOCHI, KERALA 682018 Kerela 20003 KULKARNI VAISHALI HARISH CHANDRA RESEARCH Female 0532 2274022 / [email protected] RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 MADHUKAR INSTITUTE, CHHATNAG ROAD, 8874709114 JHUSI, ALLAHABAD 211019 ALLAHABAD Uttar Pradesh 20004 BICHU VAISHALI 6, KOLABA HOUSE, BPT OFFICENT Female 022 22182011 / NOT RENEW SHRIRANG QUARTERS, DUMYANE RD., 9819791683 COLABA 400005 MUMBAI Maharashtra 20005 DOSHI DOLLY MAHENDRA 7-A, PUTLIBAI BHAVAN, ZAVER Female 9892399719 [email protected] RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 ROAD, MULUND (W) 400080 MUMBAI Maharashtra 20006 PRABHU SAYALI GAJANAN F1,CHINTAMANI PLAZA, KUDAL Female 02362 223223 / [email protected] RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 OPP POLICE STATION,MAIN ROAD 9422434365 KUDAL 416520 SINDHUDURG Maharashtra 20007 RUKADIKAR WAHEEDA 385/B, ALISHAN BUILDING, Female 9890346988 DR.NAUSHAD.INAMDAR@GMA RENEWAL UP TO 26/04/2018 BABASAHEB MHAISAL VES, PANCHIL NAGAR, IL.COM MEHDHE PLOT- 13, MIRAJ 416410 SANGLI Maharashtra 20008 GHORPADE TEJAL A-7 / A-8, SHIVSHAKTI APT., Male 02312650525 / NOT RENEW CHANDRAHAS GIANT HOUSE, SARLAKSHAN 9226377667 PARK KOLHAPUR Maharashtra 20009 JAIN MAMTA -
Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2010 Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Nandrajog, Elaisha, "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)" (2010). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 219. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE HINDUTVA AND ANTI-MUSLIM COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN INDIA UNDER THE BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY (1990-2010) SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR RODERIC CAMP AND PROFESSOR GASTÓN ESPINOSA AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY ELAISHA NANDRAJOG FOR SENIOR THESIS (Spring 2010) APRIL 26, 2010 2 CONTENTS Preface 02 List of Abbreviations 03 Timeline 04 Introduction 07 Chapter 1 13 Origins of Hindutva Chapter 2 41 Setting the Stage: Precursors to the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 3 60 Bharat : The India of the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 4 97 Mosque or Temple? The Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi Dispute Chapter 5 122 Modi and his Muslims: The Gujarat Carnage Chapter 6 151 Legalizing Communalism: Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (2002) Conclusion 166 Appendix 180 Glossary 185 Bibliography 188 3 PREFACE This thesis assesses the manner in which India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has emerged as the political face of Hindutva, or Hindu ethno-cultural nationalism. The insights of scholars like Christophe Jaffrelot, Ashish Nandy, Thomas Blom Hansen, Ram Puniyani, Badri Narayan, and Chetan Bhatt have been instrumental in furthering my understanding of the manifold elements of Hindutva ideology. -
India Freedom Fighters' Organisation
A Guide to the Microfiche Edition of Political Pamphlets from the Indian Subcontinent Part 5: Political Parties, Special Interest Groups, and Indian Internal Politics UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA A Guide to the Microfiche Edition of POLITICAL PAMPHLETS FROM THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT PART 5: POLITICAL PARTIES, SPECIAL INTEREST GROUPS, AND INDIAN INTERNAL POLITICS Editorial Adviser Granville Austin Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfiche project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Indian political pamphlets [microform] microfiche Accompanied by printed guide. Includes bibliographical references. Content: pt. 1. Political Parties and Special Interest Groups—pt. 2. Indian Internal Politics—[etc.]—pt. 5. Political Parties, Special Interest Groups, and Indian Internal Politics ISBN 1-55655-829-5 (microfiche) 1. Political parties—India. I. UPA Academic Editions (Firm) JQ298.A1 I527 2000 <MicRR> 324.254—dc20 89-70560 CIP Copyright © 2000 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-829-5. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................. vii Source Note ............................................................................................................................. xi Reference Bibliography Series 1. Political Parties and Special Interest Groups Organization Accession # -
It Is Well Known That After Independence, West Bengal Has Been Lagging Increasingly Behind Many Other States of India in the Field of Industrial Production
The Political Economy of Decline of Industry in West Bengal: Experiences of a Marxist State Within a Mixed Economy Subhash C. Ray University of Connecticut Working Paper 2011-10 May 2011 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DECLINE OF INDUSTRY IN WEST BENGAL: EXPERIENCES OF A MARXIST STATE WITHIN A MIXED ECONOMY Subhash C Ray Department of Economics University of Connecticut Storrs CT 06269 USA [email protected] Over more than six decades following Independence, industry in West Bengal has steadily gone downhill. Usually the Left Front government effectively controlled by the Marxist Communist Party (CPM), that has ruled the state for the past 34 years until its recent defeat in the state assembly elections, is held responsible for the plight of industry in the state. The party and its followers, on the other hand, blame denial of the due share of the state in the central resources by a hostile government at the center for industrial retardation. This paper takes a close look at the available statistical evidence to argue that the main reason for the decline is a direct outcome of poor work culture, political interference, and failure of governance that has resulted in industrial anarchy that scares off private investment in the state. While the Left Front has its share of responsibility, the newly anointed Chief Minister of the State, Mamata Banerjee, has herself contributed generously to fostering and cultivating this chaos by calling wildcat general strikes in her erstwhile role as the ‘one person opposition party’. The only thing that can revive industry in West Bengal is liberating civil administration from the grip of political party bosses. -
The State, Democracy and Social Movements
The Dynamics of Conflict and Peace in Contemporary South Asia This book engages with the concept, true value, and function of democracy in South Asia against the background of real social conditions for the promotion of peaceful development in the region. In the book, the issue of peaceful social development is defined as the con- ditions under which the maintenance of social order and social development is achieved – not by violent compulsion but through the negotiation of intentions or interests among members of society. The book assesses the issue of peaceful social development and demonstrates that the maintenance of such conditions for long periods is a necessary requirement for the political, economic, and cultural development of a society and state. Chapters argue that, through the post-colo- nial historical trajectory of South Asia, it has become commonly understood that democracy is the better, if not the best, political system and value for that purpose. Additionally, the book claims that, while democratization and the deepening of democracy have been broadly discussed in the region, the peace that democracy is supposed to promote has been in serious danger, especially in the 21st century. A timely survey and re-evaluation of democracy and peaceful development in South Asia, this book will be of interest to academics in the field of South Asian Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies and Asian Politics and Security. Minoru Mio is a professor and the director of the Department of Globalization and Humanities at the National Museum of Ethnology, Japan. He is one of the series editors of the Routledge New Horizons in South Asian Studies and has co-edited Cities in South Asia (with Crispin Bates, 2015), Human and International Security in India (with Crispin Bates and Akio Tanabe, 2015) and Rethinking Social Exclusion in India (with Abhijit Dasgupta, 2017), also pub- lished by Routledge. -
Select Bibliography
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1) Aiyer, S.P. & Mehta, Usha (ed.), Essays in Indian Federalism, Bombay, 1975. 2) Alexandwiez , Charles II., Constitutional Development in India, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1957 3) Austin, Gramville, The Indian Constitution: cornerstone of a nation, Oxford University Press, London, 1966. 4) Adhikari, O.S., The Problem of Indebtedness among the Tribals in Sadar Sub-division of Tripura , Agartala, directorate of Tribal Research , Government of Tripura,1982. 5) Annual Activity Report of Tripura Women's Commission. 6) Bagehot, W alter , The English Constitution, London, C.A. Watts & Co. Ltd. , 1964. 7) Bandopadhyay, Suprasanna, Tripurar Itihas (Bengali), Calcutta; Firma k.L. Mukhopadhyay Pvt. Ltd., 1982. 8) Bandopadhyay , Suprasanna (ed.) , Tripura Gazette 5ankalan{1903- 1949) (Bengali), department of education. Government of Tripura, 1971. 9) Bhattacharyya , B.K. , Tripura Administration, The era of Modernisation , Mittal Publications, New Delhi,1986. 10) Bhattacharjee , S.R., Tribal Insurgency in Tripura, Inter - India Publications, New Delhi,1989. 11) Basu , P.K., The Communist Movement in Tripura, Progressive Publications ,Calcutta,1996. 12) Chakraborty, Sanjib, Tripura Tirish Theke Aashi ( Bengali) Agartala Prakashan, 1983. 13) Chanda, Saroj, Communist Party Garar Yuger Duity Aprakashita Dalil ( Bengali),Agartala, Tripura Darpan Prakashani, 1983. 14) Chau be, S. K. , Hill Politics in North East India, Bombay , Orient Longman, 1973. 249 15) Choudhuri, S. and Choudhuri, B. (ed.), Glimses of Tripura, Agartala, Tripura Darpan Prakashani, 1983. 15) Cooks , Bernett (ed.) , Parliamentary Practice ( Erskine May's treatise on the Law, Privileges, Procedure and usage of Parliament), 8*^ ed. , London. 17) Chanda, Saroj, " Bahattar Theke Atanabboi- Ekti Parjalochana" ( article in Bengali) From '72 to'98 - A Review in Rajdhani Agartala ( Monthly Journal, Februray, 1988, P.8. -
"NAXALITE" MOVEMENT in INDIA by Sharad Jhaveri
-518- We are not yet prepared to call ism, feudalism and comprador-bureaucrat the leaders of the CPI(M) "counter-revo- capital"! -- whatever that might mean. lutionaries" although objectively they play the role of defenders of bourgeois Indeed the "Naxalite" revolt against property. That is a logical consequence the leadership of the CPI(M) reflects to an of their opportunist class-collaboration- extent the growing revolt of the rank and ist policies emanating out of their er- file against the opportunist sins of the roneous and unhistorical strategy of a leadership. The ranks react in a blind and "people's democratic revolution'' in India. often adventurist manner to the betrayals of the masses by the traditional Stalinist But then the Naxalites, despite parties. all their fiery pronouncements regarding armed action and "guerrilla warfare," are For the present, Maoism, with its also committed to the strategy of a four- slogan "power flows from the barrel of a class "people's democratic front" -- a gun," has a romantic appeal to these rev- front of the proletariat with the peasant- olutionary romanticists. But the honest ry, middle class, and the national bour- revolutionaries among them will be con- geoisie to achieve a "people's democratic vinced in the course of emerging mass revolution. struggles that the alternative to the op- portunism of the CPI(M) is not Maoist ad- What is worse, the Naxalites under- venturism but a consciously planned rev- rate the role of the urban proletariat as olutionary struggle of workers and peas- the leaders of the coming socialist revo- ants, aimed at overthrowing the capital- lution in India. -
Hyderabad – Majlis Ittehadul Muslimen – BJP – Communal Violence
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: IND30424 Country: India Date: 15 August 2006 Keywords: India – Hyderabad – Majlis Ittehadul Muslimen – BJP – Communal Violence This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Please provide information on the relationship between MIM and BJP party members in India and particularly in Hyderabad. 2. Have there been any reports of tension/violence between the two parties / members? 3. Is there any ‘favouritism’ on the part of the authorities with respect to Hindu parties? RESPONSE: 1. Please provide information on the relationship between MIM and BJP party members in India and particularly in Hyderabad. The MIM party and members: While it aims to represent Muslims throughout India, the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) or All India Majlis-e-Ittehadal Muslimeen (AIMIM) political party holds effective political power only in and around Hyderabad, capital of the south eastern state of Andhra Pradesh. Members have been elected to all three levels of government – national, state and municipal. At the national level, party president Sultan Salahuddin Owaisi held the lower house Lok Sabha seat of Hyderabad from 1984 to 2004 (‘Biographical Sketch, Member of Parliament, 13th -
The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line *** Bangladesh Nurul Amin The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh First Published: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 15:3 (1985) : 349-360. Taken from http://www.signalfire.org/2016/06/08/the-pro-chinese-communist-movement-in- bangladesh-1985/ Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Introduction The Communists in the Indian sub-continent started their political journey quite early, founding the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1920. 1 After the Partition of India a section of young CPI members under the leadership of Sajjad Zahir established the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948. 2 By 1954 the CPP had been banned all over Pakistan. As a result, CPP started working through the Awami League (AL) and other popular organisations. The AL witnessed its first split in 1957 when it was in power. Assuming the post of Prime Minister in Pakistan, S.H. Suhrawardy pursued a pro-Western foreign policy and discarded the demand for “full provincial autonomy ” for East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Awami League Chief Maulana Bhasani did not agree with the policy of the Prime Minister. On this ground, Maulana Bhasani left the AL and formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 with progressive forces. -
Dera Sacha Sauda – Punjab – Haryana – Shiromani Akali Dal – Madhya Pradesh – Sikh Extremism – Ek Noor Khalsa Fauj – State Protection 12 January 2012
Country Advice India India – IND39741 – Dera Sacha Sauda – Punjab – Haryana – Shiromani Akali Dal – Madhya Pradesh – Sikh Extremism – Ek Noor Khalsa Fauj – State Protection 12 January 2012 1. Please provide background information on the activities of the DSS, including how widespread their activities are in India. Dera Sacha Sauda (DSS) is a spiritual and social movement founded in 1948 by Shehenshahji Mastana, a Sikh from Balochistan. According to one source, Mastana believed that Sikhism had strayed from its original path by allowing caste to re-establish itself within the religion. Consequently, Mastana established a dera (temple or ashram) near the town of Sirsa, in what is today the Indian state of Haryana. A report in the Himal South Asian states that Mastana founded the dera “with an eye to social reform and spiritual purification – among the Sikhs in particular, but also others in general.” The current leader of DSS, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, has reportedly stated that “[o]ur religion is humanity and to help the needy.” The beliefs of the movement are apparently based on a “combination of all religions” and are referred to by DSS followers as insaan. Despite this, DSS is considered by many Sikhs as a breakaway faction of Sikhism, raising the ire of some in the Sikh religious hierarchy and the larger Sikh community.1 Under the leadership of Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, the DSS has expanded its presence and services beyond the Sikh heartland of Punjab and Haryana, building ashrams and providing services in a number of states and cities