(]O\CJLI] 1ON
\l)lession to the CONCLUSION - .rncl embodied ,,i cie monstrated :rr.rriOn of their 'I-he trtsterdam and split betr,r-een those soc'r'alists \\'ho adr,ocatecl ltolitic,al orsanization and action ancl thosc uho opposerl it, l'hich h:rd ltroken ttret r.anks o1 thc Iiilst and Second Interniltion:rls, also ('zrme to tlic. 'I-hird. 'I-he ltteak ]n 1922 betlvccn the s.,'nrlicalists ancl tlie R't-ll, the tracle urrit_rrr appenclaee ol thc cI, consrirute(l tlrat brcach. It rvas soon folloued br the cstablishrnent oI a svndica]ist lnLernational. The Iorrnatrorr ol the I\\INIA, ho'rvever, c:lc.arlr dirl rot c,.nre sirnpl' in rcspronse to thc establishmcnt of a politir:ally clorninatcd l{ILll, :rs h:rs sorr}etimc.s becn suggested.r Prior to 1hc First \\brlcl \\'ar thc s1 nclicalists r.r'cre c'orrsr:ierrsly seeking a Inore iltrrable ancl rclrresentative form ol internation:rl orsarr- izational cxpression. At n tinit'u'hen tlrc Bolshcrviks \\.('re still conrcnt lo u,ork within thc Seconrl In[erlnaLion:t], the sr.nclicalists hacl alrcadr. appc:rled ior a neu' trnci gentrincll revolutionarl' assor.ilti ffia'. 270 fHE \f C)RKI RS I HE}ISEL\-ES form, shorn o[ thc zrrnbiguitics and inconsistencies of the official polici- Both the B,, of tlrc'prc-\\'at CGT, as exprcssecl in the Chrtrte d'Attiens. Equallr' potential of or imporLanL in erccountins for the rigol and sharpness u-ith rvhii--h the theorf irncl 1-,t I\\IN{A enuncialecl its l.rosition \\'as l}re fact that the s) nclicalists \\-ere rvar. Explostr bl then krcked in a lierce ideo)ogical conflict 'rrith the commttnists, social det-uoc t . and liad rvitnessed rvhat appeared Lo them to llc the corrLlption of a colnposrtloll sc-rcial and econornic rclolution in l{ussia br a political faction. divergenr:e s lr. 'I'hat s1'ndicalist cflorts to found a rerolrrLionarl' Interrr:rtional an- incompatibili tedated those ol tfre Bolshoiks rneant that with the formation of thc t\\'o zlt their lt Third International le'lations betl'cen comrnunists ancl s1'nclicalists, the CGT ancl though naturalll' cokrurecl br varrins national c:ircurnstances, \vere in to sharp rr 1 incvitabir-r,iervcd frorn an in ternational perspectivc. For the conrrnunists, of intern:Ltiott thc obviiius question l,vas l'hether the s1 nclir:alists cotrld be incorporated \Vithin thr into the frarnel'ork of comrnurrist irrternzrtionalism. Fol thc svndicalists lhe'lrrzrr, thc u the cluest.ion became rvhether N{oscorv could constrr.rcL it revollttionart' inevitabl) br,- Itrbour nrganization u'ithin rvhich thel coulcl find their intcrnationai itating the c, aspirltions fulfilled. The initi:rl fasc:irration o[ all rcvo]utionar-v groups communists I rvith the Rrrssi:rn RevolrrLion pror'ided the Bolsheviks lr-ith a t.x)l that in the backg thet crtulcl and did exploit to the full in their effor ts to achier'e icleological c()mntunlt\ ( ancl strategic hcgernonl- o\ier the r,r'hole of thc ievrtlnLionarv movc[Ient. Bolsheviks tor \\'hcn issues of rcloluLic.'nrtr v orgerti/ati()rI rvcre broached, ho'rvever', the predominar-rt icleological clivergcnccs betu,ccn sr-ndicalists attd crtrnmunists emerged the Bolshei il r,r,ith fr-rll forcc. position. Tht Princilrlcs of orgzrnization constitute thc point at rvhich revolutionarr- for reforn-ri:rr thc :trr i:rl policr Both the Rolslieviks ancl the sr-nclicalists latel c\pcrienced rhe dirisire ') \ L.quallr Pote ntial of ot'gatrizational issues as the point ol interpcnctr ation betrrccn ri rr'hich tlrc theorl and practice'litl-rin thcil ou'n lespccti\e sphc-i'cs plior- to the ..r itlists \\-cre rv:ri'. L,xplosir-e olganizatiorral issues dcstlo\-cd the unitr oI the Rtrssian , )|tIIltrnlsts. social democraLic movernent, rvhcn diffelences lcgarclir-rg the n:rtule ancl 'rllrtion of a c:ornposition of the partr rer-ealccl pleviouslv coexisting theoretical I )ll dir ergerlccs betl'ccn Nlensheviks ancl Bolstrer-iks to be inconrpatiblc. Ttris r rtron:il an- incompatibilitr rvas demonstrated br the irrelocablc breach betl-ccrr the .,tion of the t\\'o at their 1903 part\ congress. olr the othcr hand, cliffelences betrvee-rr -r nclicalists. tltc CIGT :rnd nrost foleign srndicalist uniun as:otirtiorrs \\'r'r( throl\.n . -Lllt eS, \\-e1€ into sharp relief br':r discussion of orsanization, this time on thc lerel ) llt lIt_ntls t s, of inlern:rtional revoltrtionlrr trni,rrisnr, irr the contr.orersv ol I913 l( or])orated \\'ithirt the l:irgcr alenil of rcrolutionnrl irrlemationalisrn follorving .r ncLicalisrs the rrar, the atternpt Lo translaLe ideologr intri an intcrn:rtionirl strategl- \,)lrltiorlttl) inc'"'itabl' blotrght to the forc tliose clucsriolrs of organizatr'on 1l'r'cilr- .rut'r'llattonal itating the conflict, al)d sLrbsequernt bleirch. betu'cen svrrclic:alists ancl '11.11 \ groups cornmunists. Initiallr', horver'er', organization:rl consiclcr:rtions rcuained .L roctl that in the backgrrtund. Circr-rntst:rnces arl)pealccl to hare created a lle\\- rrlc'ologic:rl contrnunit.n' of irrterests and r,:rlues, to hzrvc drar,r'n sr.nclicalists :rncl lll( )\ entclll . Bolshcviks togethcr, follorving the orrtblcak oi wzir in,\ugtrst 1914. 'I-he )\\'L'\ t:' el , the prcdorninant svndicalist response hacl ltcen sharpll- L() oppose the tv:rr; -L\ ctneigccl the Bolsheviks, alrnost :rlone antotrg social clcmocraLs, aclopted the s:rrne position. The Bolsheviks' neu' condcrnnation of rheil crstt'hilc :rllies. r ,rlutior:rr') for relormism and betrar-al, echoccl the svndicalists' rnuch long^er- i of rntrtual !itanding inclictrnent of thc social dernocraric leadclstrip. Larcr. thc , r cnrain in rncscapablv aplrealing char:rcter ol the Rtrssian Rer,olrrtjon, u'iLh u-hose r' )ll become earh' forms an ffi, 272 f IIT \f OR KI.-I{S TH LN'IST.-I,\'ES could point t pcrlneat.ion of refrtlnist uttions, tl're orqanic conncrction betl'een t.rnirlns u.hich appea anci cornmrtnisl p:rrtics, an(l, on the intcrnational leve l, the subordinatiort opportunlslll of the RILLI to lhc Ctr - iner,itablv e]icited resistance frorn those saw the supp svnclic:rlists r,r,lto hacl lt()t acquiescecl 1rl contrnunisI leaclership undcl vertible prool ritc spell of thc Russian Revoltrtion. Otrce the empl-rasis on organizational s.vndicalists questions hacl unclcrscoled ideological i'onflir:ts, s1'nclicalist resistancc staunch ad\ o sreadiir lriount.ecl. Though lloticeal)l\" pen'acicd br thc enthtrsiasm thal independent rnanr of its participants felt Iot'N,Iosccxv, the svnclicaiist conlerence ot Despite tht 1920 nererrhcless sripulatcd thc rninirnzrl s-vndicirlist colldilions lor 21 syndicalists : re\iolLrLionarr' laboui IntFtrnati()niri, :rncl re iectccl the crercist-' of r.r'orkirtg parties of thi cl:iss dictatorship b1 a politicai p:rrtr'. The June ccltrferencc of ]922, strains a lollou'ing Ihe svnclii'ttlist disill'-rsiotrrnent uith the f l\\ cen Llnl()l1s could point to instances in the West, in Germany, dtai,v and elser,r'here. -which ' Lrbor clinatiorr appeared to demonstrate that nothing more than cornmunist Irorn those cpportunism tray beneath Nloscorv's promotion of the unrted front, thet' , :t tship trndi-r saw the suppression oi the Russian lrbertarian irrovemellt ;1s incontro- ,rqurizalional x/ertible llrooi of the spuriousness of such rhe toric. T-he deported Russian ,11:t I CSlSl2l-lCf syndicalists themselves, rnoreovel, lvere nafurallv among the rnos-r :r, lrrrsi:rsrn lhaL siaunch advocates of estabiishing a revolutionar_v International t'hollv ' ( (lllfcrcncc of independent of NIosco-,r,,. ;rrlitiorrs for a Despire the vast ideologicai gulI separating thern, the breach betu'een .t o[ l'orkrne, synciicalists and comrnunists came Xater than rhat which divicied the ,.ncl o{ 1922, parties of the left in the West rnto socialist and communist ravajs. The irr(liue RILti strains of a prolcnged war had accentuated pre-r,r'ar tensions and 1\ r'rri ftrl'ther. aonsequently the prospects of schisms I'l.ithin the sociatrist parries, neaving .,rt tire RII-Il them vulnerable to the attacks of the newly-createci CI. Atrreadv oprosed )|]ltttultsts oll to the western parties, the s,vndicaiists could readiiy approve foIoscor,r"s :rL' ltreach. br attack on the socialist leaders of rhe West as fraitors anci opportunists ,r gllnizational - an attack that only seemed Lo second their own earlier accusatrons. ,1ir successful. The Eolsheviks, moreover, initiaily directed their attention to the domain i,)uncialiorl (){ of political parties. Convinced of the crucial strategic necessitv of fashionlng purified communist parties eisewhere, comparable io [hat had power !i -r-ssiarr labour "which successfuliy seized in Russia, the Bolsheviks first acted to break the the orpJanizations - r gcn cc \\rh icll claims of communisI r'outh to consrirute ,, rn. itsell first the revolutionary vangllarci. Next and more importantly, they imposed rgntg lnotlves rheir crganizationai demands, cociified above all in the Lwenty-one r to centralrze conditions of adrnission to rhe CI adopted in rhe summer of tr920, upon .1r(l st].engt.hen rhe socialist parties of the West. Once it became clear that no compromise could be rhe : i.ing class in achieved, internai struggles within socialist parties rapidlv rirrn. the neecl led to a series of schisrns. By early i921 the leading parries of Europe had been permanent ' r rr:rl '\Vorkers torn asunder, and a rivalry between socialists and .r)r)ress ail lib- communists had emerged. ,r 1\ Ilut rvhile The breach between the syndicalists and Moscow did not come for lrr eat. foreign ureil over a year. Political schismatics par excellence, the Bolsheviks' :l o1 reloluLiort perception of strategic needs made them great advocates of trade union ll I lltcrongrt-rll\ unity. While they advanced their dernands of party organization as .lq to ihose of bluntly as possible in the summer of 1920, they simultaneously underrook rcr olutionar'1 to construct an international labour organization to provide Nloscow- .rtiorr rvith the with a firm footing within rhe widest possible compass of the trade ., rr'rlce in these union movement. They hoped to harness the revolutionary potential :,lrenls brrt the of the syndicalist movement by the same means. The announcement rlrir\ of action of plans to establish a revolutionary trade union International enabled \ \\'hilc tliq' many syndicalists to transfer a persistent enthusiasm for Moscow from 'ffiS* THT.- \\'OIIKERS f HF-XISEI,\'ES the CI to the emergent RIL[-]. Despite the exclusivelr.political character rir,als, ancl in " : given the tll by its second corlgress, N'Ioscorv remainecl the c,vnosure had pavccl thr the n the establishrnent of a rcvolutionarl' of syndicalists, ho had sought crushed br un ' labour International since 1913. Their lropes of sharing in the vn,ork izzrlions elsen 1r. of the Russian Rer'olution ort an international ler.el, rthile preserr ing - soon [c]l r icn: their own autonorny, l'ere dashecl only by thc RIL,tl consrcss of 1921. in the \\'est. L,, ; 'I'hen the imposition of N{oscon's organizational dernands uporr the and forms ol c,r,. revolu[ionary trade union rl()\renlenI revealcd comprornise betr'r,cen com- control, ar)cl r, munists and srndicalists. in an internatiortal trade union orsartization, industrial rne t lr., to be no more aLtzrinablc than cornprornise betll'ecn communisLs and rvas unablc [o , socialists in lvorkers' parties in the \Vest. The inrernational consolidation dicalists forrncl r: of syndicalist resistance to Mosccxr'[ook another ]'ear, noL least because sizecl preciselr rr. syndicalist unions r,r'ere frequentll belcagucred b1' hostile governrnents r,r'ider resonant, in the West and often internall_v disruptcd b1' 6e--vnist noyautage, lvorking clirss or cell-building. But the June confcrence of 1922 forrnalizccl thc caL- Despitc its rt l.' egorical rejection of Nloscolrr by the svndicalisrs, n'ho b,v thcn vielved pos t.-\{'ar soci:r I i - the Russian experience as the Icading example of a failed revolution. durable. Hat u'., Delayed by the syndicalists' prolorrged flirtation rvith Nloscoll', the dent solelt' tr1r,,r timing of the foundation of the I\,VMA proved propitious neither for r,vclrkers' r)lo\ r'rn. the wider workers' movement, nor for the sJ'ndicalist movemenL toul that earnecl it rl court. By formally splitting its revcrlutionary forces, the brcach bettveen authoritarian Irr L syndicalists and communists Iurther [ragmeuted an intcrnational labour it is by conccpti, movement, whose potential resistance to an emelging rness rnovelnent And although .' of extremism on the right had already been undcrmined b1' the division their reforrnist , between moderates and radicals. And if the IWMA finally provided a IWMA r,'u'ith a -r sanctuary for those union organizations that could accept neither thc that of an1' prrr, 1 reformism of the IFTU nor [he Bols]revized RILtl. its formation at the providecl a vehi, end of 1922 came at a less than optimal time for the sl,ndicalist movement ment for strstarrr. itself. The disruptions and hardships of war and the example of a r.vorkers' proclucer in n 1r, revolution in Russia had helped to radicalize workers, and by l9l9 had Rclegatecl r,r prompted a rapid expansion of organized labour. Syndicalist unions, IFT[] ancl to th. thanks to their revolutionary ethos, were disproportionate beneficiaries and critic, de tt.n of this influx into the trade unions. Correspondingly, the subsequent the capitalist sr . r exodus in the period of post-war disillusionment frequently hit the tarY syslqm. 211('i syndicalist unions harder than others. The tide of revolutionary sen- it has bccn sLrqg timent had ebbed rt'ell before the end of 1922, when the IWMA r.vas period, this ob.: founded. By then the membership of most syndicalist union associations period, r,l'licn tlr had crested and receded. force on thc lcti The infant IWMA, moreover, confronted a post-warlvorld in which thc flesh of corr-. capitalist rationalization had attained unprecedented dimensions, r,t'hich and stricture,s :rs harboured no[ only socialisr but already well-established communist perceptivc all(l i ( iON(iLIrSlOl\' 2i5 ( - .r i ch2il acter rivals, and in urhich nerv socio-ecolrornic forces unleashecl b)-the lvat hc cr nostrle had paved the r,r'ay for the emelsence ol an ageressivc f:rscism. Alreirclr- - r olutionarr crushed b), an authoritarian q()\erllmellt in Russia, srndicralist olgan- - irr the 'lvork izations clser,vhere - in Spain ancl Ital\, in Portugal and South Anrcrica lr 1)Icserving - soon fell r,'ictirn to Lhc intcrnational reaction alread_v rvell under u-al -t t r: of l92l . in the \Vcst. LcIt to demonstlate, rnoleover, that its rneans of strugglr : .i' Lr1>on the ancl forrns of organization coulcl preserve a foundation for local \vorkers' r I\\'eel) COII]- contlol, :rncl vet provc viablc \rithin :rn environrnent of cxpancling i qilrtrza t1on, inclustrieil mechanization, lilti.rn:lliz-zrtion ancl centraliration, thc I\\'NIA rllrLlrisLs and \\'as turabl<: to expancl. \\'ithir-r the raclical labour movemellt thc. svn- ,nsoliclation dicalists found thcrnsch'es clrrtflanked b1' thc cornrnunis[s, rvho ernpha- i,..1\t bccausc sizcd precisely mass organization, and lvhosc goal of state socialism found :r )\ crnnlen[s rvider rcsonance r,r'ithin an incrcasineh. inclustrilrlizecl and centralized '1. ttoNautage, rt'orking class. , -rzccl the cat- Dcspite its rclative ineffcctiveness, the I\VNIA, the srnallest o[ rhe threc rltcn r-icr,r,ed pos[-war socialist labour Intelnationals, nclclthe]css proved remzrrkabll r i c\ ol Ll ti()n. durable. H:rrassed and beleaguered, indebted to no govelnr-nent, depcrr- \Ioscor,r,', Lhc dcnt solely upon the rnatelial and hurnan resources of the libcrLeriarr :- nciiher for workcrs' m()vemcnt. the I\\'NIA embarked at the end ol 1922 on a criircer rrtlllCllI lOUl that earned it the distinclion of being the longcst-lil'ed of all anti- '-t(h bct\\'een authoritarian Internationals. Its chrrabilitv is attr-ibrrtable to tl're lact ttrat ;i, rnirl Iabour it is b1'concepti()n ancl practice anchorccl in the trzrde union nlovclner)t. :.. IIOVeIItCllt Anil although svndicalist unions h:rvc noI ahvays proved as stable irs ' rlie clivision their rcformisI corrnterp:,rl ts, the]' ncvcrthcrless collectivel)' prol'ided thc ., prolided a IWMA rvittr a sLrucLurzrl fotrnclation morc resilient :rnd urbiding thzrn : 'i ncither thc that ()f any purcly anarchist International. 'I'he folrnation of thc I\\'MA r r:rlion at Lhe provided a vehicle and a voice within tlte intcrnational r.,'orkers' nove- : .'i lllOVCnfellI men[ for sustaining, hou'ever tenu()usly, the syndiczrlist lision of a ft'ee , ,rf a u'orkets' produt er in a free rocietl. r ln 1919 had Relegated Lo a minority position, implacablv opposed both to the ., ,ilist unions, IFTII and to thc RILtl, the IWNIA took up the role of propagandr'st . 'rcneficiaries and critic, defending its or,vn vicws and offering a critical analysis of r'r \ubsequent the capitalist system, party politics, bourecois democracv, the parharnen- .rntl\ hit the tary system, and the Nlarxist alternative. "Syndicalism is most effecrive," - .itlonaly sen- it has been suggested, "in its critique.": Though said of rhe pre-1914 ' I\\'MA r'r'as period, this observation is at least eqrrally applicable to the post-war l :l5soclatlons period, when the syndicalists found thernselves confionled by a nelv force on the left, the communists. 'fhe IWMA rcmained "a thorn rn ,rlcl in which the flesh of communism and of the R.I.L.LI."4 In their estimarion of :tt)ions, r,r,'hich and strictures against the communist movement, the syndicalists proved -.i communist perceptive and prescicnt, although thc fact that they came to rvitness fl:m;, 216 TTIE 1\'ORK},X{S I HT NISL,L\ ES so mrich of r'r'hat thel-li:rcl -otarned againsi prolicied scant cousc\lation" N'Ianr :r : Long highh attunecl to the irrrreauclatic and oligarchic '.enclencies r,r,hethcr c ir . of political orgzrniz:rtions, including pulpol fecih' prolctari:rn parties, the predictabl:: svndicalists carne to scc the emcrgence oi'Boishcrisir as l'r'refutable proof -i-he1' centralirr.i , sr-ictr organization. haci car'lier oi the fatai dangers inhel'ent in later ccirrtr r: perceived tlie steacl-i rliminution of the r:evotrulionarv conrtnitment oi oI labour il I pre-l\'ar sociai democratic parties :Is tite ine..'rtabie accompanirnerlt clf the s_vndir a, the prolifer-ation ol poiitical offices ancl paltr-posts. and oi an increa.ing of the inttli, pl'coccrrpation 'lvith elcctoral-parliarnentarl' exigencies. l-trev fhereiole and cilcrrr- ;ilglred that the "nerv lelc;1uLi(.)nart-parlian-rentarism" espouscd b1 ttrre ensul'e cl thlr {,I constituted no safegr-iartl :rgainst the buretrucrratizaticn and domes- little mort : tication of communist irertics {}l)c1-:rting rrithin a frarnervork of capitaiisi prediction. I : i'hc erolrrlion ol ncstcttt rotntntttti:t pirtlres ilrgel', lrarliarncnterisrn. f'he sr ncir, sustainecl tiiis juclginent. Thel' sau- Eolsircvisrn in R.ussia as confirrning judgment tl.. that the seizure and utilization ol stzitc revoiutionarr- parlr' llowei bl'a cipies of th, 1ed the iabour" bi-rt to the extension of a ne','r' not to emancipation of cipation o[ i. bureaucratic inechanism ot comtnand and the installation of a new through tirt urivileged eiite, a nct'tuling oligarchv. lhe lar,rr of rt-, The s-virdicalists repteserlted a tradition rr,-ore deeplv cornmilted tharr communl\L\ to the rigirt of the producing anl,in lhe orgJanized r,vorkers'rnovemen[ authoritr ir. capacit"' for They preciicted rnasses to self-adrninistration and their it. to rationaliu: that efforts to impiernent staLe socialism 'r'r'ould mean a mere substitution by sacrificinl rnasters for the u'orkers, an alternative form of oppression leaving of self-perpetlr:r itrem as distant as before fnorn tire ideal of genuine 'rvorkersr control sclentlsts t. and administration. Thev witnessed the l-enin n'ho had celebrated that "the rcl, u'orkers' ccrntrol in State and Reuolulion, and who had seen the chief insti tutionai task of the proietarian revolu[ion as "Lhe establishrnent on a countly- than the r c-r i r,r'ide scale of the most precise and most conscientious rrccounting and communlst 3 control, of r,l'orkers' control of the prodr.rction and distriburion of goods,"; from ideolos. subordinate every irnpulse tor,r'arcis rvorkers' control to the hegernonl' In the fac. of the party. Lenin nor,r,'advocated tl're introducrion of a s[ate-sponsored the syndicali. Taylor s)'stem in R.ussi:r.6 tr-enin now insisted that "large-scale machine of organizaLi, industry - . . . the foundation of socialism - calls for absolute and strict the end oi rr, unity of will, which directs the joint labours of hundreds, thousands by a purpor tt and tens of thousands of people. . . . But how can strict uniLy of will in ensconcrne be ensured? By thousands subordinating their will to the will of one. . . . that the sr ncii Unquestioning subordination to a single will is absolutely necessary."T from the im;, Lenin now declared ir "absolutely essential that all authorit), in the democracr tir factories should be concentrated in the hands of the management," and that the rror. he denounced "all direct in[erference by trade unions in the management but never sar, of factories . . as positively harmful and impermissible."s must be leC (JO NCL L'SIO\ : r.()1iltlOlL. Nlanl's1'ndicalists. u'ho had long 'ri(lcncies opposed incltrstriai authoritariepis1r, ivhethcr capitaiisr tll s[:rre sc](ialisi, fotrrrri l-crrin's reversal nzrturzrl a1cl -,i tre s" the predir:Lable; no1 \\'ere thcv surplisecl lthen the hierarchical sLr,.rcLLrre :rncl , ric :;roof c:entralized authoritl, e:rrl."' enacteci l'ithin the Srlviet cconglnie- s\stcrn -,,-i caiiier' latc-r contribttfccl to thc imlr ilm* ..TH I. \\'OI{KERS THEI\ISLLVES regimentation and depcndence, inLo a forrn of indr-rstrial serfdom. Not b)' rnere coincidence was the most po\verful and dranratic selies of rccent seneral strikes - that of Poland's Solidaritl' lnovelnenL - directed against an ostensibll, emancipatorl' and tutelarl' comrnunist partl' and state. 'I'hc grcater practical success of its socialist and communist rivals does Preface not still the voice of s1'ndi.u1ism. Flolr,evet'unrealistic the general strike l. Jame, 1980), p r ma)' appeal in an increasingll' and defiantlv cornplcx and pluralistic 2. Since rvorld, hou'evcr simplistic ancl utopian the vision o[ :r clecenlra]ized rmmense Geschiclt t socialized cornrnunit-v bascd upon trade unions, syndicalisrn is not sirnpll on a centr itrcltvlrnt. It has its ()\\'n que\lions lr) po\e. ils otrtt rottttilrutions to and not t see Jame makc to our understanding of the nature of clzrss atrcl class relationships, Routledg, the war ; the ponrer and the political and econornic ol r:haracter ol autl'roritr u'iLhin LnLernarla svstcms, ol the naturc and role of the slate, of the oligarchical and des,1926, On the 1r bureaucratic tcndencies oI human associations, including trade trtrions, Labour ) of centralizaLion and dccentralizatiort in political and econornic li[e, a-Half In L'Actiott I of thc purpose o[ ]about organizzrtr'ons and the iole of labor.u in rnodern Etudes In society. f'hc inabilitl'of syndicalism t() rcalize its larger vision in'"aliclates iniquc Dt F ormrng neither its questions nor its contributirtrts. As an inlelnaLionai phe- Grinther nornen()n itself, as lvell as in its advcrsarial exchanges tvith the political Carter, I ! Irt lernnt i r be ignored bY lhose u, ho see k to undel S[and socialists, s1'nclicalism callnot 3. Joll I the pursuit of frcedom in the past, tl1 thosc rvho ponder the elusivc 4 SeeP logic," Pr stnrcture of libertl , or those r'vho u'oulcl chart a cotlrsc bctlveen ideals (Darmsta, lhat defl' prar:[ice and practices t]rat nulliff ideerls. Chapter l. Onl' here Doc ed., La P In ter natir in it, Jarr Soci6t6 \ Col.e, .1 I and Anat 2. \\'h: be conqu The F ir: 84 For ar Inlernalil and the I Karl ,\Iat 1980), ch 3. Brl peacefull First Ittlt 4. J:rnr 191) I rPa 5 Pror "one ancl the abolLr to Pier rr APPENDIC]F,S 3r9 APPENDICES APPENDIX A THE CHARTER OF AMIENS Endorsed by the CGT (830 votes to 8) at its 1906 congress. Reproduced in Henri Dubief ed., Le Syndicalisme rbuolutionnaire (Paris: Armand Colin, 19697. pp. 95-6. The Confederal Congress of Amiens reconfirms article 2 of rhc CGT constitution. The CGTunites, outside all political schools, all .ivorkers conscious of the struggle to be conducted for the disappearance of the wage-earning and employing classes . . .; The Congress considers this declaration [o be a recognition of the class struggle which, on the economic plane, puts the r,r'orkers in revolt against all forms of exploitation and oppression, material as 'r,r'ell as moral, exercised by the capitalist against the lvorking class; The Congress clarifies this theoretical affirmation by the following pornts: In its day-to-day demands, syndicalism seeks the coordination of rvorkers' efforts, the increase of u'orkers' well-being by the achievement of immediate improvements, such as the reduction of working hours, the increase of wages, e [c.; But this task is only one aspect of the work of syndicalism; ir prepares for complete emancipation, which can be realized only by expropriating the capitalist class; it sanctions the general strike as its means of action and it maintains that the trade union, today an organization of resistance, will in the future be the organization of production and distriburion, the basis of social reorganization. The Congress declares that this double task, the day-to-day and the future task, derives from the posirion of wage-earners, which weighs upon the working class and which charses all workers, whatever their political and philosophical opinions and inclinations, with the duty to belong to rhe essential organization, the trade union; The Congress consequently affirms, regarding individuals, the com- plete liberty of the unionist to participate, outside his union, in whatsoever forms of struggle conform to his political or philosophical 320 ".f HE \VORKI.-RS'I'HEN,ISELYL,S vie$ s, and lirnits itself to requestins that he, in exchange, nor inrroduce into his union the opinions he holcls outsicle ir. The Congress resol\es, rcgarcling olganizations, that since economic action rnust be conducted directll aH^ainst the ernplol-ers frtr s1'ndicalisrn to achieve its nraxirnurn effect, :rf[iliated org:rnizations irrsofar as thc)' are [rade unions shrtul THE IONDON DECLARATION 2. The and intell. establishn: Accepted unanirnouslv br thc inLernational stndic:rlist congress in London irr 1913. Rell'oclucecl irr the Syrrdicalist ttnd Amalgamation Nezls, 3. The ' October l91il. intellectua cation of . 'fhat this fiongrcss, rci:ognising that the rvorking class of ever\' countrv direct rer c suffcrs frorn capit:rlist slaver)'and SLate oppression, declarcs for the class can rts go: slruggle and internirtional solidaritl', ancl lor the organisati()n of thc r."'olkers in [o autonornous industrial tlnions on a basis of free associetion. 4. The Strivcs for the imrnediate uplifting of the rnaterial and intcllectual regulation interes[s of the u'orking class, and for the ovcrthrow of the capitalist organrzatr s)'stem and the State. Dcclares th2lt the class struggle is a nc-cessarl'result o[ pril'ate propertt'in tlic lneans of procluction and distribution, and 5. The therefore declares tor the socialisatiotr of such property bv construcrins political p and developing our Trade t,'nions in such a wa). as to fit thcm for partres or tire adnrinisuation of these mcans in the intercst of the entire communit\'. versa, ther 'I\'acle Recognises thaL, internationalll', Unions.lvill onlv srrcceed rvhen these parri Lhel' cease to be dividcd bl, polirical and religious differences; declares that their fight is an economic fight, meaning thereby rhat thev do not 6. This intend to re:rch their airn b1' rrusting their cause to governing bodies and rer-olr,; or their menrbcrs, but b1 using Direct Acrion, by .rvorkers Lhemselves convened relying on the strength of their economic orsanisations. on I NIar And in consequence of these recognitions and declarations, the Internatio Consress appeals to the rvorkcrs of all countries to organise in au[o- nomous industrial unions, and to unite lhernselves on the basis of international solidaritv, in order finall1' ro obtain their emancipation from capitalisrn and the Statc. ,\PPE\DIC.F,5 rl( )t introciuce APPENDIX C .r(e economrc THE BERLIN DECLARATION ,r :r'ndic:rlisrn r\()lal' i1s the), :rr l):ll tieS anCl Adopted by the Berlin conference of December 1920. Reproduced in :rrlrlete liberrl' Der S"tndihalist. no. 5l/52 (1920). l. The Revolutionary Trade Union International IRTUI] adopts with- out reservation the point of view of the revolutionary class sffuggle and the power of the working class. 2. The RTUI strives for the destruction of the economic, political and intellectual regime of capitalism and of the stare. It strives for the establishment of a free communist societv. ..-i (ol'l8I'CSS lD - , rntitton Neu'.i, 3. The working class is able to destroy the economic, political and intellectual slavery of capitalism only through the most severe appli- cation of its economic means of power, which finds expression in rhe - ,l t-\ ef)' COUlltr\ direct revolutionary action of the working class. Only by this means -Lr r'\ [Or t]re class can its goal be attained. -.rni:ltLicln of the . ;l (.r'itssoclatlon. 4. The RTUI further adopts the view that the arrangement and -' rrtl intellcctual regulation of production and distribution is the duty of the trade union i rhe capiralisr organizations of each land. ' ll('aeSSafY result .:.tr ibrrtion, and 5. The RTUI is completely autonomous and independent of every lrr constru<'tinp political party. If the RTUI undertakes an action with which polirical . ro [it thern for parties or other organizations declare themselves in agreement, or vice- :ril1c (ommunit)'. versa, then the execution of this action can be carried out jointly with ll lr srr6csg6l \^'1tat these parties or organizations. :. r r'n( cs; dcclares i}'LrLr thev do not 6. This conference urgently summons all revolutionary syndicalist t, )\ crning bodies and revolutionary industrialist organizations to take part in the congress ,r kt'rs themselves convened by the Provisional Council of the RILU, to meet ar Moscow on I May, and to found there a united revolutionary trade union ,1r cl:rrations, the International of all the revolutionarv workers of the world. ,l galtise in aut APPENDIX D 3. l'he t.'' it c:oncl-rc t- ' DECLARATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF REVOLUTIONARY and monrl . SYNDICALISM on thc otl: indepenclt rr or.'er clf a]l .. Accepted by the founding congress of the IWMA, and earlier bv the 3. The task of re\rolutionarl' s) nclicalism 1's t\\ o-folcl: on thc one hancl, it r:onducts the rlaill-rcvolution:rr)' slrugglc for the ccononric, inrellcc:rual \ OLUTIONARY and moral irnpror.errent of the l'orkers u'itlrin the prcscnt social ordcr; on the othcr, iis plincipal goal is L() pteparc the masses fctr rhc independent adminisLration of prodtrction and for the chr, ision ancl rakc- over of all sections of social life. lt is its conr iction that the orsanizarion : r'allier b1' the of an economic order, r'r'hich is founclccl in its c'rrtiret' upon the pi'oducers, ..'irtrten des In- cannot be rcgulated bv govcrnrnent resolutions ancl statc decrces, but . . :tL Berlin ttont onl,v bv an alliance of all mzrnual and in tcllectuzrl rvor kcrs in cach scrpara re Irrtcr nationalen branctr of productr'on, tirrough tht' nssumption ol the aclninistratron of everv indir,idual operation b' tlie produccrs lhernselvcs, spccific.allr. in the form that the individual groups, r,r'orkshops zrrrcl procluction ',' olking classes operatlons, ale zrut()ltolrtrtLrs tlcrnber s of the universal ec:ortorlic ()rsalt- :rrion o[ manual ization that rncthoclicall,v shapes the u,holc o1, procllrcrion and sencr-al . ,ti()lls, in order distribr-rtion on Lhe basis of rcciplocal :rsrcelncnts ancl in thc intercst.s :r lrorn the yoke of the general public. I ,l ganiza[ion of ,'rll through the 4. Revolutionarv sl,n6li6alisrn is the adversan' of all ccrrtralist enclear,- . :irsclres. It takes ours and organizations, lvhich are borrolr,ed frorn the stale irnd thc I)roletariat ar€l church, and r'vhich s1'sLernaticallv stiflc independent inriativc ancl in- -hc.r'clore - to the clir,idual thought. Cenrralisrn is the ar-tificial organization from the top - ,i social value, don''n, rvhich transfers as a rvholc rhe regulation of the afl:rirs o[ ail - '' hictr for con- to a fcr,r' individr-rals. By rhis means the indivr'clual becomes .r lrlrl)p(,r . )D. guided and controlled fronr abol,e. T'he inreresrs of rrre gcrrcral pLrblic must quit the field for the benefit of a fer,r,inclividuals, r,arict,v for r)llonent of all uniformitv, personal responsibilit)' for lifeless cliscipline, ecluc:rtion for -,1ut'rination . by training. For ttris reason revolutionarl' sl.ndic:alism sLancls upcln the basis . -: n: of industrial of federalist union, that is, upon an organization strucLurcd frorn thc - -ir.nt, r,r'hich is bottom up, of the volunLary fedcration of all forces on the fotrrrclation lrrtlitics, of states of mutual interesls arrd cornmon cont,icliorrs. .u : against the : r this reason it 5. Ret,olutionarl,syndicalisn repudiates all parliarnenttrr), activity ar.rd hc elimina[ion all collaboration in legislatir"e bodies. Nor even rhe r,r'idest possible . :Lc opinion that franchise can remper the gaping contradictions in moclern socictr,; thc ;-,)l po\,ver must entire parliamentary s)rstem has as its sole purpose to lend thc appcarance .lr,: forrn of the of legality to rhe rule of rhe lie and of social injusrice, ancr ro inducc -ill rnstlumenl the slaves to imprint the seal of the lar.v upon Lheir own slaver_v. L t-attor- of new 6. Revolutionarl' syndicalism rejecrs all arbit'aril1. drar,r'' political and national boundaries and sees in nationalism only the religion of ffi* ,r- 321 rH } \VOI{ K t-- I].S TIIENISEI-\-I-S modern states, behirrcl rvhich hide thc interests of the;rropci'tied classcs. It recognizes onlr- n.rtural regional cliiferencres :rnd clcntands foi ererl minoritl' thc right to be able to regulate its or.vn affairs in joirt t agree rnelrl rvith all ()Lhcr cconornic, regional, or natiottnl :rssoci:itions. Note: I i :rnrl erc I , 7. On the sarnc grounds leloh-rtiontrn svncli<:nlisrn opposes rnilitarisrrr in everl'fomr ancl considers artti-rnilitalist plopagirnda Lo bc onc ol its rnost important tasks in the strr-rggle against the cxisting s\stcnt. L itclti,. Pertaining to Lhat entf are aborc all the refusal of thc inclividual to pal ticripate in Ithe militarv scrvr'ce of] the state, zrucl cspec:iallr thc Fr:utt c org:rnizecl refrrsal bl rvorkers to ptocltrcc militarl' ecluiprncnt. 8. Revolutionaiv s1'ndiczrlism sLands upon ther basis ol clirect liLtion 'I-hc Netl and supports all sttuggles of the pcople u-hich arc not in conflict rvith its g^oal o[ thc abolition of cconornic rnotropolics :rtrd the clespotism o1 the st:1te. It recognizes the stlikc, bo1 cott., s:rbotagc, ittrcl so orl, ils its lveapons. Dircct actirtn fincls its highest exprcssion in thc sociiil generirl strike, r'r,hich svndictrlists see sirnLrltltneotrslt lls tltc prelucle to thc soci:rl r evolu tion. 9. Although s_vnciicalists ale the ene'rrtics of all organizcd violcncc in thc Jrands of any revolutiot'talv soverlllncnt, the\ clrt rroL fail to ret'ogrtizc that the clecisive struggle betlveen thc capitalist prescnt and ftee t'onr- Su'eclen rnunist future u'i1l not occur r'r'ithcnrt conllict. They accolclingll'rct oe.nizc violence as a rneans of dclensr- ag:rinst the violent rne th()ds of the ru)ing classcs in thc strugglc for the 1-rossession of the factories and the fields b), the revolutiorrarl peoltle. -Just as thc cxpropriation of the f:rctorrets and the land rnrrst in practicc bc cl[ected nnd directed on the path of Llnired I social reorg:rnizartion 111' the rcvoltrtionar) e(()ll(rmic olqetrizlltions of lhe tvnrkers, so also lnust the tlefense of thc tcvolution be etrtrusted to Lhc m:rsscs Ltrcrnselves ancl thcir ecot'toltit ,rtgerrizati,rtts, ancl not i left to a specific rnilitlrr',le.urtizution. ()l iln\'()thcr org2llrization, thaL llnited stuurls t-rtt tsidt' tltc ct ot tottt i( ltss()c i; t t i,,tts. 10. Only in the revolutionarl' cconornic orgalrizations of ttre r,vorking cl:rss lics ttrc r-nczrns for its libcration, and the creati\e energ)'lor the recons[ruction of socictY in thc clr'rec:tion oi lree cornnrunism. BIBLIOGRAPH\- tl ciasses. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Ir)l' €\ eI)' gl eelnent -I'he Note: bibliography lists orrly those sources cited in the text and notes, ancl excludes non-l:rtrour ne\vspapers and journals. r i li talisrn |r one of A. Archival and Manuscript Sources { )\ stem. Archiues r iclual to l. iellr the France I rL s I i tu t f r an q ais d' h i s t o ir e s o c i al e, P aris l. Pierre Morratre Arrlrires ( t ltctron The Nctherlands InternalionaaL Instituul ttoor Sociale Geschiedenis, Am- tlict '\\'ith sterdam :rSI)Ot1Sm l. Alexander Berkrnan Archives Ir ) OIl. 2lS 2. tJgo Fedeli Archives r I qeneral 3. Emma Goldman Archives :lrr social 4. International Working Men's Association (AIT:IAA) Archives 5. Albert de Jong Archives 6. Nationaal Arbeids-Secretariaat Archives ,rlcnce in 7. NIax Nettlau Archives rc('ogrllze 8. Rrrdoll Rocker Archives Iec corn- Sweden Ar b e tarr dr e ls ens Ar hiu, S tockholm r ccognlze Fre ruling 1. Albert Jensen Archives ttre fields 2. Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation Archives. Serie EXIII, "Korrespondens med Internationale Arbeiter- [actorie s Assoziation," I l9l8-1930 :' path o[ -rtiolrs of United Kingdom Nuffield CoLlege, Oxford University, Oxford rn t[lsted I. Jack Tanner Papers lulll noL ion. that flnited States Hoouer Institution on War, Reuolution and Peace, Stan- ford University, Stanford l. Joaquin Maurin Archives rr'orking Labadie \,,Jtlr the Collection, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor L Mark Mratchnyi Archives Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University, De troit l. Industrial Workers of the World Archives 326 . 'LIE \{ORKT-RS TTIEil,ISEI,\'ES 2. |l[anuscript,s Al git -' Berkman, Alexander. "Diar1 : Russia 19I9-1921." Bcrkrlan '\tchives 3. .\Lrsr:: , Cornclissen, Christiaan. "Striid, liel en ]eed in dc oude socialistische bcrvr'ging en de vakorganisaties: persoonliike hetinneringen door Christiaan Corne- Belgi.-: Iisscn. " Internationaal Instituut voor Soci:rle Geschiedenis, Arnsterdam. Jensen, Albcrt. "N'Ierno:rrfr:rgmcnt." Jensen Archives. 5. Canac-, Kloosterrrnan, Jaap. "Nlateriales sobre Alex:urdre Strapiro." Jaap Kloostctman, Amsterclam. Nettlau, Max. lB95-1911, III B. Ncttlau Arcliivcs. 6. Dennr. Rockcr. Rudolf. "N{ernoircn III: Revolution uncl Rrickfall in clie Balberci." Rockcr Archir es. 7. Francc B. Newspapers and Periodicals of the Workers' Movement L Intcrnational Bulletin de I'InterrzationaLe Artarch j,rle (London) BuLletirt du Premier Congrd.s InternationaL rLes Syndicats R bit o Iu t io nn aira.s ( Nloscou') BulLetin du III Congri.s de L'InternatirtnaLe Cotnrnurtistt (N'Ioscor'v) B u Lle tin I n terncLti ortal de s Sy' n d i c aL i s t e s R tu rt Luttorlnat.r e s e t I n du.str i alisfe,i (Berlin) Bulletirt Internutional du X'Iotnement Syndical isle (Paris, Amsterdarn) Bulletin of the Executii.,e C)ommittee ttf the Cornrnunist I n t ernati onal (NIoscorv) Bulletin of the Relief Fund ol the Intern.ationaL l\rorking h[en's Association lor Anarchists rmr] Anarcho-Syzrdi- caLists Imprisonetl or Exiled in Russia (Berlin, Paris) C c.tmmuni st In.ternationaL (Petrograd, N'Iosr.orv) La C,) nrr e s p on donc e I n terna Li orrale (Ber I in) 8. Germanr I)ie InternationaLe: eine l,\'ochenschrift zur Praxil und Theo'rie der ilIarxismus (Rerlin) Die Internationale: Organ dcr Internationalen Arbeiter- Assoziation (Berlin) InternationaLe: Organe de L'AIT (Paris; Die Internationale: ZeitschTilt fnr die reuolutionrire Ar- b e iter b eut e gun g, G e s e I ls c haf t.s hr iti k und S ozi al is tis c he n Neuauf bau (Rerlin) Die Internationale Geu,erkschaf tsbeuLegung: Organ tler I nternationalen G eu: er ksc h al t.s b unde s (Amster dam) L'Internationale Syndicale Rouge: BuLLetin du Bureau Executil (Nloscou') Neuts Sen.,ice l.s.sued by the Secretariat of the l'tlMA (Berlin) 9. Itall Presse-Dienst herausgegeben aon dem Sekretariat der IAA (Berlin) Die Rote Geuterkst:hafts-InLernationale (Berlin) Seruice de la Presse publib par Le Secrbtariat de I'AIT (Berlin ) 10. The \et Seruicio de la Prenso public.ado por el Secretariado de La l1T (Berlin) BIBLIOCRAPHY 327 2. Argentina: La Protesta (Bucnos Aircs) 3. Austria: Wohlstand ALle (\,'ienna) '\ eglng Jt"ir (.or ne- 4. Belgium: L' A c tion C) uur i ir e (f.iige) Il 5. Canada: Alberta Labor Neut.s (Edmonton) c l-lll iln , BT it is h C o lum b i a F e der ationi st (\,'ancouver) 6. Denmark: So Lidar i te t ( Copenhagen) frer ci. " 7. France: La BatailLe (Paris) La Bataille Syndicali.ste (Paris) Le Bulletin Communist (Paris) La Clairiire (Paris) .tdttrLts Le Cornbat Syndicali.ste (Limoges) Espafia 1-i bre (Toulouse) La (]uerre Sociale (Paris) .i Lt n l.\Le L'Hun'Lanitb (Paris) Le Journal du Peuple (Paris) 1t1t7l1'e.\ Le Libertaire (Paris) La Lutte de Classe (Paris) Peri s, Le Peuple (Paris) La Reuue du Trauail (Paris) ,ttttrttst Les Teml1s Nouueaux (Paris) Le TrauaiLLeur du Batiment (Paris) t, ot hing La Vie Ouuriire (Paris) - St,rzdi La Voix du Peuple (Paris) I)aris) La Voix du Trauail (Paris) 8. Germany: CorrespondenzbLatt der Generalkommission , der Cleuerh- is und schaf ten Deutschlands (Berlin) Die Einigheit (Berlin) i' 0elIeT- D er K ommunis tis c h e G eu erks c haftler (Berlin) M it teilun gs blat IFVdG] (Berlin) Der Pionier (Berlin) it e Ar- Rabochii Put' (Berlin) '.tschen Der Rote Fahne (Berlirr) Rundschreiben an die Vorstrinde und Mitglieder aller der . tn tler Freien Vereinigung deutscher Gewerhschaf ten an- -irll/ ge s c h-Io s s enen V er e in e (Berlin) Rureau Der Syfidihalist (Berlin) Vorurirts (Berlin) I II'T,IA 9. Italy: Guerra di classe (Milan) ;:'-t--IAA I nternazionale (Verona) L' I n t e rnazi on al e (P arma) Il Souiet (Naptes) . t'.1rT 10. The Netherlands: De Arbeid (Amsterdam) ,, de La Gronds lagen (Amsterdam) D e N e der landsc he Ze eman (Amsterdam) D e Sy ndic ali st (Amsterdam) {r- m ..TH E \VORKERS THE}'TSEL\T},S " Het Volk (Amsterdaln) Anderssoti Fcirlag, 11. Nonval': Alarm (OsIo) Angress. \' Direhte ,] Ati on (Oslo) Germar' Slorzr (C)skr) Anselmo. l 2 vols 12. Portugal: A BataLha (Lisbon) bajadot Archiues B I3. Russra: Golos Trutlu (Petrograd, N{osccxv) Sociale Trud t VoLia (Nloscolr ) Archiues d, lol'nt,i Golos Truda (Nloscor'r') des Part dans le: l'1. Spain: Lut.ha Social (Lcrida) Arum, Pet Nuera Senda (NIadid) Syndic; Redencion (Alcor') Arvidsson. La Rerista Blunca (Iladrid) 1977 . Soli dori dad O brera (Barcelona) Asociacior 'I-ierra y' Libe'rtad (Rarcelona) la Asoc 1930 l11. Sr,r'edcn: Arb e tar e n (Stockholnt) Associatio Brand (N{alnici) constt L 1 Sl n dikal i smen (S tockholrn) de I'A.I Sy n,clika I is t erz (NIalrnci) Rivet. r ---. StotLtl 16. S.,vitzerla.rd La lloix du. Peuple (l.ausannc) Ouvni Authier, I I7. LInited Kingdorn: I)er Arbeter Frairzl (London) 1921. P DailY Herakl (Louclon) Avrich, P: Freedorn (London) 1967. J ustice (I-ondon) Baker, Al: Labour Leader (London) ofanl N eu Statesrnan (London) of Cali Solidarity (London) Bakunin. SyndicaList artd AmaLgamation N eut's (London) 1.972. lVorker (Glasgorv) -.--. fuIarx 1950. l8 tlnitcd States: Industrial Solidarity (Chicago, Illinois) Bar, Anto IncLustrial ltr'orker (Spokane, \\hshington) anarco Solidarity (Cleveland, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois) Belloni. .1 t Syndic ali st (Chicago, Illinois) ergett ' Bergkr is t , Lednirt C. Additional Sources Fcirlag Berkman. and Li Abad cle Santillan, Diego. "La Asociacion Intcrnacional de los Tiabajadores: The su historia, sus ideas, su porvenir." La Reaista InternaczonaL Anarquista ---. ' The I (15 Januarl 1925):61-61; (15 Februarl' 1925):86-90; (15 March 1925):108- ---. 1l; (t5 Apri) 1925):i31-34. 1.922 Adibekor,v, G.M. Die Rote Cleuterkschafts-lnternationale: Grundriss der Ge- ---, et al Der Sr .tchichte der RGI. Berlin: Tribune, 1973. Bertrand. Amdur, Kathryn E. 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