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The Lifecycle of Sri Lanka Malay
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by HKU Scholars Hub Language Documentation & Conservation Special Publication No. 7 (January 2014) Language Endangerment and Preservation in South Asia, ed. by Hugo C. Cardoso, pp. 100-118 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/sp07 5 http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24605 The lifecycle of Sri Lanka Malay Umberto Ansaldo & Lisa Lim The University of Hong Kong The aim of this paper is to document the forces that led first to the decay and then the revival of the ancestral language of the Malay diaspora of Sri Lanka. We first sketch the background of the origins of the language in terms of intense contact and multilingual transfer; then analyze the forces that led to a significant language shift and consequent loss, as well as the factors responsible for the recent survival of the language. In doing so we focus in particular on the ideologies of language upheld within the community, as well as on the role of external agents in the lifecycle of the community. 1. THE FORMATIVE PERIOD. The community of Malays in Sri Lanka1 is the result of the central practices of Western colonialism, namely the displacement of subjects from one colonized region to another. Through various waves of deportation communities of people from Indonesia (the 1 Fieldwork undertaken in February and December 2003 and January 2004 in Colombo, Hambantota and Kirinda was partially supported by a National University of Singapore Academic Research Grant (R-103-000-020-112) for the project Contact languages of Southeast Asia: The role of Malay (Principal investigator: Umberto Ansaldo). -
Over 300,000 Affected by Floods
2 Tuesday 25th March, 2008 Are you a lucky winner? VASANA JAYAVIRU SUPIRI VASANA JAYODA SATURDAY DEVELOPMENT MAHAJANA SUWASETHA GOVISETHA FORTUNE SAMPATHA Date: SAMPATHA SAMPATHA Draw No. 419 FORTUNE Draw No: 162 Draw No. 1892 Draw No.645 Draw No: 969 Draw No: 707 19-03-2008 Date:22-03-2008 Date: 21-03-2008 Date: 18-02-2008 Date: 23-03-2008 Date: 16-02-2008 Date: 18-03-2008 Date: 20 - 03 - 2008 Draw No. 401 Draw No. 2010 Super No: 13 Date: 17.03.2008 Draw No. 439 Winning Nos: Winning Nos: Symbol:Capricorn Bonus No. 54 Winning Nos. Winning Nos. Winning Nos : Winning Nos. Winning Nos. 22 57 60 64 Winning Nos: Winning Nos: L- 6 - 8 - 4 - 5 - 3 - 4 32-36-37-46-63 W–07-14-55-60 J 31-36-37-64 N 10 38 62 63 117111 Super No 11 03-04-15-45 06 - 29 - 40 - 62 Wedding brings Over 300,000 tragedy to four by Lakshmi de Silva affected by floods A group of people returning after a wedding from Hatton had stopped by the by Lakshmi de Silva Bathiudeen told The Trincomalee Rs. 11,000 Kelani river at Kalugohotenne near Island yesterday. the Minister said. Kitulgala for a bath. Tragedy struck four More than 381,000 The District The number of hous- of them when they got into difficulties people were affected by Secretaries of Ampara, es completely destroyed and were drowned on Sunday (23). Two the recent floods in 10 were allocated Rs. by the floods were 228 bodies were recovered while the bodies districts and the gov- 650,000, Badulla, Rs. -
ETHNOGRAPHY in the TIME of CORONA Social Impact of The
1 ETHNOGRAPHY IN THE TIME OF CORONA Social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka Sindi Haxhi Student Number: 12757454 [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Oskar Verkaaik Medical Anthropology and Sociology University of Amsterdam 10 August 2020 2 Acknowledgments Having to do ethnography in such a turbulent time has been an experience that has taught me more about my profession than any class could ever have. Most importantly, it taught me that it is in these uncertain times that people come together to help one another, and this researcher could have never happened without the support of some wonderful people. I would like to take the time here and acknowledge some of these people who have contributed, officially or unofficially, to the final product of my ethnographic work. First of all, this research could have never come to life without the help of my local supervisor, Dr. Ruwan Ranasinghe, as well as the whole Uva Wellassa University. When I arrived in Badulla, it was the day that marked the beginning of the lockdown and the nation-wide curfew, which would become our normality for the next two months. During this time, following the vice-chancellor's decision, Professor Jayantha Lal Ratnasekera, I was offered free accommodation inside the campus as well as free transportation to the city centre for essentials shopping. For the next three months, every staff member at the campus made sure I would feel like home, something so crucial during a time of isolation. Words could never describe how grateful I am to each and every one of them for teaching me the essence of solidarity and hospitality. -
Sri Lanka Parliamentary Election, 17 August 2015
ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN SRI LANKA (17 August 2015) Report by Ignazio CORRAO, Chair of the Delegation Annexes: A- List of participants and programme B- Preliminary findings and conclusions C- Press release INTRODUCTION On 9 July 2015, the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament authorised the sending of an Election Observation Delegation to observe parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka, scheduled for 17 August 2015 and aimed at renewing the composition of the Parliament of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The European Parliament Election Observation Delegation was composed of six Members: Mr. Joachim ZELLER, (EPP, Germany), Mrs. Claudia SCHMIDT (EPP, Austria), Mr. David MARTIN (S&D, United Kingdom), Mrs. Neena GILL (S&D, United Kingdom), Mr. Doru FRUNZULICA (S&D, Romania) and Mr. Ignazio CORRAO (EFDD, Italy), who was appointed Chair of the Delegation at its constitutive meeting on 14 August. The EP Delegation conducted its activities in Sri Lanka between 14 and 19 August 2015. In line with common practice it was associated with the EU EOM which had been present in Sri Lanka from 15 July 2015 and was led by Mr Cristian Dan PREDA (EPP, Romania). The EOM was supported by a core team of seven analysts and 18 long term observers. For election day, the EU EOM was reinforced by 28 short-term observers from 24 Member States, as well as Switzerland and Norway, and 22 locally recruited observers from EU embassies. Other international observer missions present in Sri Lanka included the Commonwealth, the Forum of Election Management Bodies of South Asia (FEMBoSA) and high numbers of civil society / citizen observers (CMEV and PAFFREL in particular). -
“Disappearance” SRI Lankagulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 37/28/00 UA 276/00 “Disappearance” 11 September 2000 SRI LANKAGulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya (45) A father of five has been arrested at a navy checkpoint in the eastern district of Trincomalee, and the navy has since denied having him in custody. His whereabouts are unknown, and Amnesty International believes his life is in danger. Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya had been visiting his mother, who lives in another part of the town of Nilaveli, with his wife and one of their children. They were on their way home on a bicycle when they were stopped, at around 7.30am on 11 August. The navy personnel took him away, and told his wife to take a bus home with her child. From the bus, she saw them questioning her husband. Later that day, when he did not come home, she made enquiries at the Nilaveli navy camp and was told that “no such person has been arrested”. His relatives have since appealed to the President of Sri Lanka and made complaints with the National Human Rights Commission and other local institutions. They have also asked the army for information about him, to no avail. BACKGROUND INFORMATION There has been a worrying increase in the number of “disappearances” reported from the north and east of Sri Lanka. On 31 August, Amnesty International appealed to President Chandrika Kumaratunga Bandaranaike to intervene to end the sudden increase in “disappearances” in Vavuniya district in the north, after seven people arrested there between 10 and 26 August reportedly “disappeared”. The “disappearance” of Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya is the second reported from Trincomalee this year. -
China's Diplomacy: Growing Empire Or Geopolitical Limbo?
MAY ISSUE 2020 Puradsi Media. Phoenix - the Next Generation China’s diplomacy: growing empire or geopolitical limbo? SENCHUDAR The rise of the Chinese empire has caused a significant shift in geopolitical stratagems where US-India relations have been fused to counter the political giant’s impending domination. Whilst China has sustainably expanded its economic footing within the global market, the power’s tactics to ascend the geopolitical ladder have adapted a wide expanse of alternatives. Two of such techniques in China’s diplomatic pursuits include their debt and petroleum diplomacy. With China’s “debt trap” viewed as a significant pressure point upon many key developing and highly influential countries, it is crucial to assess the state of the hegemon’s efficiency in countering a geopolitical stalemate – especially concerning foreign competition to establish a footing in Sri Lanka. China’s relations with the Rajapaksa family have proven to reflect the empire’s tactic of dependence through diplomacy to exert their geopolitical influence. The return of the nepotistic Rajapaksa regime combined with the effect of the COVID-19 outbreak have assisted in exposing a tendency for China’s empire to slide into a geopolitical stalemate within the region thus raising questions regarding how this would impact Tamil sovereignty. China and the Rajapaksas China’s top-down approach has enabled the power to exert a steady presence within the geopolitical domain. Furthermore, DeVotta accounts for the Mahindha regime’s approach to increase relations with China as a counter to India and the West. This allowed China to enter the region with a “preference multiplier” strategy. -
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism. -
Sri Lanka – Muslim – Politician – Sri Lanka Muslim Congress – Religion
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: LKA35710 Country: Sri Lanka Date: 16 November 2009 Keywords: Sri Lanka – Muslim – Politician – Sri Lanka Muslim Congress – Religion This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Are there any reports of Muslim politicians facing ill-treatment by the government, or any other actor, for speaking out against the government/opposing the government? 2. Is it common for Muslims in Sri Lanka to speak Tamil? 3. Is there any information about Tamil-speaking Muslims being under suspicion by the government? RESPONSE 1. Are there any reports of Muslim politicians facing ill-treatment by the government, or any other actor, for speaking out against the government/opposing the government? Sources referred to did not mention ill treatment targeted at certain politicians because they were Muslim. Most painted Muslim politicians as speaking out in favor Muslim interests, sometimes against the government. A December 2007 LankaNewspapers article provides background information to the formation of Sri Lanka’s main Muslim party, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and its first leader stating that: The dominant Sinhala political class had been long used to pliable Muslim politicians of both green and blue hues. -
P Art1. Framing Fieldwork in the Batticaloa Region
part 1. framing fieldwork in the batticaloa region Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/chapter-pdf/633593/9780822389187-001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 introduction ri Lanka has been a remarkably fertile site for Sresearch in social and cultural anthropology, starting with C. G. and Brenda Z. Seligmann’s colo- nial monograph on the Veddas (1911) and continuing to this day with important ethnographic studies by Edmund R. Leach (1961), Nur Yalman (1967), Stanley J. Tambiah (1958), Gananath Obeyesekere (1967, 1981, 1984), James Brow (1978), Michael Roberts (1982), Bruce Kapferer (1983), Jonathan Spencer (1990a), R. L. Stirrat (1992), E. Valentine Daniel (1996), Rohan Bastin (2002), and many others. Despite “postcolo- nial and postempiricist” objections to anthropology in Sri Lanka (Ismail 2005), my intention was always to produce a book in the same scholarly tradition, a study that would extend understanding of the island’s remarkable sociological complexity through long- term, community-based fieldwork, as well as through critical engagement with anthropological writing on South Asia more generally. Now, however, given the brutal ethnic conflict which has consumed Sri Lan- kan society since the 1980s, this study also helps to illuminate what has become the most critical and divided conflict zone of the Eelam War—the island’s Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/chapter-pdf/633593/9780822389187-001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 Map 1. Sri Lanka and South India eastern coastal region—and the two Tamil-speaking minority communities who have lived there side by side for centuries—the Tamils and the Muslims (or Sri Lankan Moors). -
The Sunday Leader the Entrenchment of a Fascist State
Sri Lanka: The death of a newspaper – The Sunday Leader The entrenchment of a Fascist State Brian Senewiratne MA(Cantab). MBBChir (Cantab). MD (Lond). FRCP (Lond). FRACP Consultant Physician Brisbane, Australia On Friday 21 September 2012 (another ‘black Friday’1), The Sunday Leader, the only newspaper critical of the Rajapaksa junta, was ‘killed’ (silenced), the ‘body’ quickly ‘cremated’ (handed over to one of Rajapaksa’s stooges), and the ‘ashes’ scattered in the President’s House (Palace) and ‘Temple Trees’ (so that the President and his brother can keep an eye on them to make sure they do not rise again (get back into circulation and be a thorn in the flesh)). ‘Temple Trees’ is the official residence of the Prime Minister – now acquired by the President presumably because the vast President’s House in the Colombo Fort is unable to accommodate the ever-increasing Rajapaksa dynasty. It used to be “Queens House”, the residence of the Governor General of Ceylon, and then became “President’s House” in 1972 when Ceylon became the Republic of Sri Lanka. I have no idea who occupies it now, presumably the Rajapaksa clan or the de facto President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, with the de jure President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, demoted to “Temple Trees”. The assassin of The Sunday Leader has not been identified but the bloody footprints lead to the Rajapaksa junta and the Colombo stock market. Rumour has it that the Colombo stock market mafia raised Rs 190 million, in addition to Rs 100 million given as a bank loan by the President. It is difficult to believe that Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who recently called the Sunday Leader ‘a fucking newspaper’ and the Editor-in-Chief “a dirty fucking shit journalist” was not applauding. -
Y%S ,Xld M%Cd;Dka;%Sl Iudcjd§ Ckrcfha .Eiü M;%H W;S Úfyi the Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka EXTRAORDINARY
Y%S ,xld m%cd;dka;%sl iudcjd§ ckrcfha .eiÜ m;%h w;s úfYI The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka EXTRAORDINARY wxl 2072$58 - 2018 uehs ui 25 jeks isl=rdod - 2018'05'25 No. 2072/58 - FRIDAY, MAY 25, 2018 (Published by Authority) PART I : SECTION (I) — GENERAL Government Notifications SRI LANKA Coastal ZONE AND Coastal RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PLAN - 2018 Prepared under Section 12(1) of the Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Management Act, No. 57 of 1981 THE Public are hereby informed that the Sri Lanka Coastal Zone and Coastal Resource Management Plan - 2018 was approved by the cabinet of Ministers on 25th April 2018 and the Plan is implemented with effect from the date of Gazette Notification. MAITHRIPALA SIRISENA, Minister of Mahaweli Development and Environment. Ministry of Mahaweli Development and Environment, No. 500, T. B. Jayah Mawatha, Colombo 10, 23rd May, 2018. 1A PG 04054 - 507 (05/2018) This Gazette Extraordinary can be downloaded from www.documents.gov.lk 1A 2A I fldgi ( ^I& fPoh - YS% ,xld m%cd;dka;s%l iudcjd§ ckrcfha w;s úfYI .eiÜ m;%h - 2018'05'25 PART I : SEC. (I) - GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA - 25.05.2018 CHAPTER 1 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 THE SCOPE FOR COASTAL ZONE AND COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT 1.1.1. Context and Setting With the increase of population and accelerated economic activities in the coastal region, the requirement of integrated management focused on conserving, developing and sustainable utilization of Sri Lanka’s dynamic and resources rich coastal region has long been recognized. -
Buddhism and Politics the Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka
Special Issue: Buddhism and Politics Journal of Buddhist Ethics ISSN 1076-9005 http://blogs.dickinson.edu/buddhistethics/ Volume 25, 2018 The Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka D. Mitra Barua Cornell University Copyright Notice: Digital copies of this work may be made and distributed provided no change is made and no alteration is made to the content. Reproduction in any other format, with the exception of a single copy for private study, requires the written permission of the author. All en- quiries to: [email protected]. The Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka D. Mitra Barua 1 Abstract Buddhists in Chittagong, Bangladesh claim to preserve a lock of hair believed to be of Sakyamuni Buddha himself. This hair relic has become a magnet for domestic and transnational politics; as such, it made journeys to Colom- bo in 1960, 2007, and 2011. The states of independent Cey- lon/Sri Lanka and East Pakistan/Bangladesh facilitated all three international journeys of the relic. Diplomats from both countries were involved in extending state invita- 1 The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow, Cornell University. Email: [email protected]. The initial version of this article was presented at the confer- ence on “Buddhism and Politics” at the University of British Columbia in June 2014. It derives from the section of Buddhist transnational networks in my ongoing research project on Buddhism in Bengal. I am grateful to the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship in Buddhist Studies (administered by the American Council of Learned Societies) for its generous funding that has enabled me to conduct the re- search.