Divide and Dissent: Kentucky Politics, 1930-1963
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University of Kentucky UKnowledge Political History History 1987 Divide and Dissent: Kentucky Politics, 1930-1963 John Ed Pearce Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Pearce, John Ed, "Divide and Dissent: Kentucky Politics, 1930-1963" (1987). Political History. 3. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_political_history/3 Divide and Dissent This page intentionally left blank DIVIDE AND DISSENT KENTUCKY POLITICS 1930-1963 JOHN ED PEARCE THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF KENTUCKY Publication of this volume was made possible in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Copyright © 1987 by The University Press of Kentucky Paperback edition 2006 The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University,Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Qffices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Pearce,John Ed. Divide and dissent. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Kentucky-Politics and government-1865-1950. 2. Kentucky-Politics and government-1951- . 3. Kentucky Governors-History-20th century. I. Tide. F456.P42 1987 976.9'043 86-28978 ISBN-10:0-8131-1613-9 ISBN-13: 978-0-8131-0804-9 (pbk.: alk. paper) This book is printed on acid-free recycled paper meeting the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence in Paper for Printed Library Materials. Manufactured in the United States ofAmerica. ~AYA~I~ Member of the Association of ~~ _ American University Presses _____ CONTENTS _____ Preface vii Introduction 1 1. Dividing the Bloody Ground 5 2. Happy Days Begin 24 3~ Strong Man from Morganfield 41 4. Not a Great First Act 55 5. Brawls in the House of Factions 66 6. Sounds of a Different Drum 86 7. The Ducks Line Up 100 8. Tax Money Makes the Mare Go 113 9. The Calm Revolutionaries 122 10. Of Trucks, Clocks, and Varmints 134 11. The Shackles of Tradition 146 12. Win Some, Lose Some 162 13. The Delicate Balance 179 14. The Kingmakers and the Candidates 189 15. A Party Divided Once More 200 16. Tale of a Fate Foretold 213 17. Hard Times Now Are Gone 218 Epilogue. How It Can Be Done 227 Selected Bibliography 233 Index 237 Photographs follow pages 24 and 120 This page intentionally left blank PREFACE The reader will note that this volume has not been footnoted, a lack which will probably be a red flag to historians and other scholars, even if a mercy to readers. But this is not really a scholarly work, nor is it intended as such. Actually, I began it as a brief review of the Bert Combs administration in Frankfort, and it somehow grew on me. Everyone to whom I showed the first draft (and then the second, and the third) had suggestions to make about needed additions. I had neglected this or that political figure, this episode, that squabble. Before I knew it, I had a full-length book on my hands, and a project that took years instead of the months that I had planned. But that is all right. I have had a good time writing it. I only hope that someone will have as much fun reading it. In that regard, I want to thank such people as Thomas Clark, John Kleber, Al Smith, and Barry Bingham for reading the manuscript of this book and for their criticism and advice. It was invaluable. So were the objections and suggestions and criticisms of the people who read the manuscript for the University Press of Kentucky. I am indebted to the many officials of the Combs, Wetherby, Clements, Chandler, and Breathitt administrations who were kind and patient enough to furnish me with documents and recollections; and to such men as Bill May, John Crimmins, Ed Prichard, Ed Farris, Henry Ward, and Robert Bell, who granted me interviews. I also want to thank Kimberly Lady of the Kentucky Oral History Commission and Terry Birdwhistell of the University of Kentucky Library and Archives for their considerable time and patience in helping me with the tapes and papers of some of the figures treated in this book. Bob Bender of the Department of Parks furnished me with a raft of facts concerning the parks and the tourist industry. I benefited greatly from con versations with James Klotter of the Kentucky Historical Society, Louisville historian George Yater, author and longtime friend Philip Ardery, author and archivist Sam Thomas, and publisher Tyler Mun ford of Morganfield. viii DIVIDE AND DISSENT Of course, many of the people to whom I refer in the book are dead now, and I have been obliged to depend to an unfortunate extent on my own recollection of events when I was not able to find newspaper clippings or official papers to fill in the blank spots. By all measures, my chief source of information about the years from 1920 to 1963 was the files of the Courier-Journal in Louisville, and I want to thank librarian Sonny Tharp and his assistants for helping me in this regard. I also had the advantage of copies of the Legislative Record in Frankfort, limited files of the Lexington Herald and Leader, and records of the Kentucky Court of Appeals. But a great deal of the material in this book, especially the personal and intimate references that would not be likely to show up in official records, are just from my own memory. I have known most of these people fairly well. I was never a favorite of Governor Chandler; I can understand this, since I was an editorial writer for the Courier-Journal during Mr. Chandler's second race and administration, when the pa per did not support him and was often critical. There were periods when Earle Clements was cool toward me (to indulge in some massive understatement). I regretted this. As a newsman, as a student of politics, and as an ordinary onlooker, I liked and respected Clements. He was a great personality. I had better explain something of my relationship with Bert Combs, since it is inevitable that some people will consider this book biased in his favor because we have long been friends. As an editorial writer for the Courier-Journal in 1955, when Combs first ran for gover nor, I got to know him casually. I met him again when he began to run in 1959. We were supporting Wilson Wyatt at the time but switched to Combs when he and Wyatt merged their campaigns. But I did not get to know him well until, in 1960, he appointed me to the newly created Parks Board. I was permitted to take the post by the Courier-Journal management only with the provision that the job would be nonpaying, and it was so stipulated (a provision that did not leave my fellow board members overjoyed). It was after that that I really came to know and admire Combs. I regret that I have not had occasion for much associa tion with him since his most recent (and unsuccessful) try for office and now see him infrequently. At the same time I think I can, and have shown that I can, view him and his administration objectively. During his term in office I was the author of many editorials that were critical of him and his policies. I would be less than honest, however, if I did not admit that I thought then and think now that his administration was outstanding. I hope I have not let this approval distort my reporting of his years. ____ INTRODUCTION ____ The governors of Kentucky have not been an exceptional lot. While there have been few outright rogues or scoundrels among them, there also have been relatively few outstanding performers, partly because of the nature of the job; It has never paid much. The state constitution won't let governors succeed themselves (though they may run again after a term has elapsed), and in the four years' term they do not have much chance to design or carry out long-range programs. For the past century Kentucky has been one of the poorer states, and poverty tends to feed on poverty, limiting what a governor can accomplish. By the time the average governor leaves office, he has had to say no so often that he enjoys little popularity. The ferocity with which Kentuckians play politics and the corrup tion that so often marks the average courthouse-the vote buying, the patronage, the selling of public services for political loyalty-have their roots in that poverty. Political power is sought for the financial gain it offers; corruption is accepted, if not condoned, since the outs intend to do the same when they get in; and spoils, not service or progress, become the point of the political process. People made cynical by such a process are often suspicious also of reform, modernization, and necessary taxation. To lead them out of the resulting poverty and ignorance requires capable, determined, and courageous leaders, willing to risk the political price of telling people the unpleasant truth.