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ETHNOGRAPHY IN THE TIME OF CORONA

Social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka

Sindi Haxhi Student Number: 12757454 [email protected]

Supervisor: Dr. Oskar Verkaaik Medical Anthropology and Sociology University of Amsterdam 10 August 2020

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Acknowledgments

Having to do ethnography in such a turbulent time has been an experience that has taught me more about my profession than any class could ever have. Most importantly, it taught me that it is in these uncertain times that people come together to help one another, and this researcher could have never happened without the support of some wonderful people. I would like to take the time here and acknowledge some of these people who have contributed, officially or unofficially, to the final product of my ethnographic work.

First of all, this research could have never come to life without the help of my local supervisor, Dr. Ruwan Ranasinghe, as well as the whole Uva Wellassa University. When I arrived in Badulla, it was the day that marked the beginning of the lockdown and the nation-wide curfew, which would become our normality for the next two months. During this time, following the vice-chancellor's decision, Professor Jayantha Lal Ratnasekera, I was offered free accommodation inside the campus as well as free transportation to the city centre for essentials shopping. For the next three months, every staff member at the campus made sure I would feel like home, something so crucial during a time of isolation. Words could never describe how grateful I am to each and every one of them for teaching me the essence of solidarity and hospitality. Later on, when I was finally ready to start my fieldwork, free transportation was arranged for me to travel outside Badulla. I want to specifically thank the teaching staff of the Tourism Department for arranging surprise getaways in beautiful landscapes during the end of my fieldwork, as I way to “shake-off” my quarantine blues. Often when I am in moments of isolation, I tend to get used to and dwell in my loneliness. So, what you don’t know is that your friendship and positivity kept me motivated to push my limits, get out of my comfort zone that at times can be proven toxic for me, and give my best. Dr. Ruwan Ranasinghe, “Ruwan Sir”, thank you for all the support on an academic and

3 personal level. Without your calm spirit and organisational skills, this research would practically not be possible. Professor Jayantha Lal Ratnasekera, thank you for the hospitality, your informative conversations and articles and the dinners at your house. Lecturer Chandi Karunarathne, I could write a whole chapter for you. Thank you for offering me your beautiful friendship and for supporting me every step of the way. Thank you for accompanying me during my field visits, bringing me in contact with participants and being my Sinhala translator. You made everything so much easier. Mr. Ali Abdulla Idroos, thank you for being my Tamil interpreter and for patiently accompanying me during my interviews and field visits. To Kiruba, Dambika, and the rest of the people on the campus; I consider you my friends. Thank you for treating me like family. Bohoma stutiyi & Ayubowan!

Besides all the staff members, I would like to thank the participants as well as all the people that I met along the way during my fieldwork for being so open and accepting. From sharing a Tamil breakfast or a cup of Ceylon tea, to sharing their stories, worries and opinions, these people were the backbone of this research. I am forever appreciative for the time you gave and the imprint you left on me on a personal level.

Secondly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Oskar Verkaaik, for taking an interest in me and my research. Thank you for being patient and calm during times of such uncertainty and for always motivating and advising me.

This thesis would not have taken the form that it does without the contribution and support of my friends. Thanks to my best friend Vassia, for always being a source of inspiration and knowledge. At the most anxious times, you are the anchor in my raging sea of emotions. Anisa, Zack, Miranda, I have no words for you. Thank you for offering me a place to stay during the writing period of this thesis and for always keeping my

4 spirit up. Thank you, Themis, for your invaluable help, the feedback, and the brainstorming. I could have never done it without you.

Finally, I want to thank my beautiful family for always being by my side and supporting my every step. Mom, Dad, I know it’s not easy to have an ethnographer as your daughter; always moving across the globe, always catching planes. I would never be where I am now without your love, acceptance and encouragement. I am grateful for all your sacrifices. You inspire me to do better, keep moving and evolve as a student, but most importantly, as a person. Thank you for embracing me and my crazy ideas and impulses and helping me turn them into reality. This thesis is dedicated to you. Ju dua!

Table of Contents:

INTRODUCTION

LITERATURE REVIEW

METHODOLOGY

THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS:

ARRIVING ΑΤ THE FIELD: Is this the Apocalypse?

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

CHAPTER 1: MINORITIES IN SRI LANKA AND COVID-19

CHAPTER 2: AYURVEDA USE DURING THE PANDEMIC

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CHAPTER 3: SPIRITUALITY AND COVID-19

FINAL THOUGHTS

REFERENCES

ETHNOGRAPHY IN THE TIME OF CORONA

Social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka

INTRODUCTION

THE RESEARCH THAT NEVER HAPPENED (AND ANOTHER THAT DID)

It would be remiss of me to begin writing about my research without addressing the elephant in the room first; I am, of course, referring to the research that never happened. Without delving into too much unnecessary detail, I have to mention however that, like many other researchers and students doing fieldwork, my research plans were so profoundly affected by the pandemic, that I had to scrap them and start over from scratch completely. To say this was a difficult task would be an understatement.

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My initial plan was to study the mental health and general well-being of the indigenous

Vedda population of Sri Lanka. By mid-March, once COVID-19 had already been declared a pandemic by the WHO, and with a lockdown looming on the horizon, the

Vedda decided to leave their villages and moved further in the jungle, to protect themselves. When I learned about this, I knew there was no possible way I could complete my research as planned. But it was the curfew that made me doubt the possibility of carrying out fieldwork at all, coming into effect only days after my arrival.

Under those circumstances, I had to decide: should I return to Amsterdam or stay in Sri

Lanka and wait? Could I come up with a new subject, and how would that, in turn, affect my studies?

On May 11th the curfew was finally over. By that time, and after discussions with both my local supervisor and my supervisor in Amsterdam, I had already decided to research what lay in front of me all along; the social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri

Lanka.

I should, at this point, admit that I harboured many doubts regarding my ability to research this topic since the choice of such a developing subject like the pandemic would pose numerous difficulties. When I began contemplating this subject, the first thing I did was search online to see if and how other social scientists were dealing with the current situation. I was looking for research focusing on the social impact of the pandemic, while also offering insights and advice on ethnographic methods under the

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"new normal". What I was really looking for was some kind of confirmation that, indeed, other social scientists also find themselves in a similar situation at this very moment, that they are forced to come to terms with similar difficulties as I do and that I am, in fact, part of a larger academic whole, part of which has already begun investigating this situation as it unfolds.

And although I did find a number of papers discussing the pandemic from different lenses and perspectives, for the most part, not much ethnographic research had been published so far, which is understandable, since qualitative research takes time. But at that point, this did little to assuage my impatience for answers and most importantly, for deciding on a thesis topic.

In one of my journal entries, I wrote “The clock is ticking, and soon I will have to present ​ something, and I can’t find anything that interests me. I could research the current

Corona crisis, but I feel as if it is ‘too big’ for me. It’s not just the fact that I don’t know much about the disease. What I found even more challenging was the aspect of

“unprecedentedness” that characterises this pandemic. If something is ‘so new’, then who am I to research it?”.

However, as I started to become more acclimated to and at peace with my new environment, and the situation in general, I started realising that the social ramifications of this pandemic were in front of me. They had been part of my daily conversations with

8 my local supervisor, my friends and family, back home and even with the university staff members next to whom I lived. They were documented in the media, they could be observed in the short walks we were allowed to go out on. It was only when I stopped fearing the “unknown” of this crisis, and started to navigate the quarantine one day at a time, that I realized that I had finally found my subject, or perhaps, that it had found me.

I wanted to study how people in Sri Lanka make sense of the pandemic, and in return, how they make sense of their relationships, culture and identity. How is the current situation transforming their everyday lives? What mechanisms do they use to protect themselves and their communities and loved ones from this health threat? How do they talk about the current situation and what explanatory models do they use? What role do pre-existing inequalities play during such a health and socio-economic crisis? Granted, attempting to describe the social impact and consequences of the pandemic is, like the disease itself, a virtually never-ending task, as “social” is by its very nature fluid and diffused across every aspect of human existence.

This thesis narrows its focus on three distinct points: a) The effects of the pandemic on

Sri Lankan minorities, b) ) the use of Ayurveda during the COVID-19 crisis and c) the role of religious perspectives and spirituality in conceptualizing the pandemic. These three perspectives emerged naturally, following discussions and interviews with my participants.

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Finally, I should note that being in a position to carry out research at this juncture is a great privilege. I was lucky enough to be in a country with a very low death toll and a small number of cases. That offered me a great sense of security and consequently allowed me to focus on my studies and research planning.

A QUICK OVERVIEW OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC IN SRI LANKA

The first confirmed case of the virus was reported in Sri Lanka on the 27th of January

2020, when a 44-year-old Chinese tourist was admitted to the National Institute of

Infectious Diseases. She was later released from the hospital fully recovered on

February 19th. The first Sri Lankan local to be tested positive with COVID-19 was reported on March 10. After that date, new cases started being reported on a daily basis, even though numbers were still relatively low. The general public was instructed to follow proper hygiene rules and self-quarantine. March 28 marked the first death of a

COVID-19 patient in the country. Following this, a curfew and a ban in trans-provincial transportations was implemented. By the end of the month, the Sri Lankan Army had erected 45 quarantine centres throughout the country.

During April, more and more positive cases were reported, at an alarming rate. On the

11th of May, the 52-day curfew was lifted. In that span of time, the total number of confirmed cases surpassed 1000. However, the death toll has not exceeded -as of this writing- 11 total victims, a very low number, especially compared to the death toll of

10 other countries. As of August 6th 2020, the total number of confirmed cases is at 2839.

Ironically, even though Sri Lanka was ranked as the 16th highest-risk country prone to the COVID-19 pandemic in April, it was also named the 9th best in the world for its immediate response.

I should also note that, due to the COVID pandemic being an ongoing crisis, with no clear end in sight for the foreseeable future, most of the data I am utilizing is in flux.

Things can change radically from one day to the next, and therefore, I will not focus on the more volatile elements of this developing situation.

LITERATURE REVIEW

While in anthropological research, some form of literature review approach is customary, wherein one discusses existing literature pertaining to the main subject at hand, my approach will diverge slightly, when it comes to the structure of my thesis. I will be, at first, discussing pandemics in general from a literature review standpoint. This section of the thesis includes some of the most important bibliography from different social disciplines that helped me gain insight regarding the research and analysis of such medical phenomena from a social science viewpoint. Afterwards, however, for each sub-question that arises, I will be delving deeper on the basis of more specialized

11 relevant literature. For this reason, more narrow-themed literature will be later reviewed and analysed thematically in each sub-question.

In their work, Networked Disease, Ali and Keil examine the relationship between ​ ​ globalization and infectious diseases, focusing their attention on the case of Severe

Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), which sparked a global outbreak in 2002-2004.

SARS was historically the first infectious disease that brought the world to the realization that the next pandemic is now only a plane ticket away. Through this perspective, the writers attempt to discern which urban aspects can give rise to such pandemics in globalized cities, both in the West and the East. Their research unsettled the preconception that safe and healthy urban environments, with mobility and access to medical treatment, do in fact, exist in a globalized world. SARS, indeed, managed to expose the socio-biological and political vulnerabilities of contemporary urban environments around the world to such infections, due to a tremendous shift in the patterns of human living conditions and traveling, which in turn affected and heightened the patterns of pathogen distribution. International migration and mobility, rapid urbanization, inadequate infrastructure and lack of access to public health services, ecological changes, such as climate change and generalized poverty, are listed as the main factors behind contemporary epidemics and pandemics. With this perspective in mind, it becomes apparent that human populations shape and are shaped by diseases, as disease exists in as well as because of the urban environments and not in spite of them, often serving as a vector for pathogen transmission. After all, viruses and humans

12 share the same ecological space, and epidemics are part of the human condition

(Ennis-McMillan M. C. & Hedges K.; 2020). Through this paper, the sociopolitical, economic and cultural aspects of causality of respiratory infectious diseases are examined and light is shed on the human and environmental interactions in a globalized setting, going beyond a strictly biomedical model of explanation for pandemic episodes.

By examining the SARS pandemic in seven different countries and in a multidisciplinary way, a new conception of global cities is introduced, where lines are drawn connecting financial, political and sociocultural factors to infection and contagion, which result in the emergence of international and local health, societal and developmental threats.

The social and political conditions and consequences related to pandemics have been examined by social scientists and historians for years. In fact, over 100 years ago,

Science magazine published a paper analysing human behaviours and societal ​ responses amidst the Spanish Flu pandemic (Soper, G. A. 1919: 501-506). There is a prevailing popular assumption, when discussing mentalities during the course of epidemics and pandemics that such health emergencies can give rise to hate and prejudice in a societal setting. However in his paper “Pandemics: Waves of Disease”, ​ Cohn surveys the history of different pandemics in the West, from the plague of Athens

(490 BC) to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, coming to the conclusion that, pandemics -albeit with some historical exceptions- do not inevitably spark hate and episodes of generalized violence. On the contrary, they have often managed to unify communities and bring people together, despite the preexisting social, religious, political, cultural and

13 ethnic tensions and differences between them. Through his work, different political and historical reactions and experiences of pandemics become apparent. However, this analysis does not conclude in the formulation of a precise theoretical framework regarding which factors and under what circumstances hate, violence, denomination of minorities and blaming of the “Other”, do, indeed, arise in a given society and time.

The claim that a pandemic can create and/or intensify the reduction of hate and political, religious and ethnic violence and prejudice is further backed up by the analysis of

Dovidio, Gaertner and Saguy (2007), where they discuss notions of “togetherness”, shared values and cooperation across individuals, communities, governments and states in order to fight diseases, that can, in turn, result in the reorganization of communities, creating opportunities for coordinated efforts and solidarity, giving rise to a sense of community and common destiny while also fostering local, national and global acts of cooperation. Such acts of “coming together” have already started to become apparent since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, for example through donations of medical supplies and services as well as the creation of COVID-19 relief funds (Booth 2020).

Furthermore, the inspection of behaviours and attitudes in cases of health emergencies and disasters, reveals that altruism, cooperation and norm-governed behaviour with respect for protective measures can not only exist but, even more so, is quite common: these are widespread behaviours that often characterize people and societies’

14 responses in pandemic settings, despite the expected feelings of fear and panic (Drury,

J. 2018: 38-81). Again, such acts of solidarity have been observed during the current pandemic in different countries and societies, through the work of organizations, foundations, mutual aid groups and individual initiatives. This leads us to an examination of how and why people cooperate in situations of severe health emergencies, crisis and disasters. Throughout recent literature works, it is suggested that such behaviours of collectiveness, crowd solidarity and community stem from an emerging sense of shared identity and experience, a feeling of shared struggles and being together during such a health crisis (Quarantelli 2001; Drury et al. 2009).

Solidarity networks and their presence both online and offline in times of crisis are also discussed more recently in Gracjasz work, where she talks about long-term networks and new initiatives in Gdańsk, Poland amidst COVID-19 (Gracjasz 2020). There, she analyses strategies of dealing with the unprecedented implications of COVID-19 in a novel and socially unified way. In Gdańsk, she observed individuals’ and anarchist organizations’ initiatives to distribute hot meals to the homeless. Hunter-Pazzara, who specializes in anthropology of tourism, documents the devastating effects of the crisis for the city of Playa del Carmen in Mexico. There, as he describes, unionized workers in the tourist industry have cultivated solidarity and shared efforts to support each other, which begs the question; if people are able to demonstrably come together and join efforts in order to address the situation that COVID-19 has created, then could it also be within the realm of possibility that other present and future global problems may be

15 addressed with the same altruistic energy? If so, then the further research and documentation of the cases and factors that bring people together in the face of adversity should be an imperative task for anthropologists and other social scientists, as there are still many lessons to be gleaned that can find applications elsewhere.

Social inequalities and their connection to the experience of illness and disease is another important factor that has attracted the interest of social scientists for years and is frequently referenced in papers and articles. In fact, their connection to global pandemics was first recognised and analysed in 1931, when Sydenstricker surveyed the effects of the Spanish Flu of 1918 on the working class in the US, concluding that incidents of illness and transmission were higher in their population. These findings were later backed up by other historians, who confirmed that incidents of disease were higher among economically disadvantaged populations in America, as well as other countries. Similar data, for instance, could be found in India1, Norway2, Sweden,

England and Wales3. Not only were marginalized groups at a higher risk of contracting the disease, but they were also faced with the tremendous later implications of the

Spanish flu, which cemented their financial disadvantages and lack of access to public

1 Murray CJ, Lopez AD, Chin B, et al. Estimation of potential global pandemic influenza mortality on the basis of vital registry data from the 1918-20 pandemic: a quantitative analysis. Lancet 2006;368:2211–8

2 Mamelund SE. A socially neutral disease? Individual social class, household wealth and mortality from Spanish influenza in two socially contrasting parishes in Kristiania 1918-19. Soc Sci Med 2006;62:923–40

3 Chowell G, Bettencourt LMA, Johnson N, et al. The 1918–1919 inuenza pandemic in England and Wales: spatial patterns in transmissibility and mortality impact. Proc R Soc B 2008;275:501–9

16 or private healthcare. This shook the conception that illness is neutral and disease hits everyone in the same way, not discriminating against rich or poor.

More recently, with regards to the H1N1 pandemic, evidence has been presented through multiple research endeavours which further solidifies the fact that such health emergencies can affect people who face social inequalities differently. For example, in a research on social determinants and hospitalization rates during the outbreak of the

H1N1 pandemic in Canada, it was made readily apparent that financially deprived people were hospitalized at higher rates than the rest of the population (Lowcock et al.

2012). Another research taking place in the USA came up with similar data when examining the medical and behavioural factors on influenza-like illnesses (Biggerstaff et al. 2014; 142:114–25). The results of these researches become even more relevant when studying the current COVID-19 pandemic through an anthropological lens, as more and more data from different countries and territories confirms the fact that social inequalities continue to play an important part, heightening the risk of infection and transmission (Chen, Krieger 2020).

In addition, pre-existing, deeply entrenched social inequalities (with regards to gender, sexuality, age, ethnicity, class, etc.) are not only connected to a lack of access to health services, a bigger risk of contracting infections and therefore poorer overall health, but also appear to affect the behaviours of people during a health emergency, such as their ability to comply with the protective measures and recommendations that are enacted

17 during a pandemic (Deitz & Meehan 2019 ΄Cockerham et al. 2017). Financial instability and social marginalization are further connected with higher morbidity rates due to infectious or chronic diseases, as has been suggested in a plethora of scientific works

(Fothergill & Peek 2004; Bolin & Kurtz 2018).

It is worth noting that the impact of COVID-19 on social inequalities is not related only to the virus and its transmission per se. The policy measures taken to prevent the spread of the disease have coalesced with pre-existing inequalities, affecting the way that marginalized groups live through and experience this unforeseen pandemic. The social consequences of the lockdown have been examined and discussed extensively by social scientists (Bambra et al. 2020). Such works present examples of unequal experiences of lockdown and quarantine (due to working conditions, unemployment, lack of access to internet, urbanity, etc.), adding to the argument that the experience of a pandemic is not neutral or equal for everyone.

Furthermore, issues of financial state, class and economic disadvantages often intersect with ethnicity and race, which in turn make up another social determinant for health and health-seeking behaviours. Notions of intersectionality become crucially useful in analysing such themes, as race and socio-economic inequalities are often intertwined. Marginalized groups and ethnic minorities, such as immigrants and refugees, display vulnerability to contracting and transmitting a disease, as well as, a general distrust for the healthcare system due to previous and continuous

18 experiences of discrimination against them (Quiñones et al. 2019; Marsden 2018).

Feelings of distrust, in turn, can affect their attitudes with regard to public health measurements and information, making them more suspicious of following authority orders and regulations ( Demaris,& Yang 1994; Brehm & Rahn 1997; Smith 1997;

Alesina & La Ferrara 2002).

Gender inequalities have unsurprisingly been connected with the COVID-19 crisis, and it has become clear that this health emergency is affecting women disproportionately on a physical, financial, social and psychological level. (Madgavkar et al., 2020). The increase in violence during quarantine is another phenomenon that supports the argument that pandemics affect people differently, often creating problems that are not directly related to the virus itself. According to WHO reports, COVID-19 can exacerbate the risk of violence against women during periods of isolation and home confinement, especially from their intimate partners and other family members. ”As family members spend more time in close contact and families cope with additional stress and potential economic or job losses”, episodes of physical or verbal abuse become more frequent.

Moving on, cultural norms and perceptions can affect peoples’ reactions, responses, behaviours and attitudes towards pandemics (Markus & Kitayama 1991). It has been suggested that cultures that endorse individualism, for example, Europe or the USA, see the Self as independent (Triandis 1995). On the other hand, cultures in Asia place a greater value on notions of interdependence, emphasizing a strong commitment and

19 respect towards family, community, clan, nation and other collectives (Kitayama et al.

2019). The examination of cultural variations such as these can help in comprehending the ways in which people behave during the pandemic, as well as the level of adherence that they showcase with regards to the various prevention measures and regulations, hence, affording us with a clearer insight on the different experiences of the pandemic.

METHODOLOGY

Naturally, this research was, to a great extent,into a task of methodological exploration for me, given the unprecedented effects of Covid-19 in fieldwork research and social sciences in general. Understanding the social and cultural landscape at hand was a constant process that unfolded throughout my entire research. The task of ethnographic immersion is trivial either way, so I think it is understandable that a thicker layer of difficulty is added when one is presented with an opportunity to perform their research in a time of crisis and generalized panic, on a local, national and international level.

As has been made apparent through other historical cases of epidemics and pandemics, qualitative methods are crucial in capturing and comprehending how people make meaning of health and illness matters (Schatz et al., 2013; Teti et al., 2015).

Through such methods, it is possible to document different viewpoints, meanings and social realities. It is through qualitative research that we can gain insight in the different

20 perspectives and narratives and to better grasp the complexity of the current Covid-19 pandemic (Leach et al., 2020)

Consequently, my ethnographic source material is diverse and dispersed. Triangulation was used in order to assist the validity of this research, as I used the data from interviews, observations from formal and informal conversations and extensive review and analysis of existing literature. The data presented in this thesis mainly steam from the 16 in-depth, semi-structured interviews that took place throughout my research with people from different cultural, ethnic, religious and professional backgrounds, in order to investigate the notations, conceptions and experiences of people during the

Coronavirus crisis. It is worth noting though that the level of “in-depthness”, so to speak, greatly depended on the participant and the level of language barriers we were facing during the interview. For example, participants with stronger English speaking skills could provide me with more information during interviews, with the conversations between us flowing more easily and generally lasting longer. This can also create limitations, as people with a better grasp of the English language can easily monopolize the conversation. I tried to address this issue by using different interpreters (for

Sinhalese and Tamil) with people who did not know or feel confident enough to speak in

English.

The research took place in the span of 6 weeks, starting on May 11th, which was the day the curfew that had been implemented by the government as a protective measure

21 was finally lifted. I managed to find my participants through my local supervisor and his connections (friends, colleagues, etc.). Additionally, my observations and journal entries written both during periods of isolation and during the researching period, also form a big part of my collected ethnographic material. It is worth mentioning, however, that classic anthropological methods such as participant observation could not be used to the extent that I would prefer, since the situation did not allow for it (social distancing, isolation, curfew, ban of transportation, etc.).

Lastly, the use of digital tools, including fieldwork via social media and online interviews, have greatly assisted researchers during the pandemic and have brought to light useful information, perhaps re-shaping and renewing the way we see anthropological methods. Unfortunately, I was not able to use any of these; internet access was not readily available to a sizable portion of the population of Badulla, where I resided, and even I often struggled when it came to having uninterrupted/problem-free online access.

THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS:

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My examination and discussion of the worldviews and perceptions on well-being and disease will follow a cultural relativist perspective. According to this, as Wigg (1999) points out, "Definitions of health differ, according to the point of view of the one who is defining it." In the realm of health, there is no universal definition or worldview on illness and anomaly. Through this lens, my goal is to examine Sri Lankan (indigenous, ayurvedic, biomedical, buddhist, Islamic, Hindu, etc..,) beliefs and behaviours towards health and healthcare-seeking, taking into consideration their cultural and social context to my best ability. Under such a perspective, wellness is not seen as something detected “in” the body or mind, but rather something that is affected by ecological, financial, intellectual, and social indicators. This would provide me with a wider ability to understand, talk about and observe wellness or lack thereof, as well as ideas and attitudes surrounding it.

Construction of Social and Clinical realities

Introduced by Berger and Luckmann and later used by Kleinman when discussing the future of global health, construction of social reality is a fundamental theory according to which the world is “made”, shifted, carved through cultural ideas, perceptions, beliefs, practices etc (Kleinman, 2010). This relates the above remarks on cultural relativism, meaning that concepts of health are seen and understood through constructed conceptualizations about the world, which in turn slowly become legitimized and part of social reality. Social reality is internalized by individuals as symbolic systems of norms

23 and meanings that govern their behaviour, communication with others and the perception of the world. Social realities therefore define our what we perceive as “real”.

Generally speaking, in small-scale, preliterate societies its members have more homogenous social realities. On the contrary, in developed societies social realities are often fragmented, and there exist distinct “plural life-worlds” as Schutz calls them

(1970). In developing countries, like Sri Lanka, one notes an amalgamation of both homogenous social realities of the indigenous/ oral traditions as well as plural life-worlds of modernity and new social forms. This can be clearly seen in their use of both

Ayurveda and biomedicine, which will be discussed later on.

Clinical reality is a term coined by Kleinman (1980), and it describes “socially constituted contexts that influence illness and clinical care”. A clinical reality is constituted by several parts, such as subjective experiences, idioms of distress, forms of diagnosis and treatment, all of which are culture-based. It therefore represents the cognitive construction of reality in a medical/clinical setting, a concept that will be used to answer the second and third sub-questions of this research, regarding the use of

Ayurveda and the role of spirituality in understanding, experiencing and coping with the

COVID-19 pandemic in the Sri Lankan society. Through this lens, the cultural significance and explanatory models of the pandemic will be described and analysed.

Social Suffering

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According to Kleinman (1996), social suffering is the “collective and individual human suffering associated with life conditions shaped by powerful social forces”. As a term, it is used in medical anthropology, ethnopsychiatry and global mental health to describe an emotional, psychological, psychosomatic or physical pain and discomfort, caused by social forces and factors (e.g.: financial state, class, bureaucracy, etc.). A deeply interpersonal and often shared experience, social suffering can be used to understand the causative relations between society/institutions and health disparities. From this perspective, health and societal problems and risk factors are examined together in an interconnected manner—socioeconomic and sociopolitical factors as seen as conditions for the emergence of diseases. Furthermore, suffering and pain are understood as not only affecting the individual but their social networks as well, from their family to their community; hence,pain or disorder is ‘de-individualized’. Familial, friendship and community bonds can at times influence perceptions, behaviours and decisions regarding health.

RESILIENCE

Following this theory (Weick, Rapp, Sullivan & Kisthardt, 1989), resilience can be seen as a process that follows situations of significant adversity (Theron 2016). It can also be seen as the outcome of an adverse situation. In medical anthropology it is used to describe a collective adaptability and can help elucidate and determine risk factors, social dynamics and social processes. It provides an understanding of human

25 behaviours when faced with adversity, often taking into consideration the ethnoreligious social and ecological environment and social justice. I am particularly interested in seeing how different ethnoreligious minorities facing financial problems and structural racism, develop resilience during the pandemic, by solidarity acts and manifestations of

“togetherness”. “Communities can find meaning in their suffering and are able to ​ transmute their negative experiences in a positive way” (Papadopoulos 2007). ​

STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE

Structural violence is a term introduced by sociologist Johan Galtung (1969), to describe how social structures and institutions can prevent people from meeting their basic needs. Forms of structural violence include institutionalized racism, sexism, classism, ethnocentrism, majoritarianism and elitism, the recognition and understanding of which will become relevant when answering the first question of the research, regarding the effect of the pandemic on marginalized ethnoreligious minorities in Sri Lanka. Following this theory, we focus on acts and strategies of violence that are not carried out by individuals but rather emerge from societal structures, like political and governmental organizations. Such organizations and institutions constrain individual agency, denying certain groups their human potential because of the social status imposed on them.

Although an important theoretical framework, this concept’s drawback is its broadness and vagueness, as many social scientists have pointed out (Levine 2010; Schinkel

2010; Webb 2019). For this reason, we have to be specific when discussing issues of

26 structural violence, making sure to explain the exact cultural and historical contexts that shape it, combining micro-level and macro-level accounts of violence in order to paint a detailed picture of the social landscape under examination. To that end, I have included introductions that explain the historical, cultural and political background of each ethnoreligious minority, for the purposes of contextualization.

INTERSECTIONALITY

This theoretical framework allows for the examination of how our social, cultural and political identities intersect and combine, forming modes of oppression, inequality, discrimination, privilege and opportunity. Coined as a term by Crenshaw (1989), intersectionality has been frequently used in papers and journal entries regarding the current pandemic in order to analyze the social landscape that COVID-19 has created and is continuing to create (Lokot 2020; Hankivsky & Kapilashrami 2020; Bowleg

2020). According to this theoretical lens, our social location is the result of the intertwinement of our racial, class, gender, sexual, ethnic and national identities and the experiences that stem from them (Cooper 2016). The examination of such experiences reveals structural hierarchies as well as different forms and levels of privilege and oppression. By looking at different concepts of domination and privilege, we can begin to comprehend social inequality as something multidimensional and complex

(Crenshaw 2011; 2016; 2019; Bello, B. G., & Mancini; 2011; Fixmer-Ortiz ; 2015). After all, disadvantage and inequality do not present homogeneously within an oppressed

27 group, as will be discussed later on in the case of female Indian Tamil tea workers. My goal, after all, is to study how COVID-19 has affected communities, lived experiences, and manifestations of power.

ARRIVING ΑΤ THE FIELD: Is this the Apocalypse?

On March 15 I arrived in Colombo, the capital of Sri Lanka after a long and tedious trip. I do not believe that at this point I had fully realized the situation at hand. Not in the slightest. Of course during the journey, the possibility of me falling ill and therefore upsetting my research schedule did cross my mind. This concern further proves how little I knew about the situation, as my general understanding of “falling ill with Corona” was that it was that much different from the common flu. During the first few days, I did not even think that this health threat could affect me in any physical, psychological, or academic way.

As I entered the hostel where I would stay for a day, I started to realize that perhaps the people of Sri Lanka understood and treated the pandemic a lot differently than the

Dutch did at that point. I wrote my name, age, and nationality on a notebook as requested by the hostel owner. “Everybody has to do it. Corona, you know?” she told ​ ​ me. When another tourist, who was also in the process of providing his information at the reception, was asked where he was from, he answered that he was Italian, and

28 immediately regretted doing so. Italy was then at the epicentre of the pandemic, a horrific example of what could happen to a country if the virus spiralled out of control. “I live in England though, I am half British” he explained, but that did not seem to ease the receptionist’s and her friend’s worries. Her friend told her that he should not stay in the hostel as that would be too dangerous. After negotiations, he was finally allowed to stay and rent a room. “I don’t know why I said Italian. I have lived in Italy my whole life, but ​ my mom is from England and I study there. I was so tired I wasn’t even thinking about

Corona at that moment”. ​

Later on, we went for a walk in the city with the half-Italian, half-British man along with a

Belgian tourist we met at the hostel. Both had recently left their jobs in order to travel throughout Asia. They would stay for about a month in Sri Lanka and later on they had planned to visit other Southeast Asian countries. The Belgian man even invited me to his birthday party that would take place at an exotic Sri Lankan beach the next month.

All of these conversations about travelling and experiencing the beauty of the world seem so out of place now that I think back on them. We really had no clue what was really going on, and even less, about what was coming in just two days' time.

When we returned to the hostel late that night, the receptionist was waiting for us anxiously. She informed us that her neighbours found out that she accepted tourists in her hostel and they asked her to tell us to leave. “They told me that ever since they saw ​ you entering the hostel, they haven’t left their houses out of fear that you have the

29 virus”. The neighbours' reaction is understandable, given that at that time, a few local ​ Sri Lankan citizens had already tested positive after coming in contact with foreign visitors. It was also said that the tourists who infected them knew they were carriers and had allegedly taken antipyretic medicine in order to pass the COVID-19 control at the airport. Their actions were heavily criticised by the Sri Lankan mainstream media,10-hour and that would justify, to an extent, the feelings of suspiciousness and fear towards strangers that had come in from Western countries. I have to note, though, that this was the first and only time I felt being treated with suspicion during my entire stay in the country. On the other hand, I have countless examples showcasing Sri

Lankans' respect, acceptance and solidarity towards me, documented in my fieldwork journal.

I will always remember that night in Colombo, as it was my last taste of normality; nothing would be the same the next day. I took a 10 hour train ride to Badulla, full of tourists from different Western countries. Almost no one in the train was wearing a mask, an image so different than what would become normal only days later. When I finally arrived at Badulla, I was met by a Professor from the Uwa Wellassa University.

She advised me to self-quarantine for about three days, and after that, my research could begin. However, the very next day, a nationwide curfew was implemented. In my mind, that curfew was but a small hiccup in my plans. In reality, the curfew would become part of our “new normal”, as it would end up lasting 52 days.

30

My first reaction to the whole pandemic, and the measures that were introduced was denial. Denial, denial, denial, it was not that serious, it would not last long; itBuddhistot affect my research design. Clearly, this could not be further from the truth. New norms of living and interacting had just started to unravel right in front of my, and pretty much everyone else’s, eyes. This was my introduction to the New Normal.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Following the theoretical framework delineated above, I will be summing up the main research question at the heart of this thesis like so:

What is the social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and implemented protective measures for the population of Sri Lanka?

My sub-questions are:

1. How did the pandemic affect the Sri Lankan minorities socially? What are the

lived experiences of the Muslim, Plantation Tamil and Indigenous minorities?

2. How has Ayurveda been used during the pandemic, both by medical

professionals and laypeople,?

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3. How do religions and spiritual values and ideologies shape the understanding

and experience of the pandemic? Can spirituality be used as a coping

mechanism during a health emergency?

Hence, the main aim of this research is to gain a deeper understanding of the different experiences, viewpoints, attitudes and behaviours of the Sri Lankan population during this health emergency. Τhis thesis is part of a larger debate about how societies and different communities within them react and perceive global health threats, as are pandemics, on a local level.

CHAPTER 1: MINORITIES IN SRI LANKA AND

COVID-19

In this chapter I will be examining how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected minorities in Sri Lanka in a practical, social and financial way. Following a brief outline regarding the history and current status of minorities in the island, I will be presenting three ethnographical examples; three case studies on the indigenous (Vedda), Muslim and

Plantation Tamil (Hindu) populations of the country and the social impact of the pandemic and lockdown on their communities. Through this, issues of social discrimination, racism and other inequalities will be elucidated, in an effort to show how

32 pre-existingthird-largest social problems and disadvantages can be exacerbated during a period of crisis. Finally, I will be presenting models of resilience and solidarity initiatives and networks, as I observed and documented them during my fieldwork.

OVERVIEW OF MINORITIES IN SRI LANKA

The majority of the population in the country4 is Sinhalese (almost 80%), while the largest minority are the Tamils (11%), mainly residing in the northern and eastern parts of the island. There are also Indian Tamils, brought over by the British during the 19th century as tea plantation workers, comprising today around 4% of the population. The third largest ethnic groups are the Moors (often referred to as just Muslims), who are descendants of Arab traders (10%). Other smaller minorities include Malays, Burghers

(descendants of European colonists), ethnic Chinese migrants, Gypsy people5, and more.

When it comes to religions, Sri Lanka is a multi-faith society and freedom of religion is guaranteed by the country's constitution, although Buddhism is prioritized6. The majority of the population are Buddhists (more than 70%, mostly Sinhalese). Hindus make up

12.6% of the population and are mainly Tamils. Almost 10% of the country is Muslim, while there also exists a Christian minority (7.6%, mainly Catholics but also some

4 Demographic data according to a 2012 census 5 The term “Roma” or “Romani” is not used in Sri Lanka 6 Buddhism has “the foremost place”, Chapter II & III of the Constitution of Sri Lanka

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Presbyterians). The forest/Sinhalized Veddas are animistic, with minor Buddhist influences, while the coast/Tamilized Veddas are mainly Hindu.

MAJORITARIANISM IN SRI LANKA: THE CIVIL WAR

Despite Sri Lanka being a multi-ethnic and multirecognisedIslamiccultural nation, ethnic tension and discrimination have been present for centuries, affecting each minority differently. The beginning of ethnic strains in Sri Lanka can be traced back to the colonial period. The British supported the Hindu Tamil minority in Sri Lanka to govern over the Buddhist Sinhalese majority.

Once Sri Lanka gained its autonomy, the Sinhalese attempted to seize control from the Tamils, by recognizing Sinhalese as the only official language and giving special protection to

Buddhism, according to the constitution. Tamil residents were also discriminated against when applying to jobs and universities, which soon led to a lot of them growing weary of the lack of equal opportunities and treatment, while also feeling that their language and culture’s perseverance was being put in danger in a systematic and methodical way by the Sri Lankan state. This tumultuous situation eventually culminated in a 26-year-long civil war (1983-2009), during which the Tamils, led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), fought to create an independent Tamil nation. The tactics employed by the LTTE against the government’s actions, resulted in their being recognized as a terrorist organisation by 32 countries. The Sri Lankan government and its forces have likewise been accused of multiple war crimes, including human rights violations and abuse, disregard for habeas corpus, systemic genocide as part of the ethnic cleansing, rapes, and forced relocations and disappearances. This bloody civil war came to an end in May 2009 with the Sri Lankan government defeating the LTTE. It is estimated that

34 more than 100,000 people lost their lives, while some independent sources estimate the death toll may have been as high as 200,000 people.

SRI LANKAN MOORS AND MUSLIMS

In Sri Lanka there exist three main ethnic groups of Muslims: Sri Lankan Moors, Indian Moors and Malay Moors. Although originally the word Moor referred to Muslims hailing from the region of Maghreb (initially of Berber descent, but later on also used for Arabs), in Sri Lanka the word has been used since the Portuguese colonization era to describe Muslims in general. The Sri

Lankan Moors trace their ancestry back to the Arab traders that first arrived on the island during the 9th century and intermarried with local women. Through the years, the Sri Lankan Muslims have incorporated Sinhalese and Tamil characteristics to their islamic traditions and lifestyles.

During the last few years, a rise in interest among the Muslim communities has become apparent regarding a re-discovery of their Arab roots and heritage, which can be illustrated, for example, by the fact that a lot of Muslims have strayed away from wearing traditional Sinhalese and Tamil clothing, as in the case of the sari. Initially, they spoke Tamil with some Arabic influences, but as of late, many of them have begun speaking Sinhala too.

The first noticeable wave of islamophobia began to emerge shortly after the terrorist attacks of

9/11. This ethnic and religious tension only grew stronger in 2014, when Buddhist extremist groups clashed with Muslim communities residing in the south. One of the most prominent

Buddhist groups with an anti-muslim rhetoric is the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS). The government's efforts to bring justice and peace to the communities affected and to put an end to similar

35 extremist organizations have been, by all accounts, ineffective at best. In 2018, violence erupted once more, with clashes breaking out between Buddhist nationalists and Muslims in the central region of the country.

The situation escalated after the coordinated Easter Sunday Bombings in 2019, that took the lives of 257 people. Responsibility for the attacks was later claimed by a small Islamic armed group, with connections to the Islamic State. The bombings marked one of the darkest moments of Sri Lanka’s recent history7. The country is still in the process of coping with the catastrophic event, and the memories are still fresh and painful... This, in turn, initiated a series of “violence and hate”8 against Muslims by Sinhalese nationalists, although the terrorist attacks targeted both local as well as foreign Christians Therefore, while the bombings did not directly target the

Sinhala population, Buddhist politicians, organisations and monks have unabashedly called for the boycotting of Muslims (Barakat 2019). In fact, even the Finance Minister encouraged

Buddhists to join the fight against what he described as the "Talibanisation" of the country (Syed

2019).

Incidents of violence against Muslims following the 2019 bombings have taken place in

Kurunegala, Kuliyapitiya and Minuwangoda among other places. At least 30 mosques and

Quranic schools, 50 Muslim-owned shops and more than 100 houses have been attacked by

Buddhist nationalists, actions that -as stated above- have often had even the support of

Buddhist monks. The growing islamophobic discourse and anti-muslim sentiment on behalf of

7 In my participants and informants discourse the bombings were mentioned together with the tsunami and the civil war as the most tragic events in the recent history for the country 8 According to documentations by the International Crisis Group (ICG)

36 certain segments of the population and the political arena would also affect the treatment of

Muslims during the COVID-19 pandemic, as it will be examined below.

MUSLIM MINORITY DURING THE PANDEMIC

Sri Lanka initially agreed on burials for COVID-19 victimsbut amended the relevant guidelines later on. More specifically, on March 31st, a Muslim victim of COVID-19 was cremated in

Negombo, against the family’s wishes. On April 11, cremations were made compulsory and exclusive, not only for COVID-19 victims, but also for suspected victims. According to Muslims, this decision deprives them of their basic religious rights, as it goes against their Islamic traditions regarding the burial of their dead. In addition, these measures also play upon the idea that Muslim practices and tradition represent a threat to the nation; in this case, aiding the spread of the virus. To truly understand why such a measure is infringing on the fundamental rights of Muslims, we must take a look at Islam’s principles as well as the religious duties that inform their rituals. “Islam has at its heart the sanctity of life and honouring the dead is an ​ extension of that sanctity. There are four duties that Muslims are obligated to perform upon the passing away of a fellow Muslim; they are to wash the body, shroud it with clean sheets, perform the funeral prayer even if only with a few people, and provide a dignified burial”, ​ explains journalist Shereena Qazi (Qazi 2020). Once the modes of transmission of the

COVID-19 virus became known and publicized,, Muslims all over the world agreed to give up two of their collective obligations when it comes to burial rituals, namely the washing and shrouding of the body, following scientific evidence and guidelines. However, there exists no

37 scientific evidence to back up the idea that burials increase the transmission rate of the disease.

In fact, the WHO has debunked such theories9. Following this, numerous countries across the globe, from the USA to Africa and from the Middle East to Europe, have proceeded to allow for burials, following, of course, strict prevention guidelines (Harees 2020).

The Sri Lankan government has yet to explain their decision to not adhere to the WHO’s guidelines regarding burials, something which has sparked controversy and heavy criticism from both local as well as international organizations. UN special reports on freedom of religion or belief, have called the government to review this decision, stating that “we are concerned of the ​ lack of consideration provided and the lack of sensitivity in the Ministry of Health Guidelines, to different communities and their religious and cultural practices”10. Additionally, Amnesty ​ International, as well as the Human Rights Watch (HRW) have criticized this decision and have pleaded with the Sri Lankan government to retract it. As of today, such calls have been ignored and the government continues its mandatory cremation policy. The case of Zubair Fathima

Rinosa in Colombo gained national recognition. Her family was demanding justice after her body was cremated, only to later be proven that she did not even die from the coronavirus. Her husband later stated “I can accept someday that she is gone, but not that she was cremated”. ​

Social scientist and activist Harini Amarasuriya has further criticized the local media’s fixation on

Muslims during the pandemic, with “daily reporting on COVID-19 rates of infection among Muslim ​ ​ communities” that leads to racial profiling. In the meantime, rumours started spreading that Muslims ​ lifestyle, for example, their habits of socializing heavily and of family members mostly living all under

9 According to the WHO report on Infection Prevention and Control for the safe management of a dead body in the context of COVID-19 10 A copy of the letter can be found here https://www.tamilguardian.com/sites/default/files/File/COVID-19/LKA2-2020.pdf%20.pdf

38 the same roof, pose deliberate risks to public health. While it is true that many Muslim households are over-crowded, making social distancing impossible and indeed heightening the risk of transmission, these types of rumours fail to take into consideration the poverty conditions that lead

Muslim families (and other minorities) to lead such lives. Amarasuriya claims that such a decision was not taken by the Ministry of Health in order to protect the public health, but rather in order to

“teach Muslims a lesson”. This was made apparent when a conversation between a TV show host ​ ​ and his panellists (including a government minister as well as representatives from other political parties) leaked. In this conversation, the issue of burials was brought up with the participants agreeing that the reason for the ban on burials was indeed “to teach the Muslim community that they ​ must follow rules – that they cannot have their own way” (Amarasuriya 2020; Amnesty Inernational ​ 2020).

There has been a noticeable rise in the circulation and propagation of conspiracy theories connecting Muslims to the intentional spread of the virus, ever since the outbreak of the pandemic in Sri Lanka, something that can also be identified in the discourse used by the media. For example, Dr Channa Perera, consultant forensic pathologist and a member of the

Ministry of Health, mentioned in an interview with BBC that "the government has nothing against ​ Muslims, but they have a small fear about whether the virus can be used for unauthorised activities. Maybe an unwanted person could get access to a body, and it could be used as a biological weapon". Such sentiments create a basis for division and bigotry that harbours,the ​ potential of further fueling anti-muslim ideologies not only during the pandemic. The ban on burials has, therefore, brought to light the targeting of Muslims and the acts of racial profiling perpetrated by the state.

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FINDINGS

In this part of the chapter I will be presenting my findings, as they were obtained through the process of interviewing three Muslim participants as well as through informal conversations with them, the later taking part throughout my fieldwork. I will also document some of the discourse regarding Muslims and the pandemic from members of the Sinhalese majority, as I observed them during my stay in Sri Lanka. My goal is, therefore, to capture and present the views, opinions and experiences of the Muslim minority during the pandemic, when it comes to issues of structural violence and discrimination, while noting that the sample size represented here is ​ small, and the views expressed by the subjects of my interviews are not enough to paint a crystal clear picture of the situation as a whole. However, they may serve as a starting point for a discussion on how pre-existing social inequalities can adversely affect the lives of marginalised groups in times of crisis.

During my discussions and interviews with the Muslim participants, a general feeling of distrust towards the government became apparent, accompanied by fears and concerns regarding their future and cultural survival. They all made one thing clear; the burial ban’s purpose was to specifically target their population, and it wasn’t something that came out of the blue.

“Yes, I am aware of that. I imagine such measures steam from some sort of islamophobia after ​ the terrorist attacks last year”, I said during a meeting with one of my participants. “You know ​ ​ what, not exactly. The islamophobia didn’t start after the terrorist attacks; it already existed before in the country. It’s just that after the bombings the blaming of Muslim communities

40 became obvious, and the hate got out of control. But no, it didn’t start last year”, he answered. ​ He proceeded to bring up examples of pogroms and physical attacks against Muslims carried out by Buddhist nationalists. Then he mentioned certain informal campaigns and propaganda that prompted people to boycott Muslim businesses during the pandemic. “Sometimes they will ​ clearly say ‘don’t buy from Muslims, don’t support them with your money’ other times they will say ‘don’t eat at this restaurant because it belongs to Muslims and they are dirty, you may get the corona here”. ​

“Let’s make this clear. We don’t have a problem with Buddhists, and most of them don’t have a problem with us. Anti-muslim Buddhists are a very small minority. The problem is political; it’s the state that creates division”. Said another participant during an interview. When asked why ​ does he think this happens, he said “For one they want to punish all of us for what happened. ​ Or perhaps they want to show the world that such terrorist attacks won’t happen again. At the end of the day, the goal (of the government) is to be likeable to the majority so they can win ​ ​ votes.”. This is something that all three participants seemed to highlight. Another participant told ​ me “They are punishing us because we didn’t vote for this government, but the majority ​ supported it. So they don’t care about us, they care to make the Buddhist voters happy”. The ​ concept of punishment was recurring during all of my interviews and conversations with them, which brings to mind the leaked video and the talk about “giving them a lesson”. “Isn’t it funny ​ how the terrorists targeted only Christians, which would explain the Christians to hate us more than the Buddhists? Yet the Christians can understand that such terrorist actions don’t represent Muslims in general. How come Christians don’t make our lives hard? It’s because this is all about us not supporting the government with our votes, and not just about the bombings.

It’s all a political game”. ​

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“And you know, being anti-muslim or living in an anti-muslim political environment doesn’t mean ​ that, oh, you will get attacked on the street or they will call you a name. That may happen in the ghetto. Racism is also when you find it harder to get a job or a promotion because you’re

Muslim or when your colleague talks bad about you -and that has happened to me- I specifically know someone in the office who has talked bad about me, so I don’t get a promotion”. Similarly, ​ in another interview,, the participant said about structural islamophobia “Sometimes it’s not just ​ people attacking us. Sometimes the problem is that the media don’t report it or that the government doesn’t do anything”. The above statements perfectly describe the essence of ​ structural violence, in this case structural islamophobia, which is often manifested by legislations that target Muslim communities. Such is the ban on burials or the racial profiling on the media, legalizing pre-existing bias and discrimination. Structural racism and islamophobia create a divisive situation, making the Muslim minority the foreign “Other”.

“Especially during the beginning of the pandemic they wanted to make it seem like the Muslims ​ are dirtier, and they get the virus more than the rest”. In fact this was a rumour that I had heard ​ since my first days in the country. I had also heard about the Muslims “inevitably contracting the ​ virus because they can’t social distance” referring to their housing conditions. Another account ​ was when I was advised to not eat in a Muslim restaurant because they were “too dirty, didn’t ​ you notice?”. Theories and sentiments like the above seem to paint a picture about ​ “Muslimness” which is informed by harmful stereotypes, especially in contrast with the Buddhist,

Sinhalese majority. This ideology makes illness and disease seem like inevitable consequences of that supposed “Muslimness”. As mentioned before, this view skims over the practical issues that these people face, for example, the fact that oftentimes families share a house or even a

42 room because of their poor financial state and not necessarily because of some tradition or disregard for the guidelines. The point, however, is that such ideas seem to cement islamophobic notions and claims that Islam is a threat to the Sri Lankan society, by deliberately connecting their lifestyle and habits to the COVID-19 disease.

PLANTATION TAMILS

The plantation Tamils, also known as Indian Tamils, Hill Country Tamils and Up-Country Tamils should not be confused with the Sri Lankan Tamils. They are descended from South India, where, during the 19th and 20th century, the British rulers forcefully relocated them to Sri Lanka as bonded labourers in order to work at tea, coffee, coconut and rubber plantations (de Silva

1981; 2005). They reside in the central highlands, on or near tea estates where they work and are one of the most marginalized and neglected ethnic groups in the country11. It wasn’t until the ​ 60s that the first Indian Tamils were given Sri Lankan citizenship, a task that wasn’t finalized until the 90s, while some of them did not get citizenship until 2003 (de Silva 2005; Kingsbury

2013). Even today, over 200,000 Indian Tamils still have problems with documentation, since many lost their documents in the ethnic riots. Several thousand do not even have national identity cards (NICs), which has led to arrests and detention. According to a report by the

Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination “the lack of basic documentation affects ​ their ability to seek proper employment, own property, benefit from social security, vote and open a bank account”. ​

11 The Economist. (2017, September 28). A subset of Tamils lags other Sri Lankans by almost every measure.

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Their financial status has always been one of the lowest in the country ever since their arrival in

Sri Lanka. They have been facing institutionalized violence, social isolation and marginalization since the beginning; they have been confined into ghettos and being linguistically and culturally disadvantaged, not speaking Sinhala, which for years was the country’s official language, everyday life for them is an uphill struggle. As bonded labourers, they did not have any rights,economic and their survival hinged quite literally on the whims of their employers and plantation owners. During the 40s they were radicalized, teaming up with the country's

Trotskyist Party (LSS), and thus commenced their fight for liberation and working rights. Sri

Lanka’s liberation from the British and its independence in 1948 did not do much to stop the

Indian Tamils’ exploitation. During the first elections, the LSS ended up losing to the United

National Party (UNP). The UNP systematically tried to weaken leftist groups and organizations, who were supported by Indian Tamils ( Radhakrishnan 2008). For this reason, the government passed the Ceylon Citizenship Act that legally disenfranchised the Tamils, so they could not vote any longer. Ever since then, the plantation Tamils have been the most deprived ethnic group in the country on a social, economical and political level (Radhakrishnan 2008).

In 1964, through the Sirimavo-Shastri Pact, and in 1974 through the Sirimavo-Indira Gandhi ​ Pact, India agreed to grant citizenship to 600,000 Indian Tamils, whereas Colombo agreed to grant citizenship upon 400,000 of them. “The Indian Tamils were reduced to the status of ​ merchandise to be divided between Colombo and New Delhi in the name of 'good neighbourly relations’”, as Suryanarayan very accurately described their disadvantaged situation (2001). ​ Although plantation Tamils were not directly involved in the civil war, because of their Tamil origin,,, they faced similar human rights violations to Sri Lankan Tamils.12

12 90th session of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (2016)

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It is also worth noting that, there exist no “brotherly” feelings of compatriotism between Sri

Lankan Tamils and Indian Tamils, given the fact that the latter belong to the lowest caste, according to the orthodox Hindu social order. This has created a chasm between the two ethnic groups of Tamils in the country. Additionally, Indian Tamils follow a mixture of Hinduism and folk religion. These factors have led to a debate within their community regarding their ethnic and cultural identity, as well as the name by which they should call themselves. Highland Indian

Tamils working in plantations prefer the terms “Plantation Tamils” or “Up-hill Tamils”, as they feel that the word “Indian” and any connection to India further alienates them from Sri Lanka.

However, members of this ethnic group who have moved from the highlands to the big cities and do not work as plantation workers, prefer the term “Indian Tamils” instead. Because my interviews took place in the central highlands of the country, I will be referring to them as

Plantation Tamils from this point forward.

At this point, we should also delve deeper into the gender, financial and social stressors that are indicative of the Plantation Tamils’ situation. With tea being one of the most important financial sources both for local consumption as well as for export, amounting to 2% of Sri Lanka’s GDP, plantation workers have been on the frontline during the pandemic. 95% of the women working in plantations are tea-pickers, meaning they have to pluck the tender tea leaves out of the bushes and later carry them in brackets or sheets to the factory so they can be processed in brown tea (Jegathesan 2019). As will become readily apparent from the examples mentioned ​ below, even though female plantation workers are essential for the Sri Lankan economy, they have been methodically marginalized and ignored, remaining underpaid and neglected. Despite winning the right to equal wages in 1984, women continue to face gendered violence and

45 inequality in the professional sector, as they rarely assume power positions. Its the female plantation Tamils, however, that are more often subjected to discrimination, sexism, racism, and denial of political, cultural, social or economical rights, according to a research published by the

Human Development Organization. Following the same research, although technically they are paid the same as men, women are expected to work more hours unpaid. According to another research by the University of Peradeniya, a worker needs about “27,707 rupees a month on average to meet their basic needs”. However, the average salary of a plantation Tamil is about

8,000 rupees or less than a third of that.

FINDINGS

Before presenting my findings, I would like to bring into consideration the subject of intersectionality mentioned above, as we have to take into account all of the social stressors and lack of privileges that are affecting the participants, in order to truly grasp their experiences and social views in all their structural complexity. This is of course a much broader conversation, deeply rooted in a colonialist past and in a capitalist social reality, that sees such workers being treated as disposable, overworked and underpaid, even during the period of the pandemic.

Such issues regarding female plantation and farm workers during the COVID-19 crisis have become relevant in India (Sen 2020), Kenya (Hivos 2020), Indonesia (Suwastoyo 2020), the

USA, the UK 13 and more. In this part of the chapter, female plantation workers and other low-income female Indian Tamils’ experiences during the pandemic will be presented, as they were documented during my interviews. Furthermore, solidarity networks and initiatives during the pandemic will also be examined.

13 According to data from the Clean Clothes Campaign

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My first interview with a plantation Tamil took place at her makeshift shop on the side of a highway, next to a tea plantation. I was accompanied by a Tamil-speaking interpreter and the interview was mainly carried out in Tamil, although some Sinhalese was exchanged since the family was fluent in both languages. The interview started with a woman in her 60s, although later on, her daughter joined the conversation with great enthusiasm. They specifically told me “I ​ want the world to know how we have been living”.

Shop Owner: I didn’t have any income since the shop closed. You know, because with the legal ​ ​ situation of the country, I couldn't open the shop during the lockdown. So I have found some vegetables and other food from the environment to feed my family… .So whatever fruit is fallen, like a jackfruit or a papaya, we eat that. We left our home, only during the breaks of the curfew.

During that time, I went to the shops to get necessary stuff, but even at that time, I did not have much money.

When discussing other things that changed during the lockdown, the woman mentioned solidarity networks that had formed between neighboursmiddle-income in order to support one another.

Shop owner: There were neighbours that helped. The villagers helped each other in various ​ ways. We would call each other and ask friends and neighbours, what they need, and so we would exchange goods or even give away stuff if possible. We would call and later leave the food outside their houses, in order to not meet face to face and risk getting the virus.

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At that point, her daughter entered the shop with her two babies, enthusiastically asking if she could join the discussion.

Me: So would you say that despite this ongoing pandemic, there is a sense of community and ​ solidarity in your village?

Daughter: Yes, totally. But still the people didn't gather together, as they were really ​ scared….We had to find other ways of communication, through phone, letters, when someone doesn’t have a phone etc.

When asked if the family received the benefits that the government granted to low and middle income families during the pandemic, they said they had not. They had received some aid from the government as they were sent packages containing food, but they stated that the food was not enough to feed this twelve-member family. The daughter added that, in her opinion, the government should take into consideration each household’s needs and not decide on a fixed sum or benefit, especially when even that is in all probability not going to reach the persons in need in time during a crisis.

Shop owner: We don't have any hope about their future because most of the people here have ​ low incomes or are unemployed.

Daughter: Absolutely no hope and no trust towards the government. Every day,,,They are ​ punishing us because we have traditionally not voted for them and we didn’t vote for them in the previous elections either. So they don’t care for us, since we aren’t their voters. The government

48 has given a benefit of 5000 LKR firstly to Buddhists. But they didn’t even check how they used the money or whether they really needed it. Some of them spend it all on alcohol, and here we are, not even being able to buy food.

Shop owner: There is a difference between rich and poor. How can well-off families receive the ​ benefits before we do, when we have to look for food in the forest?

When asked whether they believed that the root cause for the discrimination they faced was their religious and ethnic otherness they agreed, however, they highlighted that it’s their class that puts them in that position and not their religious identity per se. “There is a big gap between ​ the rich and the poor and we feel it, everyday in every way. And that affects the way the government sees and treats us”. ​

My next interview took place at a tea estate and it started out as a conversation involving three women, but later on, all of the women asked to join in and state their opinions. All of them, having finished with their job, wanted to at least be present during the discussion. I respected their wishes and so an informal focus group was formed. Their opinions were similar to the participants’ mentioned above. They too had not received any benefits and they were deeply disappointed by the government’s treatment. Below I will be presenting the most relevant information I could gather from this impromptu focus group.

Firstly, they made sure to highlight that they were the only providers in their families as their husbands or parents had lost their jobs during the lockdown and ensuing curfew. This put further pressure on them, as their financial state was already poor from before. In order to provide for their families, they purchased essential goods from the supermarkets on credit, and

49 they were then in the process of slowly trying to pay them back. Also, they too had to rely on the environment of the highlands. They would gather fallen fruits in order to get by; however, they made it clear that “the fact we live near the forest doesn’t mean we have endless food. It offers ​ some food to pass the day, but the babies can’t eat just fruit to grow up. At least if I had some milk for my baby and some meat for my toddler”, a worker explained. Below are some excerpts ​ from the interviews that summarize their main points and narratives.

Worker A: The main issue is financial. We are struggling a lot at the moment, and we have ​ been even before the crisis. We are disappointed and angry. We are feeling ignored.

Worker B: So our people didn’t vote for this Party, and we don’t support the government. That’s ​ the root of our mistreatment. That’s why we never get any benefits.

Worker C: We face different problems than other parts of the population. You have to take into ​ consideration our class, our religion, also that we are Tamils. So there definitely is a gap between the rich and poor. Do you know how we know? We saw people in a better position than us financially, and they have received the benefit already. So who is to blame? The government.

Worker D: Yes, we are discriminated against. We are dealing with racism. Most of us are Tamil ​ here, but there is a Buddhist community, a village, nearby. So normally when they are giving the benefits, the Buddhists receive them first and the Hindus last or not at all even though they need them more...

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At that point, one of the women who had just arrived at the meeting and wasn’t yet aware of the reason behind my visit interrupted the interview.

-Don’t be stupid. Why are you telling her those things? Why are you trusting her?

-Shut up! Be quiet, have you ever seen any politician or journalist asking about our views? Yet she came here to ask. We shouldn’t be embarrassed to talk about the truth. We are poor; we,, are suffering. I ain’t scared to say that. Even if the government finds out, let them find out. So what?

The woman who interrupted the discussion later on felt that she could also open up and talk about her views on her own, having seen the other women opening up.

When discussing preventative measures during the quarantine, the women informed me that they had to make their own masks out of fabric they’d found in their homes. The government hadn’t provided them with any masks or gloves, yet masks were mandatory during work. The estate manager would provide them with an Ayurvedic drink every three or four days that was believed to boost their immune system, and that was the only aid provided to them against the virus. Finally, they too mentioned the rise in solidarity initiatives inside their community, as they also participated in the exchange of essential goods during the lockdown.

THE VEDDAS: BRIEF HISTORY

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The Veddas or Wanniya-Laetto are an aboriginal group that had been inhabiting the rainforest of Sri Lanka for as long as 18 millennia. Wanni means forest in their language while laetto means being. They are also known by outsiders as Vedda, which means forest hunters or dwellers (Wijesekara, 1964). From both etymologies the importance and direct connection to their habitat, the jungle, becomes readily apparent, as does the symbiotic relationship between nature and culture, which had formed the basis of their social lives. The two names are used interchangeably in Sri Lanka and in their communities and will be used interchangeably throughout this thesis. Veddas traditionally lived in hunting-gathering communities inside the forest. Fishing, honey-gathering, as well as certain types of cultivation, were also some of their common practices (Priest 2003). Traditionally, their religious/cosmological beliefs are mostly animistic, being largely based on the worship of spirits and demons inhabiting the jungle. Yet

Buddhist and Hindu influence has been discernible throughout history (de Silva 2011). Their rituals and ceremonies are strongly connected to nature and its elements as well.

RELOCATION: VEDDAS IN TRANSITION

An important event in the history of the Veddas concerns their forced relocation from their lands and the assimilation into the Sinhala and Tamil societies. More specifically, from 1951 to 1955, the inauguration of the Gal Oya Scheme -a hydroelectric power project- carved out some of the

Vedda’s best hunting and gathering regions and hence marked the first documented evacuation of their population from their forests. In 1983, the Department of Conservation of Life turned the remaining jungle area into a National Park, segmenting it off with barriers and armed guards.

This was a step that greatly aided the island’s burgeoning tourism industry. Hence, the Maduru

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Oya National Park deprived Wanniya-Laetto of the last portion of land that they inhabited.

Hunting and gathering were illegalized, and the Veddas were expected to relocate voluntarily. It thus becomes apparent that, although physical violence was technically not used in removing them from their lands, their relocation and abandonment of their ancient-old lifestyle remained as their only viable option.

Current law, which prohibits acquisition and poaching, only allows the Veddas to enter the

National Park after obtaining written permission, provided only in Colombo, at the other side of the country. Many Vedda people do not know how to write or read, which poses a deliberate obstacle, making their entrance to the forest even harder. Additionally, a number of illegal arrests and shootings leading to deaths of Veddas by the guards of the National Park have been reported as of late.

The assimilation of Vedda populations into the mainstream Sinhalese and Tamil populations has resulted in them being scattered across villages in the Eastern, Uva and North Central

Province of the country. Their strategic and methodical absorption into modern society and urban environment has had a detrimental effect on them. As anthropologist Wiveca Stegeborn

(1996) puts it: "It is somewhat ironic that the original population of Sri Lanka survived ​ colonizations by Asia and Europe and two World Wars, only to be destroyed by nature conservation."

VEDDA PEOPLE TODAY

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The Vedda population today consists of around 2200 families living in the Eastern, Uva and

North Central Province of the country. In the Sinhalized territories, Veddas mostly follow an animistic religion with hints of Buddhism, while in the Tamilized territories they generally follow

Hinduism.

Following their assimilation in mainstream culture and their transition from a hunting-gathering lifestyle to an agricultural one, their economic activities have changed as well. The majority of the Veddas engage in cultivation, with manual labour and fishing being also common practices.

During the last few decades, Vedda women and children have become victims of organised and unorganised sex trade or trafficked to work as domestic workers (Stegeborn 2004; 2010). The majority of the Veddas live in poverty, and most of their earnings are spent on recurring costs, purchasing supplies and repaying loans obtained from local loan sharks, further aggravating their financial condition (Jayatilleke 2017). 14

When it comes to their health, the Vedda today struggle mainly with chronic illnesses.

Categorically, the most prevalent chronic disease across all of the Vedda populations is asthma, followed by hypertension and chest pain . Furthermore, there is a significant prevalence of kidney disease and urinary infections, diseases that previously did not exist among them

(Sriyananda 2013). According to de Silva, these are environmentally influenced diseases.

Anthropologist Wiveka Stegeborn notes that, among the newly occurring diseases that have befallen the Veddas, is diabetes and obesity due to nutritional changes and the shift to a more

14 According to a 2011 survey, 37% of the Vedda household expenditures ranged between Rs 5001 - 10.000, whereas 36% of the household expenditures was between Rs. 2,501-5,000. The highest monthly expenditure per family observed in only 1% of the Vedda population was Rs. 25000 . In comparison, according to data from a survey done in 2012, the average family expenditures per month in Sinhala families was Rs. 45,878 . Although there is no data about the exact incomes in Vedda populations, the above information is telling of their entrenched financial deprivation.

54 sedentary life, compared to their previous hunting-gathering lifestyles. Stegeborn also mentions alcoholism, anxiety and stress among the mental health problems the Veddas are facing, connecting these issues to their current marginalised state.

The Veddas’ food consumption patterns have shifted over the years due to “external influences such as scattering of roaming lands, limited hunting grounds due to agricultural and rural extension programmes, forced displacement of populations and rapid modernisation”(see footnote). Consumption of three meals, akin to typical Sri Lankans, is not common in most

Vedda communities because of their poor finances, with the exception of Veddas working in paddy cultivation. Most Veddas eat one to two meals per day. However, many people in the

Vedda community believe that their bodies have evolved to consume not more than two meals daily. 15

When it comes to beliefs surrounding health, illness and causation, historically, as can be seen in the first thorough ethnographical work on the Wanniya-laeto people conducted in 1911 by the

Seligmans, they originally held that illness and calamity were caused and could be cured by spirits inhabiting the jungle. In 2004, these beliefs were still prevalent in Vedda communities, as can be seen in Priest’s and Stegeborn’s findings. In the 2011 research, it is stated that their traditional beliefs on mental and physical health and treatment have incorporated many concepts from the Buddhist, Hindu and Ayurvedic traditions, while some usage of western medical methods was noted, especially in Vedda populations that resided near urban environments.

15 In a 1993-1996 study, 56% of male and 71% of female adult Veddas had a BMI less than 18.5. In a 2008-2009 study 15% male and 30% female Veddas had a BMI less than 18.5 (18.5 being the cut off point of chronic dietary energy deficiency for adults) .

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In summation, it is easy to understand why the cultural survival of the Veddas is under threat when one takes into consideration their acculturation in the Sri Lankan community. The reasons do not concern the effects of their eviction and subsequent forced relocation from their lands solely. While surely this has been an important contributing factor, their current financial state and lack of cultural education also aggravate,this process of “cultural erasure”, while making the possibility for a combined and strategic effort to preserve their culture even more difficult.16

THE VEDDAS DURING THE PANDEMIC - FINDINGS

As of this writing, no information has been published online regarding the ongoing situation of the Veddas during the pandemic. I was informed shortly after my arrival at Badulla that they had closed their villages to visitors and had moved back in the jungle in order to protect themselves from any outsiders that may be carrying the virus. To my knowledge, no one has written anything regarding the impact COVID-19 on their communities. However, one of my contacts had a Sinhala acquaintance that worked as a teacher at the elementary school of the Vedda village, and hence could provide me with some information about their current state. We arrived at the Dambana village early in the morning and I used an interpreter to translate from Sinhala to English. The village, usually brimming with tourists, was now empty. Only a few male Veddas and some children were there that would later perform a ritual for us, aimed at good health and longevity.

16 Yet, 64% of the Veddas currently state that they want to live like Veddas instead of following a Sinhalized way of living (de Silva, Punchihewa 2011).

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I was surprised when I saw their chief there. I recognised him immediately, as he has made television appearances and participated in international conventions to talk about Veddas’ dislocation and land rights. I was informed he had come from the jungle to meet me. I proceeded to explain to him the reason for my visit and the topic of my research, and he agreed to grant me an interview. We talked about the pandemic and what he thinks were its causes. He was very clear, arguing that such diseases are the result of the over-exploitation of nature by humans. He talked about modern ecology, which has been trending in recent years. He said ecology is a lifestyle, and it shouldn’t be limited to world days and events. "I would prefer if ​ everyone who talked about ecology planted a tree in their life. All of this situation today could have been avoided if people respected nature more". Although this opinion can be seen as ​ something informed by their animistic beliefs, ecological explanations regarding the roots of the pandemic, have been used by scientists to analyse the situation at hand. They have pointed out the connection between nature and COVID-19, as deforestation and loss of wild-life have been proven to increase infectious diseases (Quinney 2020; Mallapaty 2020; Higuero 2020; Dinneen

2020).

He also told me about the shamanic rituals he performed in order to protect the community against the virus. The rituals first took place on the day that they heard about the first case in the country. He did not explain in depth what these rituals entail, as this is not information that is easily shared, especially to foreigners, but he did say it involved earth carvings, sacred dances, burning of incense, and prayers to the spirits of the jungle, from whom they were requesting protection. He further explained;

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“We know we will be protected because we aren’t the ones that brought about this situation on ​ earth. However, we had to be careful. We could not keep our village open anymore. So we decided to leave the village and move to the jungle even before the lockdown. It feels good to be back to the jungle; after all, that’s what we had supported all these years. However, that has also created problems. For one, no visitors means no money, and that was our most important income. Secondly, in the forest, we can’t hunt or gather as these actions have been illegal for decades now. So what we do is once in a while, some people go back to the empty village and we gather fruits and vegetables that we have planted. But that’s not enough for the whole village. I’m not going to lie; of course, some of my people hunt secretly, especially now that there is less police controlling the jungle. But still, this is not enough for the whole village to survive and it remains a rare practice. A lot of my people haven’t eaten meat for two months, which wouldn’t be bad if they were eating well, getting their energy from other sources. But they haven’t been eating well at all. They eat once a day if that. They have all lost weight. And I am a vegetarian, so I don’t mind, but I understand that meat is not just important for the body, but it’s also part of our culture. So if you ask me if I want to stay in the jungle… ,I would want that. But how? This is only a dream if the government doesn’t change its laws on hunting and gathering.”

The Veddas’ of Dambana have decided to stay inside the rainforest even after the lockdown is over until they feel it is safe to leave. “I don’t know how we will return to the village, I will have to ​ think of a strategy to do so. I am mostly worried about the tourists possibly being a risk to our health. So there must be some control”. Finally, the chief predicts that things will return to ​ normal in 2 to 3 years, even if a vaccine is discovered sooner. “If we take into consideration the ​ social impact, the financial damages, the political turbulences. Yes, my estimation is that it will take at least two years. A,ll I can say is that our main concern now it’s to survive the pandemic”.

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About a month later, I visited another Vedda settlement in Radugala. There, I met with their chief for an interview. His views were almost identical to those of the Dambana chief. He also mentioned that the pandemic was a result of the destruction of nature.

“Non-Veddas don’t respect nature and constantly exploit it. That is how this virus came to be. It ​ is connected to the fact that people think they are better than nature and I know that the spirits of the jungle brought this virus in Sri Lanka in order to teach them a lesson. We had to move here in order to protect our community. We don’t feel too scared, as we are respectful to the spirits, but that’s what we’ve been trying to warn you about all along. We have to stay in our land and cater to the spirits with prayers and rituals; otherwise, such things will keep happening all the time. So no, we aren’t afraid of the virus as long as we keep away from the city. But we are tired, hungry, and malnourished. We haven’t been eating right for months now because of the pandemic. Our goal is to return back to the jungle and stay there, of course. But in order for us to stay even after the pandemic, hunting has to be allowed”.

As seen by the above, the Veddas have been financially and socially impacted by the pandemic, and their main problem is malnutrition. However, the consequences of the COVID-19 crisis for them are distinct from those of the other disenfranchised groups mentioned above. The pandemic has given them the chance to return to their ancestral lands for the first time since their dislocation in the 80s. Given the fact that the government was not able to control their communities much during this period, as they were focused on controlling the spread of the virus during this unprecedented pandemic, Veddas managed to leave their settlements behind in an informal way, without having to explain much to the authorities or suffering legal

59 consequences for this decision. However, such a return cannot be viable if their hunting-gathering lifestyles are not legalized and culturally protected.

CONCLUSIONS

Prejudice against minorities can be found in the most elevated ranks of the Sri Lankan state, including the military and law enforcement. The legitimization of racial prejudice by the State and government officials, in turn, enables supremacist belief systems and practices to flourish among other institutions and the general public. The rise of outright hostility made apparent by the assaults against minority groups constitutes,, yet another form of human rights infringement for these communities. The country's Constitution forbids discrimination "on the grounds of race, ​ religion, language, position, sex, political conclusion, place of birth or any of such grounds".

However these articles seem to apply only to those considered “citizens”, especially those belonging to the majority Sinhala, Buddhist population. Acts of institutional racism and structural violence have “othered” ethnic minorities in the country, keeping them in a marginalized and disenfranchised position for decades.

In this chapter we examined how pre-existing social inequalities have further aggravated the social impact of the pandemic on ethnic and ethno-religious minorities. Each minority discussed here, depending on the social stressors affecting it, as well as the lack of privilege and its level of “otherness”, has been affected differently during the pandemic. Muslims have felt specifically targeted by the media and the public, be it through anti-muslim campaigns in neighbourhoods or social profiling in COVID-19 cases reports. The worst social and cultural impact of this health

60 emergency, however, has been the unnecessary and unexplained ban on burials, that has deprived them of the right to perform one of their most important religious duties. Plantation

Tamils have also been affected by the pandemic, especially on a financial level, by losing their incomes and simultaneously being unable to obtain the financial benefits that they had been promised. In their case study, gender issues become apparent as women have the role of providing for their families while remaining underpaid and working in unsanitary conditions that do not follow COVID-19 prevention guidelines. However, in their case, examples of solidarity networks and initiatives were brought up. Such actions have made their conditions more passable while also strengthening the inter-community bonds. Finally, a case study about the

Veddas during the pandemic was presented. Almost three decades after their forceful relocation, they have returned to the rainforest in order to protect their communities from the virus. Following their perceptions and explanations of illness and health, the jungle has once again become their shield and protector. Nature, according to their accounts, is both the source of the virus but also offers the countermeasures necessary to protect one from it. However, it should be noted that the pandemic and their return to their ancestral lands has left them in an even more desperate financial and physical state, with the majority facing malnourishment and uncertainty about their future.

My goal here was to allow some space for the minority’s narratives, perspectives, and experiences to be heard, and in turn, highlight how the pandemic is affecting marginalized groups and how it exacerbates the social experiences of disenfranchised populations; how different forms of copying or resilience sometimes arise during even the most difficult moments.

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CHAPTER 2: AYURVEDA USE DURING THE PANDEMIC

AYURVEDA - A BRIEF HISTORY

“A British governor described in his book an observation, "All the people of this country are physicians". This goes to show how well versant people of Ceylon at the time were in the use of

Ayurvedic medicines for their common ailments and more interestingly gives us a scope of the

level of past glory of Ayurveda in Sri Lanka.”

Dr. Palitha Serasinghe, Economic revival, Ayurveda and indigenous medicine

According to epistemology, there are four main types of knowledge: intuitive, authoritative, logical and empirical. These types of sources of knowledge are utilized to varying degrees by all kinds of science. Empirical knowledge consists of “demonstrable, ​ objective facts” that can be determined through the process of observation and/or experimentation” (Serasinghe P. 2020). In this sense, Ayurveda was developed on the ​ scientific basis of empirical knowledge. Ayurveda means “knowledge (veda) of longevity

(ayus)” in the Sanskrit language and is usually translated as the “science of life”. It first began in the Indian subcontinent as a holistic and oral medical tradition, around 6000

BCE, but its systematic medical theory was formed circa 400 BCE (Smith & Wujastyk

2008). Ayurveda’s earliest written accounts can be found in three important texts; the

Charaka Samhita, the Sushruta Samhita and the Bhela Samhita. There, the general

62 philosophy and notions of Ayurveda are explained, as well as modes of treatment and healing.

According to Ayurveda, health and well-being is connected to the human body, mind and soul (Ernst, Pittler, Wider, 2007). A famous Ayurvedic motto is “Yatha Pinde Tatha

Brahmande”, meaning “as is the cosmic life, so is the individual life” or “as is the microcosm, so is the macrocosm”. As a holistic system of knowledge, Ayurveda takes into consideration every facet of human life, and provides advice of health and longevity to individuals for every era of their lifespan (Rooney 2020). Although Ayurveda relies on the classical texts mentioned above, it has dynamically evolved since then to encompass different notions and characteristics, as it moved across both time and geographical space (Smith & Wujastyk 2008). Through the years, Buddhist and Jainist influences became more apparent (Basham, 1976). Today, Ayurveda can be found in globalized and modernized forms all over the world.

I should underline at this point that Ayurveda is by its very nature quite a complex subject, and I am in no way qualified to go into too much depth regarding its more esoteric intricacies; such an endeavor would, after all, extend beyond the scope of this thesis. Therefore, before going any further, I will present only a brief overview of its main principles in order to delineate what it is, exactly, and what it stands for. A basic

Ayurvedic principle pertains to the composition of the human body. The body consists of tissues (dhatus), biomaterials (doshas) and waste (malas) (Mishra et al. 2001 ;

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Underwood & Rhodes 2008). Furthermore, it also makes use of the five classical elements -earth (Prithvi), water (Apa), fire (Tejas), air (Vayu) and ether (Akasha)- to divide and categorize bodily substances. These five elements can be found both in the outside world (macrocosm), as well as our bodies, minds and soul (microcosm).

Furthermore, regarding the constitution of the body according to Ayurveda, it is believed that every individual is brought into the world with a one of a kind proportion of doshas, which are psychophysiological principles that oversee different parts of the human body

(Sharma, 2016, p.88). An individual's extraordinary constitution of doshas is associated with a person's phenotype. Contingent upon the doshas, every individual will react diversely to their environmental conditions and have a different inclination to illness

(Sharma 2016). Each dosha has specific qualities and roles inside the body and brain; the natural dominance of at least one dosha therefore clarifies an individual's physical constitution (prakriti) and personality. Ayurvedic tradition, hence, holds that irregularity among the physical and mental doshas is a significant etiologic segment of malady.

Therefore, every individual ought to tweak and change their environment or behavioural habits in order to increment or reduce the doshas and keep up their natural state.

Because of the above, Ayurveda specialists are responsible for determining a person's bodily and mental dosha proportions (Ramu, Venkataram 1985 ; Mishra, Singh,

Dagenais, 2001). Doshas can be misaligned due to various causes, eventually leading to illness. Usual factors behind the imbalance of the doshas can be: problems with

64 metabolism and digestion, deficient disposal of waste, bad eating habits, lack of rest and relaxation, contamination, and more.

TRADITIONAL MEDICINE IN SRI LANKA

Sri Lanka has its own traditional system of medicine, apart from Ayurveda, which is ​ called "Hela Vedakama" (or “Wedakama”) and is described as “folk medicine” or

“original Sri Lankan” medicine by the people of Sri Lanka. Before the arrival of Ayurveda from North India to Sri Lanka, this type of traditional medicine had been in use for centuries on the island. Later on, it adopted and incorporated different qualities and characteristics from other medical traditions, such as the Ayurvedic, the Siddha and the

Unani. Today, the folk medicine of Sri Lanka has been so heavily altered and influenced by the traditions mentioned above, that oftentimes it is hard to claim with absolute certainty whether a specific medical practice is an authentic part of Hela Vedakama or the Ayurvedic system (Uragoda, 1987).

The Sri Lankan Ayurveda is also an amalgamation of different systems of medicine, namely Sinhala medicine, Ayurveda and Siddha, which originated in India, Unani, which originated in Greece and was brought to South Asia by the Arabs, and finally, the

Desheeya Chikitsa, which is the indigenous medicine of Sri Lanka, preserved and used today by the Veddas (Petitjean et al, 1992 ; Plunkett & Ellemor, 2003)

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Sri Lanka adopted Ayurveda medicine and gradually built up its own Ayurvedic tradition over the course of 3,000 years. Its survival and endurance on the island was sustained by the ancient kings of Sri Lanka, who were not just political rulers but also officiated as physicians. Inscriptions on rock surfaces reveal that hospitals have existed in Sri Lanka for a considerable length of time. In fact, Sri Lanka is believed to be the first country on the planet to have set up committed medical clinics and hospitals with the ability to perform medical procedures..

However, a large portion of the Sri Lankan Ayurveda legacy and tradition started to die down during the colonial era, beginning with the first Portuguese (1505-1658) and Dutch

(1658-1796) incursions, and continuing with the English colonization (1796-1948) of the country (Uragoda, 1987: 80; Fernando, 1969). Once Sri Lanka declared its independence in 1948, Ayurveda slowly started gaining its previous prestige and popularity. As of today, the Government of Sri Lanka has taken a plethora of legal actions in order to ensure the use, accessibility and protection of the Ayurvedic medical tradition in the country. There are numerous Ayurveda public hospitals, clinics, pharmacies, spas and retreats, open not only to the Sri Lankan population, but also to visitors from all over the world.

AYURVEDA AND COVID-19: Traditional Health Knowledge and Epidemic Management

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Since the beginning of the Coronavirus outbreak, an extensive discussion began regarding the use of Ayurveda and other forms of traditional medicine as a strategy of controlling the spread of the virus as well as protecting the immune system against it.

Although a lot of scientists and physicians believe that Ayurveda could be of great importance during the pandemic, there is still a reluctance surrounding Ayurveda’s efficacy, especially in the public health sector.

The management of epidemics is far from a new concept for traditional Asian health systems. Janapadodhwamsa Vyadhi is a term that has been used to define epidemics since the period of the ancient ayurvedic texts and the Siddha medical system classifies fevers into 64 types, distinguishing them into two groups, based on whether they originate from “intrinsic and extrinsic causes” (Jain, Pai, Sunil 2018). This classification does not follow the germ theory that biomedicine recognises and uses. Ayurvedic etiology singles out environmental and seasonal factors when it comes to epidemic outbreaks. Unani, Siddha, and Ayurveda medical practitioners have been contributing to the management of epidemics and pandemics since the beginning of the 20th century.

For example, herbal medicines, used both in the context of Ayurveda and Sri Lankan folk medicine, were used in order to fight malaria in the country (Ritu, Sujatha 2020). ​

As Sri Lanka’s confirmed COVID-19 cases increased, the government supported the exploration of “alternative” medical solutions in order to fight this global pandemic. For this, a group of over 60 traditional medical practitioners met with health officials at the

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National Operation Centre for Prevention of COVID-19 Outbreak (NOCPCO), in order to discuss traditional treatments. At the same time, China encouraged the use of Chinese medicine in order to treat and prevent COVID-19. Based on this development, government officials urged the assembled practitioners to use their Ayurvedic expertise in order to seek out medical solutions suitable for use during this pandemic. Meanwhile, the head of Sri Lanka’s Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA), called for the use of medicinal smoke/vapour in households, as it said that such practices may be able to boost the immune system. Furthermore, the GMOA chief reported that the

Ministry of Science and Technology is currently studying the medicinal properties of such Ayurvedic substances as kohthamalli (coriander) and venivelgeta (Coscinium fenestratum or tree turmeric). Sri Lanka during the pandemic has been importing koththamalli, venivelgeta and ginger, due to their high demand during this period, both by Ayurveda hospitals and by lay people. However, a number of experts have warned ​ ​ that such actions could be proven dangerous as they “give the public a false sense of security amid the pandemic” (Tillu, Chaturvedi, Chopra, & Patwardhan 2020).

Ayurveda gives specific consideration to the host and suggests measures for a healthy way of life as opposed to the simple remedy of medication in order to “fight” a specific virus (Balasubramani et al., 2011) . This holistic approach toward advancing wellbeing

(swasthavritta) incorporates personalized mediations depending on the host and their natural and social habitat (Chandran et al., 2018). Such methods can incorporate purifying/cleansing procedures (panchakarma), as well as local and systemic

68 interventions to boost immunity and treat respiratory problems. Tillu et al. (2020) in their paper list a few measures that could reduce the risk of COVID-19 infection, while at the same time complementing therapeutic treatment. Such measures that could alleviate symptoms in mild cases are; consumption of hot water and food, herbal teas and decoctions, gargling with medicated water, steaming and more.

CASE STUDY: A DAY IN AN AYURVEDIC HOSPITAL

In this part of the thesis I will be describing my visit to an Ayurvedic hospital. There, I conducted an interview with two doctors from the staff, in their office. I am providing here the most important parts of the interview, as I believe that they give a clear and vivid insight on the Ayurvedic philosophy in practice, and more specifically how this medical tradition has been used during and affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Interview excerpts included in this section reflect Ayurveda doctors’ responses and narratives regarding the pandemic and its social impact in Sri Lanka.

As we arrived at the Ayurveda hospital in the town of Ella, we could see people lining up outside the hospital, patiently waiting for their turn during a typically hot May day. By the door was a bucket with water, turmeric and herbs for people to wash their hands before entering. Shoes, also, had to be removed. Once inside, we saw even more people seated in the waiting room. I entered the doctors’ office for my scheduled interview. Two

Ayurveda doctors were there to participate in my interview and inform me about the

69 situation in the hospital during the pandemic as well as the possible benefits of

Ayurveda in regards to dealing with the virus.

The discussion began with me asking some basic questions about their profession and their academic background. They informed me that, in order for someone to become a professional Ayurveda practitioner, they would have to study for at least six years in order to obtain a Bachelor’s degree in Ayurveda Medicine. At the moment, there are about 16,800 registered Ayurvedic medical officers, of which more than 5000 are academically and institutionally qualified to serve in this capacity. Through this brief introduction, a heavy emphasis was placed on the fact that Ayurveda has been professionalized in Sri Lanka as a valid scientific system of knowledge and practice.

Later on in the interview, the two doctors described the situation inside the hospital during the lockdown. They claimed to have seen a slight uptick in visitors. “All these ​ people you see outside are rural people, poor people. They choose this hospital because it is public and everything is free. Hospitalization, medicine, treatment, all for free”. Next, they talked about the guidelines and measures announced by the Ministry of ​ Health. They explained that, according to Ayurvedic practice, they disinfect their hands as well as the surfaces inside the hospital using a mixture of turmeric and water, avoiding the use of chemicals. Therefore, while they had to follow hygiene and disinfection guidelines, they were allowed to do that on their own terms. Referring to the classic Ayurvedic textbooks, they inform me that they do have a word for different

70 pathogenic microorganisms, or “kimi” as they are called, and they would categorize the ​ ​ ​ ​ COVID-19 virus as a type of “kimi”, or microbe. “We cannot cure this virus of course and ​ ​ ​ people don’t expect from us to cure it. All we could do in case we had a patient with

COVID-19 would be to help with his symptoms so they don’t get too severe or also improve someone’s immune system so they can’t get sick easily or if they do they can overcome it faster”, one of the doctors stated. ​

I asked them whether there exist certain Ayurvedic practices that I -as a foreigner- could incorporate in my everyday life in order to protect myself during the pandemic. Their answer truly encapsulates the philosophy of Ayurveda as a whole, and its difference to biomedicine. “I mean, yes you can drink some teas, you can use some spices that are ​ proven to be good for the body. Washing hands with turmeric, drinking coriander water, things like that. These things are good for everybody. But, if you really want to treat or improve something specific, I can’t give you an answer. There is no magical cure for all.

It depends on many things, it depends on your whole body, your diet, your conditions, your personality. Don’t confuse it with western medicine. I can’t tell you ‘take these vitamins’ or ‘take this pill’”, one of the doctors said, adding that the ayurvedic theory of ​ treatment and healing is “way more personal”. ​ ​

They also mentioned that western and ayurvedic medicine can be equally helpful, but the reason some people in the country seem to prefer western medicine is because it is more practical. “Imagine you have a problem and we give you a paste-like medicine ​

71 with 20-30 different ingredients. You have to keep it on for hours, sometimes while exposed to the sun, wearing no clothes. How will you go to the office? It can smell bad, you might need a bath. Maybe you don’t even want others to know you are sick. So it’s easier to just take a pill instead of doing all this”. Regarding the differences between ​ western and ayurvedic medicine, the other doctor further added that, sometimes certain medications are ineffective, and that is to be expected. However, in Ayurveda’s case, a medication, even if it does not manage to treat an illness, will not make it worse while carrying no side effects. On the contrary, western medication can make people experience severe side effects, often worsening their health.

“Sri Lankan people have gone through a lot. The tsunami, the civil war, other serious ​ diseases like the dengue virus. And we have learned that sometimes there are some things that don’t have a solution and you can’t fight them. So you learn to live with them and be patient. That's why I feel that in Sri Lanka we were more calm when the pandemic hit”, said one of the doctor’s regarding the public’s attitude during the ​ pandemic. This view is something that I encountered in most of the interviews I conducted. A lot of people, both lay and healthcare professionals, mentioned that because of the different crises that Sri Lanka has faced during the last decades, people have “toughened up” to adversity, which in turn, has aided them in keeping their calmness during this major health emergency.

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The financial issues that Ayurvedic hospitals are facing was the next topic to be addressed. They both believe that there exists a certain level of biomedical bias and dominance, as governments tend to funnel most of their budgets on western type hospitals and only a small amount of the funds end up in Ayurveda hospitals. They pointed to the lack of beds and general space in the hospital, as evidence of insufficient financial support by the government.

Finally, we talked about the implications of quarantine on people’s mental health. Their opinions were almost identical to those of the western doctor’s that I had interviewed.

They stated that Sri Lankan people were not so negatively affected by quarantine as their culture “supports their mental health better than in western countries”. They ​ ​ elaborated on that, saying that meditation and level-headedness are key parts of their religious traditions. These in turn, according to them, form a protective net against mental problems. Meditation offers many beneficial properties for people's spiritual and psychological well-being and the fact that both Buddhist and Hindu traditions emphasize the importance of daily meditation, has helped them to create a form of resilience against moments of crisis. Also, another reason that they believe people in Sri Lanka managed to maintain a positive outlook during the pandemic is the fact that they did not experience it as a type of isolation. “We are very family-oriented as a nation. It is a big ​ part of our culture. So most people were just happy they could spend more time with their family, not working but also getting paid, since most of the people continued to get their monthly salary normally”. They also added that, contrary to western cultures, in Sri ​

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Lanka they don’t have a “leisure time culture”. “We don’t have nightlife, at least not in ​ most parts of the country, we don’t go on vacation or weekends. We don’t party much.

So what is there to miss? People didn’t feel like they were losing something. People in the West complain a lot because they lost their lifestyle. We don’t even have this lifestyle here”.

The interview concluded with some final insights from the doctors. They pointed to the importance of consuming organic products. “Supermarkets are the enemy of health, ​ both mental and physical”. For this reason, they stressed the importance of buying ​ organic food, or even better, planting it ourselves. Also, they mentioned the properties of herbal medicine should be common knowledge, regardless of one's religious, ethnic or cultural backgrounds. With a number of changes in our nutrition, a bit of exercise and meditation, they believed that everyone would be able to maintain an overall better level of health. “These are important things for the future pandemic, because pandemics ​ come and go all the time. Next time maybe the whole world can be more prepared and stronger in order to fight the next virus”.

FINDINGS

In this section I will be presenting the findings that I gathered during my interviews with lay people in Sri Lanka, regarding the use of Ayurveda during the pandemic. These interviews highlight different narratives and experiences regarding the virus and the

74 pandemic. My goal, initially, was to gain a deeper understanding regarding the medical methods and strategies people used in order to stay healthy during the crisis. I soon came to realize that this type of traditional medicine was indeed utilized to a great extent, as a protective strategy, as it was frequently mentioned in almost all of my interviews. I should note, however, that none of my participants had been tested positive with the virus, therefore their accounts are of people socially affected by the ​ ​ pandemic, a distinction that should be underlined.

Furthermore, even though the sample size is not large enough to allow us the benefit of statistical analyses and generalizations, in order to make the presentation of the data flow more fluidly, I will be utilizing percentages; the goal is to make certain patterns and similarities that arose through my interviews more apparent. Following this clarification, we can proceed with the presentation of the data itself.

Eight out of the ten lay people interviewed mentioned that they had used some type of

Ayurvedic practice as a preventative measure during the pandemic. More specifically, the use of turmeric mixed with water as a method of disinfection, as well as the drinking of kothamalli tea (hot tea made by boiling coriander seeds) were the most popular medical measures used. All of these eight people mentioned that they had used these ayurvedic medicinal recipes on multiple occasions, in order to strengthen their immune system and protect their bodies from contracting the virus.

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Drinking warm water was also another medical practice that nine out of ten participants used, seeing it as a beneficial practice for their overall health. They also believed, following Ayurvedic tradition, that water helps in order to 'flush out' pathogens from the body. Furthermore, the participants who consumed hot water explained that this habit was specifically useful during the pandemic, as they had heard that the virus can be

“killed” by hot temperature. Adding to that, I was advised by different lay people not to ​ ​ drink cold water, eat ice-cream or use the A/C, as I should try to keep my temperature as hot as possible.

Five out of ten participants said they kept a bucket of water, turmeric, charcoal and lime at the entrance of their houses. They stated that they would wash their hands and feet with this extract before entering the house, as a form of “killing the germs” or “not ​ ​ ​ bringing dangerous stuff in the house”. This practice was carried out in cases where the ​ participants lived in detached houses, especially in more rural areas as it would be impractical to do this outside the entrance of a flat.

All of the eight participants who had used some kind of ayurvedic practice during the quarantine period stated that the properties of Ayurveda have been scientifically proven, although two of them mentioned that more research needed to be done, not to find out whether Ayurveda is effective or not, but rather so as to “prove to the world, especially ​ western people, that Ayurveda does work”. “We know it works, but the rest of the world doesn’t know it”.

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Four of them mentioned that they had used the process of steaming in their houses in order to protect themselves from the virus. Steaming is considered a process of purification and cleansing, according to Ayurveda medicine, as it allows “ama”, toxic matters, to exit the body.

Five of the participants clearly stated that they do not believe Ayurveda could destroy the virus or cure a patient. According to their understanding, Ayurveda may be able to offer a number of insights for a healthier lifestyle, and that in turn can aid towards the development of immunity. Also, regarding the event of an actual infection, they did mention that Ayurveda could assist in reducing the severity of some of the symptoms.

“Making the whole body healthier, the virus is not that dangerous” one of the ​ participants mentioned. One of the participants believed that Ayurvedic medicine is able to destroy the virus, while another one said they were not sure. More specifically the participant mentioned “I am not exactly sure if it can kill Corona or not. Maybe? More ​ research needs to be done. So if I have no other solution I will use Ayurveda”. This was ​ also mentioned in different ways and to different extents throughout my interviews with both laypeople and medical practitioners. Namely, given the fact that western biomedicine has yet to find a treatment or solution against the virus, they have no other way but to turn to traditional medicine.

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Other Ayurvedic treatments that were mentioned as immunity boosters were the following: consumption of and gargling with ginger tea (antimicrobial properties), tongue scraping (stimulating immunity and removing pathogens), use of nasal oils (eg: nasya oil), porridges with green vegetables, and more.

When asked whether they would use a possible new vaccine or other form of treatment against the virus, they all replied positively. “If it is proven to be safe, why not?” and ​ ​ “The only reason I wouldn’t do it is if it was too expensive. Hypothetically! Because in

Sri Lanka vaccines are free” were some of the answers. Participants who used ​ ayurvedic treatments during this period said that they did not feel the need to choose between biomedicine or Ayurveda. “They are both good for different things” and “A ​ ​ ​ vaccine can help you don’t get sick ever with Corona. But now that there is no vaccine

Ayurveda can also help to not get sick. Maybe this isn’t as strong as a vaccine but it is something and it’s better than doing nothing”.

CONCLUSIONS

The goal of this chapter was to present an overview of the use of Ayurveda by the laypeople of Sri Lanka during the pandemic. After a brief rundown of its philosophical framework and its long history in the Indian subcontinent, we examined the current state of Ayurveda in Sri Lanka. As a medical practice, it has been institutionalized and professionalized, as can be seen by the numerous ayurvedic hospitals, pharmacies and

78 clinics that remained open during the pandemic. In order to gain a better understanding of people’s actions and healthcare-seeking behaviours, it is necessary to examine

Ayurveda’s conceptualization of what constitutes both health and the cause of illness.

Health is conceptualized holistically, as body, mind and soul are seen as intertwined and interdependent, with each person affected and prone to illness in a different way.

This means that treatment is, to a great extent, personalized, depending on the individual’s natural and social environment, pre-existing health condition, age, personality and more. COVID-19 is no different, as according to Ayurveda, it does affect people differently depending on their mental and physical state (eg: dosha proportions and phenotype).

What has become clear both from my visit to an Ayurveda hospital and the interviews with laypeople and practitioners, is that in Sri Lanka exists a deep level of trust towards traditional medicine, which was further renewed and intensified during the pandemic.

The majority of the participants used Ayurvedic services or at-home practices mainly in order to boost their immune system. From this perspective, Ayurveda can be seen as a conceptual shield, protecting people from the virus by making their organisms stronger and healthier. Most of the people in Sri Lanka appear to have a grasp of how a virus like

COVID-19 works, and hence, they do not see traditional medicine as the end-all cure for this disease, but rather as a complementary measure. One which, when coupled with the state’s protection guidelines and practices, that are generally adhered to, paints a picture of a people that did not feel content to simply maintain a passive stance towards

79 the disease, but strived to take whatever extra steps they could in order to further shield themselves from the virus. Thus, they chose to utilize their traditional Ayurvedic arsenal, so to speak. Their trust in Ayurveda is further enhanced by the fact that the government and its mechanisms also put their trust into it and support its efficacy. The governmental legitimization of Ayurveda was something that came up frequently during the interviews, as one further reason to trust it; “it’s not just the people who use it, even the government ​ tells us how powerful it is”. Another vital aspect in the selection of Ayurvedic services ​ during the pandemic is financial. Although there exist both western and Ayurvedic public hospitals that anyone can visit, oftentimes the western hospitals include a minor hospitalization fee, and the prescribed medications may be exceedingly costly. That is why a great number of financially disadvantaged people, especially in rural areas where a western hospital is not always available in close proximity, choose the avenue of ayurvedic professional services instead.

Finally, as can be gleaned through the ethnographic evidence presented above, in order to comprehend the conceptualization of the medical status quo in Sri Lanka, one should take note of the fact that, for the most part, traditional and western medicine are not seen as opposing when it comes to efficacy. On the contrary, the people of Sri Lanka see both medical systems as complementary and equally useful. The reasons they choose one or the other usually revolve around practicality, proximity to a certain hospital/clinical service, cost and general public opinion. Lay people actively interpret meaning and create knowledge regarding the current pandemic by incorporating

80 information from governmental announcements, media reports, western and traditional concepts of health and illness, pre-existing cultural and social notions, previous experiences with pandemics and other public threats and more. This entails that the knowledge and discourse surrounding COVID-19 is constantly evolving, as it incorporates new ideas and beliefs or discards others away. By analyzing how Sri

Lankans understand and talk about such a pandemic, one may gain a deeper insight in the country’s conceptualization and (re)production of social and medical reality.

CHAPTER 3: SPIRITUALITY AND COVID-19 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter we will be discussing the social impact of spirituality and its expressions during the COVID-19 pandemic, as I observed them during my fieldwork in Sri Lanka.

This is part of a broader conversation for both medical anthropology and global mental health, as some relevant research surrounding spiritual beliefs and behaviours during moments of adversity, disaster, generalized crisis and health emergency shows.

According to several studies, religious and spiritual involvement can operate as coping mechanisms during periods of adversity, aiding our health and immunity (Koenig et al.

1997; Koenig and Cohen 2002; Lutgendorf et al. 2004; Kurita et al. 2011). More specifically, studies have shown that spirituality is connected to decreased rates of

81 infection, both in vulnerable and healthy populations (Merchant et al. 2003; Kagimu et al. 2012; Chen and VanderWeele 2018; Watson et al. 2019; Krause 2019).

Furthermore, spirituality can have calming effects in situations of social outbreak

(Vaillant 2013). Oftentimes religious behaviours, notwithstanding their constraints, have the ability of imparting positive feelings in individuals. Spirituality and religion can function as a support system and a coping mechanism for people in mourning or other health emergencies (Krysinska, Andriessen, Corveleyn 2014). Additionally, several cross-sectional studies support that there exists a correlation between spirituality and physical and mental well-being ( Vanderweele et al. 2017 ; 2018). These studies further document the positive impact of religion on people’s well-being, by promoting a healthy lifestyle and health measures, stimulating the formation of social support networks, and enhancing feelings of cohesion, mindfulness, positivity and self-efficacy.

COVID-19 has introduced unparalleled health challenges across every aspect of every society on the planet. To quote Roman et. al (2020)’s paper on a spiritual response to the pandemic, “The COVID experience has caused us to reflect on quality of life, health ​ and well-being and, just as important, end of life. During this time, spiritual care forms a vital component of holistic health management, especially in terms of coping”. People ​ have consistently discovered comfort through their religious, spiritual or philosophical convictions during periods of disaster and crisis. According to the same research, spiritual care should be seen as part of general “human care”, as it can open

82 individuals, families and communities to feelings of empathy and acceptance in times of malady and distress.

Therefore, in this chapter I will examine firstly the ways in which spirituality was used and expressed during the pandemic, specifically during times of isolation, such as the quarantine. In order to do this, I will document its impact on people’s lives during this time of crisis and its role as a coping mechanism. Furthermore, I will examine how religious and spiritual notions and worldviews can inform an individual’s understanding of the pandemic and their health in general. Finally, I will discuss my observations regarding the overall attitude towards the virus that each religious group appears to share, to a lesser or greater degree.

FINDINGS

In Sri Lanka all worship services, observances, pilgrimages and festivals were cancelled as a precaution. Most religious and spiritual actions were carried out at home during the quarantine. Once the curfew was over, I was able to carry out my interviews with people from different religious backgrounds, age groups and genders. My main goal was to learn the social consequences of the pandemic in general, however their answers highlighted the importance of spirituality throughout this period, constituting a pattern in their replies. Furthermore,I soon realized that they would often refer to their religion in order to make sense of the situation; the illness, the isolation, the uncertainty, etc. It

83 became obvious that their attitudes towards the pandemic were greatly informed by their spiritual and religious beliefs. Sadly, once again, the sample size does not allow for generalizations - but it can serve as the starting point for a longer discussion.

I conducted 16 interviews with people from different social backgrounds. Most were carried out in English and some of them carried out with the help of an interpreter in

Sinhalese or the Tamil language. Following are some excerpts that elucidate people’s spiritual expressions, feelings, meanings and notions during the lockdown.

On spiritual and religious life during COVID-19

Hindu (Plantation Tamil): “During this period, we have worshiped our gods from our ​ homes. And we haven't tried to break the rules. Our priority right now is our health, so we asked for their protection. Because of the pandemic we had to compromise and worship from home, pray from home, meditate, etc.”

Hindu (Sri Lankan Tamil): “We had to change some cultural things once the pandemic ​ started. For example, we were advised not to wear the sari. And you know, a lot of

Hindu and Buddhist women wear it everyday. But since saris are long and can drag dirt from the ground, they said we shouldn’t wear it, even though it’s part of our religions.

You have to compromise when it’s for the best of everyone’s health.

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Catholic (Sinhala): I was so sad for one thing only. We didn’t get to celebrate Easter. ​ We had planned to spend our Easter vacations with our family because we just had a baby and I wanted my parents in Jaffna to get to see the baby for the first time….But other than that, we are ok. You can pray from home. I wasn’t very spiritual before this but I have become. I am considering life, death, health, the future, our values, what matters and what doesn’t. We got to see things from a new perspective.”

Muslim: “It was really hard for me to keep the Ramadan fast during the pandemic. I ​ spent the first days of quarantine eating excessively especially chocolates and things like that. You are bored, you don’t have anything to do so you just eat or order food. But during fasting it was very hard because it’s not like I can do much creative stuff to distract myself”.

Buddhist: Did you hear the chants? (they could, at the time, be heard from the ​ ​ Buddhist temple at the centre of the city). These are different chants. The monks started ​ chanting these after the Corona situation. We are praying to God for health protection for the country and all the world. You will hear them multiple times during the day or night.

On religious narratives and explanations regarding COVID-19

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Muslim: “In the Quran which I have read many times and I also felt the need to read ​ again during quarantine, there are mentioned these stories about some civilizations. In the past, there were some people who were really powerful but they would use their power and wealth in such an unjust and cruel way. They would attack other populations, exploit the poor, make wars with each other. They believed their power would never die and they would never fall. So Allah destroyed them using something small: just a swarm of birds. I think this applies to today’s situation. All these wealthy, capitalist nations believed that they had all the control, that they were unstoppable, because they were advanced. And now such a small thing, a virus, can show how “empty” these systems are, how unprepared and not in control of the world they are and how easy it is to lose your power and fall. The lesson we had to learn is to be compassionate and protective of everyone and on a larger scale the governments should focus their money on public health, on protecting and respecting human life”.

Muslim: All pandemics end at some point. They are created by God and God will make ​ them stop. The Prophet talked many times about pandemics. He also talked about quarantine. That if disease hits your country do not leave, but if it happens to another country then do not go there. It is the same concept with lockdowns. Also it is our duty to wash before we pray 5 times a day, so hygiene is promoted and of course this is very important now with COVID-19. I mean it is in our culture to be careful like that and keep clean.

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Buddhist: Some people, especially in the West can’t wait for this to stop or they panic ​ and ask “what if this lasts forever? What if we never go back to normal?”. What they don’t realise is that there is no normal. Who told you that your previous life was normal and what we are living now is abnormal. If you give it more time this will become normal and after a few years this kind of life will change and some other way of living will be considered normal instead. Nobody guarantees you that you are going to live this way or that way forever. As a follower of the Buddhist philosophy, I believe that the sooner you accept a crisis the better for your mental state and your soul… Life is constantly changing. You have to find spirituality in your life, no matter your religion. In moments of crisis, like this pandemic, you have to find a way to cover that hole in your heart.

Buddhist: If we aren’t ethical, the environment will turn against us, that’s clearly stated ​ in the Buddha’s teachings. I am also studying Ayurveda which is not religious but it has a spiritual aspect. In Ayurveda they say that “as is the microcosm, so is the macrocosm”. This applies to the COVID-19 situation too. People don't respect the environment, so when the environment isn’t healthy soon this will lead to things that make us not healthy either.

Buddhist: In Buddhism, we accept death and sickness as natural states of life. There is ​ no reason to fight it. Of course health is the goal and you want to become well soon. But you have to accept the possibility that you might get sick, stay sick or die. You have to let go in order to survive in moments of disaster.

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Buddhist doctor in a western hospital: Rituals are important for your mental health. ​ And they always carry something spiritual. For a Sri Lankan person it may be drinking

Ceylon tea every afternoon. For a Westerner, it might be drinking a glass of wine every evening. It doesn't matter. As long as you create space for a ritual every once in a while, you are covered. Rituals give you a sense of control over your life. They allow for some

"me time" and they create a sense of normality during an uncertain time. And one more thing that you absolutely have to do even if you don’t believe in any god: you have to make room for spirituality. Find ways to be spiritual. This is the only real cure for the mind during a disaster"

During the course of these interviews, it became apparent that religious principles and philosophies inform and influence the way people make sense of a health crisis, and in the process help them find the motivation to navigate through uncharted waters. Even though this situation was very new and unexpected for them, through studying their religions, they were able to normalize and neutralize in their minds the current threat and realize that such pandemics have always been a part of life.This realization offered them a sense of security and hope. Spirituality may not grant concrete answers when it comes to curing the pandemic, but it can offer a different perspective for confronting our fears and concerns in a meaningful, reflective and calm way. This way, spiritual thinking and behaviours can become sources of relief, comfort and relaxation.

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I also noticed that people from different religious backgrounds had different conceptions and responses regarding quarantine. Initially, my first question was either “From a scale of 1 to 10, how bad has this quarantine been for you” or “would you say that the quarantine was a positive or negative experience for you?”. My first participants were a

Christian and a Muslim. They could easily and clearly give an answer to the question. “It ​ was negative because I couldn’t visit my parents” or “It was bad because I lost one ​ ​ semester and I don’t know when I’ll be able to graduate”. However, when I interviewed ​ Hindus and Buddhists, I very soon found out that the conceptual construction of such a question does not make much sense for them. In fact, I had to repeat the question or phrase it differently. Yet in the end, I received similar responses: “In my religion we don’t ​ see things as inherently good or bad. They aren’t black and white. This situation isn’t good or bad. It just is. It is something. Something that we will have to live with and go through and eventually it will pass” I realised that such a question was heavily informed ​ by my western tendency of placing everything in neat little boxes. In that sense, my way of thinking resembled more closely the way of thinking of the first two participants that adhered, consciously or unconsciously, to a monotheistic worldview, which separates things into distinct and contrasting concepts (good and evil). However, not all societies and cultures perceive life through such a binary view. Realising that such a question wasn’t culturally informed, I therefore decided to omit it from my questionnaire.

CONCLUSIONS

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In this chapter we discussed the use of spirituality as a coping and meaning-making mechanism during the COVID-19 pandemic. There exists scientific evidence that suggests that involvement with the practices and customs of religion and spirituality may have positive properties for our health, both mental and physical. Spirituality can also serve as the ideological and philosophical ground for reconstituting the way we understand and explain a critical and unpredictable situation, such as this pandemic.

Introspection, mindfulness and maintaining a calm composure can assist in the cultivation of positive feelings and motivation, while adherence and respect for health measures can in turn establish a sense of purpose. My goal in the findings section was to demonstrate different narratives, meanings and explanatory models, in order to show how culture, religion and spirituality can affect the way we experience a health crisis and uncertainty in general. Such narratives are constantly changing and reconstructing themselves, as people are readjusting their beliefs or renewing their conceptualizations; religions may be outdated from multiple standpoints, yet in a sense, they remain relevant as long as people turn to them as they attempt to navigate anc chart new and unforeseen circumstances. In that sense, religions serve as a basis upon which newer and more modern practices and knowledge are layered upon by their practitioners, creating something more complex that aids their resilience. Concepts are refreshed and sometimes discarded. Hence, spirituality as a knowledge and belief system can serve as an aid for the process of adapting to a “natural” phenomenon, such as a virus outbreak. In conclusion, spirituality and religious faith transmit and express cultural

90 meanings through which we can begin, at least, to make sense of the world (social, clinical, etc), something vital during moments of fear and distress.

FINAL THOUGHTS

When one writes about the pandemic while simultaneously living it, when one attempts to make sense of what exactly it is that’s happening while also trying to protect oneself from it, one cannot help but feel rather small at times. And in the midst of all this quiet mayhem, there one finds themselves, a researcher analysing the minutiae of social phenomena. As I documented the fallout from the pandemic, I found myself questioning my capability of offering help in moments of disaster. I could not help but feel like the band on the top deck of the Titanic, still playing as the mighty ship had already begun its downward spiral to the bottom of the ocean. So what exactly can ethnographers offer during a pandemic?

As we have seen, a pandemic is not just a “natural” or biological phenomenon. It is also a social event, the study of which brings to the fore historically entrenched inequalities, power dynamics and culturally-based conceptualizations regarding health and illness.

As Leach et al. said (2020) “COVID-19 is revealing, reinforcing, and catalyzing new ​ social and cultural relations; laying bare inequalities and anxieties, discrimination and division; but also galvanizing solidarities and collective action”. This is what has been at ​

91 the center of this research. My aim was to showcase how this pandemic has socially impacted Sri Lanka, disrupting its social order and possibly creating new forms of it. In order to do that, I examined three aspects of the pandemic's social impact. The first one revolved around marginalized minorities and how the pre-existing inequalities they faced have surged since the virus. The pandemic aggravated and intensified existing conditions of social violence, structural inequality and injustice. At the same time, solidarity initiatives and new forms of collective action and resilience were also observed among these groups, despite the disenfranchised state that the pandemic left them in - or, in fact, because of it. The second aspect was the use of the traditional medical system of Ayurveda across the country and its interactions with western biomedicine and newer scientific developments during the COVID-19 crisis. As we saw, the majority of Sri Lankans believe that Ayurveda can be useful for boosting their immune systems and also for further promoting good hygiene, as a preventative measure. What was also noticed was that, in their narratives, biomedicine and traditional medicine are not seen as two clashing entities, but working as one, in a synergistic manner. Finally, we analysed the impact of spirituality and religious beliefs in forming and reconstructing people’s experiences and narratives regarding the pandemic and its consequences (lockdown, curfew, quarantine, preventive measures, etc).

Furthermore, spirituality was seen as an effective coping mechanism that can reduce people’s worries and fears about the future.

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An interesting question that could be followed up concerns the social impact of the pandemic on the science of anthropology. What are the new conceptual, theoretical, ethical and practical parameters that it imposes? How do we orient ourselves and our professions post-COVID-19? How will such a global experience affect the way we reflect on ourselves, our culture, our preconceived notions and our privileges?

In conclusion, I cannot help but feel like we (both as a society in general and as ethnographers) find ourselves on a precipice; which, of course, brings to mind that oft used concept in anthropology's arsenal, liminality. This is a time of passage from a previous state of normal to a new one; a feeling in the air saying that nothing is going to be the same again. During this time of disorientation and dissolution, as we leave behind our previous normality and enter a new state of doing ethnography, we need to consider what is there to be learned, relearned and unlearned.

“Life itself means to separate and to be reunited, to change form and condition, to die and to be reborn. It is to act and to cease, to wait and to rest, and then to begin acting again, but in a different way. And there are always new thresholds to cross: the threshold of summer and winter, of season or a year, of a month of a night; the thresholds of birth, adolescence, maturity and old age; the threshold of death and that of the afterlife -- for those who believe in it.”

― Arnold van Gennep

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● A conceptual model for the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak in

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