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Corruption: Govt
CORRUPTION: GOVT. SILENCE, RHETORIC Some of the relevant and cogent issues pertaining to the privatisation of Sri Lanka Telecom carried out by the Public Enterprise Reform Commission [PERC] have been recently highlighted. This has been one of the major privatisations undertaken by the government, of a public utility, that is crucially important for the growth and development for this country. Such relevant and cogent issues, highlighted on the privatisation of Sri Lanka Telecom and the sale of 35% of its shareholdings to Nippon Telegraph & Telephone Corporation [NTT], were based on the very restricted and limited information, that had been released in outline to the media. Public spirited persons, obviously value transparency and public accountability in the conduct of public affairs, and decry that public transactions be questionably closeted away from public glare and scrutiny. TELECOM PRIVATISATION DOCUMENTATIONS Following are the documentations pertaining to the privatisation of Sri Lanka Telecom. 1. Report of the Technical Evaluation Committee for the Phase II bid evaluation of Sri Lanka Telecom, signed by its Chairman K.C. Logeswaran and members Siripala Jayaweera and V.K. Samaranayake. 2. Share Purchase Agreement between the government and Nippon Telegraph & Telephone Corporation dated August 5, 1997, signed by B.C. Perera, Secretary to the Treasury and Jun- ichiro Miyazu, President, NTT witnessed by Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, Chairman, PERC. 3. Shareholders' Agreement between the government, NTT and Sri Lanka Telecom dated August 5, 1997, signed by B.C. Perera, Secretary to the Treasury, Jun-ichiro Miyazu, President, NTT, Hemasiri Fernando, Chairman & R.D. Somasiri, Managing Director, Sri Lanka Telecom witnessed by Dr. -
Report on Citizenship Law:Sri Lanka
COUNTRY REPORT 2017/10 REPORT ON MAY 2017 CITIZENSHIP LAW:SRI LANKA AUTHORED BY LUWIE GANESHATHASAN ASANGA WELIKALA © Luwie Ganeshathasan and Asanga Welikala, 2017 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the authors. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the year and the publisher. Requests should be addressed to [email protected]. Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual authors and not those of the European University Institute. Global Citizenship Observatory (GLOBALCIT) Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies in collaboration with Edinburgh University Law School Report on Citizenship Law: Sri Lanka RSCAS/GLOBALCIT-CR 2017/10 May 2017 © Luwie Ganeshathasan and Asanga Welikala, 2017 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), created in 1992 and directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe’s neighbourhood and the wider world. -
Sri Lanka Parliamentary Election, 17 August 2015
ELECTION OBSERVATION DELEGATION TO THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN SRI LANKA (17 August 2015) Report by Ignazio CORRAO, Chair of the Delegation Annexes: A- List of participants and programme B- Preliminary findings and conclusions C- Press release INTRODUCTION On 9 July 2015, the Conference of Presidents of the European Parliament authorised the sending of an Election Observation Delegation to observe parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka, scheduled for 17 August 2015 and aimed at renewing the composition of the Parliament of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The European Parliament Election Observation Delegation was composed of six Members: Mr. Joachim ZELLER, (EPP, Germany), Mrs. Claudia SCHMIDT (EPP, Austria), Mr. David MARTIN (S&D, United Kingdom), Mrs. Neena GILL (S&D, United Kingdom), Mr. Doru FRUNZULICA (S&D, Romania) and Mr. Ignazio CORRAO (EFDD, Italy), who was appointed Chair of the Delegation at its constitutive meeting on 14 August. The EP Delegation conducted its activities in Sri Lanka between 14 and 19 August 2015. In line with common practice it was associated with the EU EOM which had been present in Sri Lanka from 15 July 2015 and was led by Mr Cristian Dan PREDA (EPP, Romania). The EOM was supported by a core team of seven analysts and 18 long term observers. For election day, the EU EOM was reinforced by 28 short-term observers from 24 Member States, as well as Switzerland and Norway, and 22 locally recruited observers from EU embassies. Other international observer missions present in Sri Lanka included the Commonwealth, the Forum of Election Management Bodies of South Asia (FEMBoSA) and high numbers of civil society / citizen observers (CMEV and PAFFREL in particular). -
“Disappearance” SRI Lankagulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 37/28/00 UA 276/00 “Disappearance” 11 September 2000 SRI LANKAGulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya (45) A father of five has been arrested at a navy checkpoint in the eastern district of Trincomalee, and the navy has since denied having him in custody. His whereabouts are unknown, and Amnesty International believes his life is in danger. Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya had been visiting his mother, who lives in another part of the town of Nilaveli, with his wife and one of their children. They were on their way home on a bicycle when they were stopped, at around 7.30am on 11 August. The navy personnel took him away, and told his wife to take a bus home with her child. From the bus, she saw them questioning her husband. Later that day, when he did not come home, she made enquiries at the Nilaveli navy camp and was told that “no such person has been arrested”. His relatives have since appealed to the President of Sri Lanka and made complaints with the National Human Rights Commission and other local institutions. They have also asked the army for information about him, to no avail. BACKGROUND INFORMATION There has been a worrying increase in the number of “disappearances” reported from the north and east of Sri Lanka. On 31 August, Amnesty International appealed to President Chandrika Kumaratunga Bandaranaike to intervene to end the sudden increase in “disappearances” in Vavuniya district in the north, after seven people arrested there between 10 and 26 August reportedly “disappeared”. The “disappearance” of Gulam Mohideen Mohammad Zakariya is the second reported from Trincomalee this year. -
China's Diplomacy: Growing Empire Or Geopolitical Limbo?
MAY ISSUE 2020 Puradsi Media. Phoenix - the Next Generation China’s diplomacy: growing empire or geopolitical limbo? SENCHUDAR The rise of the Chinese empire has caused a significant shift in geopolitical stratagems where US-India relations have been fused to counter the political giant’s impending domination. Whilst China has sustainably expanded its economic footing within the global market, the power’s tactics to ascend the geopolitical ladder have adapted a wide expanse of alternatives. Two of such techniques in China’s diplomatic pursuits include their debt and petroleum diplomacy. With China’s “debt trap” viewed as a significant pressure point upon many key developing and highly influential countries, it is crucial to assess the state of the hegemon’s efficiency in countering a geopolitical stalemate – especially concerning foreign competition to establish a footing in Sri Lanka. China’s relations with the Rajapaksa family have proven to reflect the empire’s tactic of dependence through diplomacy to exert their geopolitical influence. The return of the nepotistic Rajapaksa regime combined with the effect of the COVID-19 outbreak have assisted in exposing a tendency for China’s empire to slide into a geopolitical stalemate within the region thus raising questions regarding how this would impact Tamil sovereignty. China and the Rajapaksas China’s top-down approach has enabled the power to exert a steady presence within the geopolitical domain. Furthermore, DeVotta accounts for the Mahindha regime’s approach to increase relations with China as a counter to India and the West. This allowed China to enter the region with a “preference multiplier” strategy. -
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: the ROOTS of PLURALISM BREAKDOWN
Majoritarian Politics in Sri Lanka: THE ROOTS OF PLURALISM BREAKDOWN Neil DeVotta | Wake Forest University April 2017 I. INTRODUCTION when seeking power; and the sectarian violence that congealed and hardened attitudes over time Sri Lanka represents a classic case of a country all contributed to majoritarianism. Multiple degenerating on the ethnic and political fronts issues including colonialism, a sense of Sinhalese when pluralism is deliberately eschewed. At Buddhist entitlement rooted in mytho-history, independence in 1948, Sinhalese elites fully economic grievances, politics, nationalism and understood that marginalizing the Tamil minority communal violence all interacting with and was bound to cause this territorialized community stemming from each other, pushed the island to eventually hit back, but they succumbed to towards majoritarianism. This, in turn, then led to ethnocentrism and majoritarianism anyway.1 ethnic riots, a civil war accompanied by terrorism What were the factors that motivated them to do that ultimately killed over 100,000 people, so? There is no single explanation for why Sri democratic regression, accusations of war crimes Lanka failed to embrace pluralism: a Buddhist and authoritarianism. revival in reaction to colonialism that allowed Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists to combine their The new government led by President community’s socio-economic grievances with Maithripala Sirisena, which came to power in ethnic and religious identities; the absence of January 2015, has managed to extricate itself minority guarantees in the Constitution, based from this authoritarianism and is now trying to on the Soulbury Commission the British set up revive democratic institutions promoting good prior to granting the island independence; political governance and a degree of pluralism. -
The Sunday Leader the Entrenchment of a Fascist State
Sri Lanka: The death of a newspaper – The Sunday Leader The entrenchment of a Fascist State Brian Senewiratne MA(Cantab). MBBChir (Cantab). MD (Lond). FRCP (Lond). FRACP Consultant Physician Brisbane, Australia On Friday 21 September 2012 (another ‘black Friday’1), The Sunday Leader, the only newspaper critical of the Rajapaksa junta, was ‘killed’ (silenced), the ‘body’ quickly ‘cremated’ (handed over to one of Rajapaksa’s stooges), and the ‘ashes’ scattered in the President’s House (Palace) and ‘Temple Trees’ (so that the President and his brother can keep an eye on them to make sure they do not rise again (get back into circulation and be a thorn in the flesh)). ‘Temple Trees’ is the official residence of the Prime Minister – now acquired by the President presumably because the vast President’s House in the Colombo Fort is unable to accommodate the ever-increasing Rajapaksa dynasty. It used to be “Queens House”, the residence of the Governor General of Ceylon, and then became “President’s House” in 1972 when Ceylon became the Republic of Sri Lanka. I have no idea who occupies it now, presumably the Rajapaksa clan or the de facto President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, with the de jure President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, demoted to “Temple Trees”. The assassin of The Sunday Leader has not been identified but the bloody footprints lead to the Rajapaksa junta and the Colombo stock market. Rumour has it that the Colombo stock market mafia raised Rs 190 million, in addition to Rs 100 million given as a bank loan by the President. It is difficult to believe that Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who recently called the Sunday Leader ‘a fucking newspaper’ and the Editor-in-Chief “a dirty fucking shit journalist” was not applauding. -
Y%S ,Xld M%Cd;Dka;%Sl Iudcjd§ Ckrcfha .Eiü M;%H W;S Úfyi the Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka EXTRAORDINARY
Y%S ,xld m%cd;dka;%sl iudcjd§ ckrcfha .eiÜ m;%h w;s úfYI The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka EXTRAORDINARY wxl 2072$58 - 2018 uehs ui 25 jeks isl=rdod - 2018'05'25 No. 2072/58 - FRIDAY, MAY 25, 2018 (Published by Authority) PART I : SECTION (I) — GENERAL Government Notifications SRI LANKA Coastal ZONE AND Coastal RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PLAN - 2018 Prepared under Section 12(1) of the Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Management Act, No. 57 of 1981 THE Public are hereby informed that the Sri Lanka Coastal Zone and Coastal Resource Management Plan - 2018 was approved by the cabinet of Ministers on 25th April 2018 and the Plan is implemented with effect from the date of Gazette Notification. MAITHRIPALA SIRISENA, Minister of Mahaweli Development and Environment. Ministry of Mahaweli Development and Environment, No. 500, T. B. Jayah Mawatha, Colombo 10, 23rd May, 2018. 1A PG 04054 - 507 (05/2018) This Gazette Extraordinary can be downloaded from www.documents.gov.lk 1A 2A I fldgi ( ^I& fPoh - YS% ,xld m%cd;dka;s%l iudcjd§ ckrcfha w;s úfYI .eiÜ m;%h - 2018'05'25 PART I : SEC. (I) - GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA - 25.05.2018 CHAPTER 1 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 THE SCOPE FOR COASTAL ZONE AND COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT 1.1.1. Context and Setting With the increase of population and accelerated economic activities in the coastal region, the requirement of integrated management focused on conserving, developing and sustainable utilization of Sri Lanka’s dynamic and resources rich coastal region has long been recognized. -
Buddhism and Politics the Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka
Special Issue: Buddhism and Politics Journal of Buddhist Ethics ISSN 1076-9005 http://blogs.dickinson.edu/buddhistethics/ Volume 25, 2018 The Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka D. Mitra Barua Cornell University Copyright Notice: Digital copies of this work may be made and distributed provided no change is made and no alteration is made to the content. Reproduction in any other format, with the exception of a single copy for private study, requires the written permission of the author. All en- quiries to: [email protected]. The Politics of Buddhist Relic Diplomacy Between Bangladesh and Sri Lanka D. Mitra Barua 1 Abstract Buddhists in Chittagong, Bangladesh claim to preserve a lock of hair believed to be of Sakyamuni Buddha himself. This hair relic has become a magnet for domestic and transnational politics; as such, it made journeys to Colom- bo in 1960, 2007, and 2011. The states of independent Cey- lon/Sri Lanka and East Pakistan/Bangladesh facilitated all three international journeys of the relic. Diplomats from both countries were involved in extending state invita- 1 The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow, Cornell University. Email: [email protected]. The initial version of this article was presented at the confer- ence on “Buddhism and Politics” at the University of British Columbia in June 2014. It derives from the section of Buddhist transnational networks in my ongoing research project on Buddhism in Bengal. I am grateful to the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship in Buddhist Studies (administered by the American Council of Learned Societies) for its generous funding that has enabled me to conduct the re- search. -
Digitized by Noolaham Foundation. Noolaham.Org | Aavanaham.Org Peace Confidence Index Top-Line Results
Digitized by Noolaham Foundation. noolaham.org | aavanaham.org Peace Confidence Index Top-Line Results CONTENTS • INTRODUCTION 01 • KEY NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS 02 • FINDINGS AT A GLANCE 07 • PEACE CONFIDENCE INDEX (PCI) 11 TOP-LINE RESULTS IMPORTANT ISSUES 11 SOLUTIONS 12 CONFIDENCE 14 CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT (CFA) 23 SRI LANKA MONITORING MISSION (SLMM) 29 FOREIGN INVOLVEMENT 34 • POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS KADIRGAMAR KILLING 39 JOINT MECHANISM 41 • ANNEX Copyright © Social Indicator September 2005 Digitized by Noolaham Foundation. noolaham.org | aavanaham.org Peace Confidence Index Page 1 Top-line Results INTRODUCTION OBJECTIVE The purpose of this study is two-fold. One is to develop a numerical indicator of the level of public confidence in the peace process using a set of standardized questions, which remain unchanged with each wave. The other is to use a set of questions related to recent social, economic and political developments in order to gauge public opinion of the peace process, which by definition will change from one wave to another. Such information, collected over a period of time, will provide civil society and policy makers a useful barometer of the opinions of Sri Lankan polity, and ensure that the collective opinions of the public are given due importance and incorporated into the policy debate. SCOPE & METHODOLOGY The survey is carried out using a structured questionnaire administered through face-to-face interviews amongst a 1707 randomly selected sample. This survey was conducted among 21 administrative districts, however, in the districts of Jaffna, Vavuniya, Batticoloa and Ampara, only the Government controlled areas were surveyed. Data is weighted to reflect the actual ethnographic composition of the districts in which the sample was surveyed. -
Title Items-In-Secretary-General's Statements - XIV, 1 January 1967 - 30 April 1967
UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title 26 Date 22/05/2006 Time 4:29:41 PM S-0886-0005-04-00001 Expanded Number S-0886-0005-04-00001 Title items-in-Secretary-General's statements - XIV, 1 January 1967 - 30 April 1967 Date Created 08/03/1967 Record Type Archival Item Container S-0886-0005: United Nations Documents of the Secretary-General: U Thant: Secretary-General's Statements Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (FOR USE OF INFORMATION MEDIA -- NOT AN OFFICIAL RECORD) Press Release SGf/T/157 20 April 196T U THANT. LEAVES KARACHI FOB NEW YORK (The following i/as received rrpm a United Nations Information Officer The Secretary-General, U Thant, and party left Karachi for London en routs to Nev York at 7i50 a.m. (local time) today, after a tvo-day visit to Pakistan. He was seen off at the airport in Karachi by the Commissioner of Karachi, Syed, Darbar All Shaw, members of the diplomatic corps, officials of the Government of P^istan and United Nations officials. In a statement to correspondents at the airport, the Secretary-General expressed his thanks to the Government of Pakistan for the hospitality extended to him during his stay. He also reaffirmed his earlier statements on Viet-Nam, The Secretary-General, U Thant, arrived in Karachi from Lahore on Wednesday night, and was greeted on his arrival "by high Government officials, including tha Commissioner of Karachi, and members of the diplomatic corps. -
Peace Confidence Index (PCI) TOP-LINE RESULTS Social Indicator
An Opinion Poll On Peace Peace Confidence Index (PCI) TOP-LINE RESULTS Social Indicator January 2003 © 2003 Social Indicator ● Centre for Policy Alternatives hile many studies have been conducted on various aspects of W this conflict, none have attempted to capture the changes in public perception over a period of time. The lack of such a study was identified as a significant void by Social Indicator (SI), the social research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). The Peace Confidence Index study (PCI) seeks to fill this lacuna. The study, funded by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) under the Governance and Institutional Strengthening Project, (GISP) Sri Lanka, will be conducted bi-monthly to gauge the impact of local and international political developments on public attitudes towards the peace process. Peace Confidence Index Top-Line Results CONTENTS • INTRODUCTION 01 • KEY NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS 02 • FINDINGS AT A GLANCE 06 • PEACE CONFIDENCE INDEX (PCI) 09 TOP-LINE RESULTS PERCEPTIONS OF WAR AND PEACE 09 SOLUTIONS TO THE CONFLICT 12 CONFIDENCE 13 THE PEACE PROCESS 17 INTERNATIONAL THIRD PARTY FACILITATION 18 NORWEGIAN FACILITATION 19 INDIA’S INVOLVEMENT 21 • RECENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS 22 SRI LANKA MONITORING MISSION 22 LTTE 25 PEACE TALKS 29 THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY 34 LIVING CONDITIONS 36 OPPOSITION’S ROLE 38 JAPAN’S ROLE 42 • ANNEX Copyright © Social Indicator January 2003 Peace Confidence Index Page 1 Top-line Results INTRODUCTION OBJECTIVE The purpose of this study is two-fold. One is to develop a numerical indicator of the level of public confidence in the peace process using a set of standardised questions which remain unchanged with each wave.