DOCSLIB.ORG

Establishing Democracy: a Comparative Analysis of the Genesis and Stabilisation of Democracy in Indepedent Ireland 1918-1937. Wi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Establishing Democracy: a Comparative Analysis of the Genesis and Stabilisation of Democracy in Indepedent Ireland 1918-1937. Wi Establishing Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the Genesis and Stabilisation of Democracy in Indepedent Ireland 1918-1937. William Vincent Kissane Ph.D. Thesis UMI Number: U615565 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615565 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I ££ S F 7577 701SSO 2 Thesis Abstract This thesis consists of a comparative exploration of the sources of democratic stabilisation in independent Ireland. It asks whether comparative theories of the genesis and stabilisation of democracy explain the Irish experience of democratic stability after independence. Each chapter tests the explanatory power of a distinct theoretical approach within democratic theory. These theories can be divided into two categories : those that emphasise structural pre-conditions for democratisation and the stabilisation of democracy ; and those that emphasise the importance of elite variables in these processes. My conclusion is that the emergence of a democratic system in independent Ireland could have been predicted by macro-sociological theories of democratisation, but that the stabilisation of such a system after 1922 can be considered an example of a successful re-equilibration which occurred after the Fianna Fail party rose to power in 1932. In that process conscious democratising strategies were central. The Irish case vindicates the view that strong leadership is required for the solution of particularly intractable problems in democracies. What proved decisive was the conscious commitment of a majority of the Anti-Treaty section of the political elite to building a redesigned democratic system after the civil war. In that sense the Irish case vindicates the view that correct elite decisions and the appropriate elite values are the sine qua non o f any stabilisation process. The stabilisation of a democratic system cannot therefore be considered an automatic product of the fact that the state had reached certain levels of socio-economic development by 1922. A high degree of modernity was a necessary but insufficient source of democratic stability. Rather a stable democratic outcome was due to the fact that the commitment of the political elites to the legitimisation of the political system by democratic means was sufficiently great for democracy to survive the crisis of the civil war and its aftermath. 3 Acknowledgements. In its early stages this thesis was funded by the Scholarship Office of the London School of Economics. Between 1996 and 1997 a grant from the Finnish Department of Education, combined with one from the L.S.E.'s Nordic Scholarly Exchange scheme, allowed me to undertake a brief Nordic detour. In the latter stages, only the generosity of my parents, John and Siobhan Kissane, allowed me keep the wolf from the door. A number of staff members have guided my through my academic apprenticeship at the L.S.E., Tom Nossiter, Rosie Gosling, John Madeley, James Hughes, Erik Ringmar and Brendan O' Duffy. Above all, m y supervisor, Brendan O' Leary, has provided the right mix of fastidiousness and moral support. In Finland Risto Alapuro, E id Lyytinen, and Elina Haavio Manilla, were unfailingly hospitable. The staff at the British Library of Economics and Political Science were also helpful. In Ireland thanks are due to the staffs at the National Archives in Bishop St., the National Library, and the U.C.D. archives. Finally, thanks to Trinity College’s generous alumni provisions, I was allowed to use the Library facilities between 1997-1998. CONTENTS 1. Introduction: Democratic Theory and the Irish Free State, pp.7-38. 2. Economic Development and Democracy, pp. 39-66. 3. The Barrington Moore Thesis and Irish Political Development, pp.67-91. 4. Voluntarist Theory, Elite Decisions, and the Origins of the Civil War, pp.92-118. 5. Durkheim’s Division of Labour and the Social Bases of the Civil War, pp.l 19-148. 6. Reshaping the Free State: de Valera and the rise of Constitutional Republicanism, pp. 149-178. 7. ‘Majority Rule’ and the Stabilisation of Democracy in the Irish Free State 1922-1937, pp. 179- 200. 8. Unenthusiastic Democrats ? : de Valera, Collins, and the Civil War, pp.201-228. 9. Conclusion, pp.229-36. Bibliography, pp.237-244. Appendix, pp.245-253. 5 TABLES Table 1.1 Democracy in Europe in 1938. Table 2.1 Percentage of the economically active population engaged in agriculture around 1920. Table 2.2 Distribution of total population by size of locality as a percentage of total population in European countries around 1920, ranked according to size of total population in urban centres of 10,000 or above. Table 2.3 Real product per capita, in democracies, non-democracies, and Ireland, relative to the U.K. in 1913. Table 2.4 Educational enrolment rates in 1920, ranked according to number of enrolled students per ten thousand of the population in each educational sector. Table 2.5 Showing the relationship between different degrees of effectiveness and legitimacy in different political systems. Table 2.6 Irish rates of industrialisation compared with ‘more’ and ‘less’ democratic countries 1956-59. Table 2.7 Irish rates of education compared with ‘more’ and ‘less’ democratic countries 1956-59. Table 2.8 Irish rates of urbanisation compared with ‘more’ or ‘less’ democratic countries. Table 2.9 Irish rates of wealth compared with ‘more’ or ‘less’ democratic countries. Table 2.10 Mean figures for higher education per thousand for countries classified as ‘more’ or ‘less’ democratic by Lipset in 1959. Table 3.1 Lower agricultural classes by acres 1845-1910. Table 3.2 Percentage of Irish farmers as owner-occupiers 1870-1929. Table 3.3 Agrarian households in Finland by class, 1815-1901. Table 3.4 Persons engaged in agriculture, and agricultural labourers in the future area of the Free State,1881-1911. Table 3.5 Percentage of those engaged in agriculture by farm size (acres). Table 3.6 Division of labour in European countries around 1900, ranked according to size of agricultural sector. Table 3.7 Proportion of the agricultural population as a per cent of the economically active population in Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Ireland. Table 3.8 Stable democracies and agrarian structures. Table 4.1 Coalition candidates returned in the 1922 general election. Table 5.1 Garvin’s political subcultures. Table 5.2 Allardt’s typology of solidarity-inducing and solidarity-thwarting situations. Table 5.3 Index of Occupational Diversity, 1920-1930. Table 5.4 Tenure structure in selected countries, per cent distribution of the number of farms. Table 5.5 Contested parliamentary elections by region, 1885-1917. Table 5.6 Changes in Dail representation in constituencies where Third Parties or Independent candidates won seats in the Pact election. 6 Table 5.7 Mean percentage support for anti-Treaty candidates in contested constituencies by region, 1922-23. Table 5.8 Numbers per thousand employed in agricultural occupations in 1926, by county. Table 6.1 Politically motivated outrages committed between 1/7/1934 and 31/5/1935, divided into two periods. Table 6.2 Changes to the Treaty 1933-1938. Table 6.3 Political spectrum 1933-1935. Table 6.4 Number of convictions by military tribunal 1933-1936. Table 7.1 Irish Governments 1922-1938. Table 7.2 Result of each pair of general elections, 1922, 1938. Table 7.3 Party Political Spectrum in 1927. Table 7.4 Issue Dimensions of the Irish Party System, 1922-1937. Table 7.5 Two variants of the Westminster model. □ Chapter One : Introduction, Democratic Theory and the Irish Free State. When, in January 1922, Sinn Fein, the Irish nationalist party, split in two over the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty that created a self-governing Irish state the previous December, Winston Churchill hastened to denounce its leadership as, 'Irish terrorists', men who were 'naturally drawn to imitate Trotsky and Lenin'.1 In his view the Irish were, 'members of a race who have a genius for conspiracy rather than government'.2 The claims of Irish nationalists to Home Rule had long been countered with the assertion that the Irish were entitled to but incapable of self- government. An eminent opponent of Home Rule had put it this way, The confidence you repose in people will depend something upon the habits they have acquired. Well, the habits the Irish have acquired are very bad. They have become habituated to the use of knives and slugs which is wholly inconsistent with the placing of unlimited confidence in them.3 The apparent extremism of Irish politics under the Union also convinced many in Ireland itself that an independent state would not be stable. These included previously ardent nationalists who withdrew their endorsement of Home Rule during the Land War of 1879. 'The last few years have quite cured me of the notion that either property or liberty could be safely entrusted to an Irish popular chamber.... I do not believe in democratic Home Rule and Home Rule which is not democratic would never be tolerated'.4 Unionist opposition to Home Rule had been predicated on the idea that Home Rule would be 'Rome Rule'. During the Treaty negotiations of 1921 it was further argued that the Irish could not be trusted to behave fairly to its Protestant minority.5 The rapid disintegration of the new state into civil war only six months after independence convinced many of the accuracy of these predictions.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
    History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
    The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath
    [Show full text]
  • Papers of George Gavan Duffy
    Private Sources at the National Archives Papers of George Gavan Duffy 1882–1951 1125 1 George Gavan Duffy 1882–1951 ACCESSION NO. 1125 DESCRIPTION Correspondence, secret memoranda and reports received by George Gavan Duffy at the Delegation of elected representatives of the Irish Republic while in Paris and Rome. 1918–1921 Correspondence and reports received by, and sent by George Gavan Duffy, Berlin, Paris and Rome (1918) 1919–1921 (1922) Draft of 1922 Constitution with emendations. DATE OF ACCESSION September 1982 November 1984 PROVENANCE Colm Gavan Duffy ACCESS Open 2 This collection was received in three parts which accounts for three fronting pages within this list. The three parts have kept separate and no attempt has been made to move items from one section to another. This collection of personal papers is of paramount importance for those wishing to understand political development s within Ireland and concerning Ireland from the periods 1918–1922. 3 ACCESSION NO. 1125 DESCRIPTION Correspondence, secret memoranda and reports received by George Gavan Duffy at the Delegation of elected representatives of the Irish Republic while in Paris and Rome. 1918–1921 DATE OF ACCESSION September 1982 PROVENANCE Colm Gavan Duffy ACCESS Open 4 This collection was presented to the Public Record Office in two ring binders. As no order, other than a rough chronological one, was apparent within the binders the material was separated and placed in new classifications. This has ensured that, as far as is possible, incomplete letters separated within the binders have now been joined together. For this reason it was impossible to believe that the order was original or the work of George Gavan Duffy himself.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939
    Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor A Thesis in the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada March 2019 © Kyle McCreanor, 2019 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Kyle McCreanor Entitled: Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: _________________________________ Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Ted McCormick _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Cameron Watson _________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Gavin Foster Approved by _________________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______________ 2019 _________________________________________ Dean of Faculty iii Abstract Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor This thesis examines the relationships between Irish and Basque nationalists and nationalisms from 1895 to 1939—a period of rapid, drastic change in both contexts. In the Basque Country, 1895 marked the birth of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party), concurrent with the development of the cultural nationalist movement known as the ‘Gaelic revival’ in pre-revolutionary Ireland. In 1939, the Spanish Civil War ended with the destruction of the Spanish Second Republic, plunging Basque nationalism into decades of intense persecution. Conversely, at this same time, Irish nationalist aspirations were realized to an unprecedented degree during the ‘republicanization’ of the Irish Free State under Irish leader Éamon de Valera.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
    POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
    Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists.
    [Show full text]
  • LIST of POSTERS Page 1 of 30
    LIST OF POSTERS Page 1 of 30 A hot August night’ feauturing Brush Shiels ‘Oh no, not Drumcree again!’ ‘Sinn Féin women demand their place at Irish peace talks’ ‘We will not be kept down easy, we will not be still’ ‘Why won’t you let my daddy come home?’ 100 years of Trade Unionism - what gains for the working class? 100th anniversary of Eleanor Marx in Derry 11th annual hunger strike commemoration 15 festival de cinema 15th anniversary of hunger strike 15th anniversary of the great Long Kesh escape 1690. Educate not celebrate 1969 - Nationalist rights did not exist 1969, RUC help Orange mob rule 1970s Falls Curfew, March and Rally 1980 Hunger Strike anniversary talk 1980 Hunger-Strikers, 1990 political hostages 1981 - 1991, H-block martyrs 1981 H-block hunger-strike 1981 hunger strikes, 1991 political hostages 1995 Green Ink Irish Book Fair 1996 - the Nationalist nightmare continues 20 years of death squads. Disband the murderers 200,000 votes for Sinn Féin is a mandate 21st annual volunteer Tom Smith commemoration 22 years in English jails 25 years - time to go! Ireland - a bright new dawn of hope and peace 25 years too long 25th anniversary of internment dividedsociety.org LIST OF POSTERS Page 2 of 30 25th anniversary of the introduction of British troops 27th anniversary of internment march and rally 5 reasons to ban plastic bullets 5 years for possessing a poster 50th anniversary - Vol. Tom Williams 6 Chontae 6 Counties = Orange state 75th anniversary of Easter Rising 75th anniversary of the first Dáil Éireann A guide to Irish history
    [Show full text]
  • The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice În Irlanda
    The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice în Irlanda Assistant Lecturer Javier Ruiz MARTÍNEZ Fco. Javier Ruiz Martínez: Assistant Lecturer of Polics and Public Administration. Department of Politics and Sociology, University Carlos III Madrid (Spain). Since September 2001. Lecturer of “European Union” and “Spanish Politics”. University Studies Abroad Consortium (Madrid). Ph.D. Thesis "Modernisation, Changes and Development in the Irish Party System, 1958-96", (European joint Ph.D. degree). Interests and activities: Steering Committee member of the Spanish National Association of Political Scientists and Sociologists; Steering committee member of the European Federation of Centres and Associations of Irish Studies, EFACIS; Member of the Political Science Association of Ireland; Founder of the Spanish-American Association of the University of Limerick (Éire) in 1992; User level in the command of Microsoft Office applications, graphics (Harvard Graphics), databases (Open Access) SPSSWIN and Internet applications. Abstract: The Irish Party System has been considered a unique case among the European party systems. Its singularity is based in the freezing of its actors. Since 1932 the three main parties has always gotten the same position in every election. How to explain this and which consequences produce these peculiarities are briefly explained in this article. Rezumat: Sistemul Irlandez al Partidelor Politice a fost considerat un caz unic între sistemele partidelor politice europene. Singularitatea sa este bazată pe menţinerea aceloraşi actori. Din 1932, primele trei partide politice ca importanţă au câştigat aceeaşi poziţie la fiecare scrutin electoral. Cum se explică acest lucru şi ce consecinţe produc aceste aspecte, se descrie pe larg în acest articol. At the end of the 1950s the term ‘system’ began to be used in Political Science coming from the natural and physical Sciences.
    [Show full text]
  • Shirt Movements in Interwar Europe: a Totalitarian Fashion
    Ler História | 72 | 2018 | pp. 151-173 SHIRT MOVEMENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE: A TOTALITARIAN FASHION Juan Francisco Fuentes 151 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain [email protected] The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liBeral pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt move- ments embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the Ballot Boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. Keywords: fascism, Nazism, totalitarianism, shirt movements, interwar period. Resumo (PT) no final do artigo. Résumé (FR) en fin d’article. “Of all items of clothing, shirts are the most important from a politi- cal point of view”, Eugenio Xammar, Berlin correspondent of the Spanish newspaper Ahora, wrote in 1932 (2005b, 74). The ability of the body and clothing to sublimate, to conceal or to express the intentions of a political actor was by no means a discovery of interwar totalitarianisms. Antoine de Baecque studied the political dimension of the body as metaphor in eighteenth-century France, paying special attention to the three specific func- tions that it played in the transition from the Ancien Régime to revolutionary France: embodying the state, narrating history and peopling ceremonies.
    [Show full text]
  • Women Who Spied for Ireland
    Associate Associate Associate Associate Associate Susan Killeen Confidante of MC Siobhan Creedon Associate Deciphered messages Nora Wallace Helped Cork Brigades Code-breaker Associate Nancy O'Brien MC's cousin Josephine Marchmount Spied against British Head of Civilian Clerks and Typists at Worked with coded messages at Dublin Castle Cork Military Barracks Spied for Ireland Employee Confirmed Troop movements Married prominent IRA member Employee Dublin Castle British Operational HQ during Ind. War Participant Associate Mary Collins-Powell Associate MC's sister Associate Courier Intel Officer Participant Page 1 of 12 Associate Participant Participant Michael Collins President of the IRB Director of Munitions for IRA Director of Intelligence of the Irish Volunteers Employee Adjutant General and Director of Organization Minister of Finances: Dial Abbr: M.C. Kathleen Napoli MacKenna Courier Associate Associate MC's Secretary Participant Associate Associate Associate Participant Associate Associate Associate Associate Associate Location Associate Kitty Kiernan Fiance of MC 44 Mountjoy St. Attacked by British Safe House Furry Park, Dublin Madeline Dicker Linda Kearns Safe House MC's Girlfriend Meeting Place for IRB, IRA, and CnamB Associate Gun-runner Hid MC Participant Arrested, Broke out Courier Participant Sinead Mason Location Associate MC's Secretary War for Independence Owner Civil War Harry Boland Leader of the Movement Friend of MC Associate Associate 30 Mountjoy St. Josephine Marchmount Safe House Associate Head of Civilian Clerks
    [Show full text]
  • The Filibuster and Reconciliation: the Future of Majoritarian Lawmaking in the U.S
    The Filibuster and Reconciliation: The Future of Majoritarian Lawmaking in the U.S. Senate Tonja Jacobi†* & Jeff VanDam** “If this precedent is pushed to its logical conclusion, I suspect there will come a day when all legislation will be done through reconciliation.” — Senator Tom Daschle, on the prospect of using budget reconciliation procedures to pass tax cuts in 19961 Passing legislation in the United States Senate has become a de facto super-majoritarian undertaking, due to the gradual institutionalization of the filibuster — the practice of unending debate in the Senate. The filibuster is responsible for stymieing many legislative policies, and was the cause of decades of delay in the development of civil rights protection. Attempts at reforming the filibuster have only exacerbated the problem. However, reconciliation, a once obscure budgetary procedure, has created a mechanism of avoiding filibusters. Consequently, reconciliation is one of the primary means by which significant controversial legislation has been passed in recent years — including the Bush tax cuts and much of Obamacare. This has led to minoritarian attempts to reform reconciliation, particularly through the Byrd Rule, as well as constitutional challenges to proposed filibuster reforms. We argue that the success of the various mechanisms of constraining either the filibuster or reconciliation will rest not with interpretation by † Copyright © 2013 Tonja Jacobi and Jeff VanDam. * Professor of Law, Northwestern University School of Law, t-jacobi@ law.northwestern.edu. Our thanks to John McGinnis, Nancy Harper, Adrienne Stone, and participants of the University of Melbourne School of Law’s Centre for Comparative Constitutional Studies speaker series. ** J.D., Northwestern University School of Law (2013), [email protected].
    [Show full text]