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Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga

2001

Chapter 07: Patterns of Technology Adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in Agricultural Change

Lisa Markowitz Small Ruminant Collaborative Research Support Program

Corinne Valdivia University of Missouri

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Recommended Citation Markowitz, Lisa and Valdivia, Corinne, "Chapter 07: Patterns of Technology Adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in Agricultural Change" (2001). Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga. 4. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/sustaining_agropastoralism/4

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Chapter 7 Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change Patrones de adopción tecnológica en San José Llanga: Lecciones sobre el cambio agrícola

by Lisa Markowitz and Corinne Valdivia

Summary supporting technologies. Between 1965 and 1975 a sheep production and marketing program was Technological development programs on the Alti- introduced to improve wool exports—Utah State plano were introduced with the hopes of increas- University was an important collaborator. Our study ing productivity and supply of commodities for of the long-term outcome of this effort, involving domestic and international markets. The develop- 80 households in seven communities, revealed ment paradigm has been based on the promotion that improved sheep have been an important com- of “modernisation,” which pervades aid efforts ponent of production systems even though wool throughout the world. This paradigm is founded on markets are no longer attractive. Adoption patterns the belief that technologies developed elsewhere for improved sheep indicated that community lo- could be diffused in developing countries. This cation (in the plains) and training through exten- chapter presents the economic and social events sion programs were positive factors increasing the that influenced the fate of key technological inno- likelihood that improved sheep would be adopted. vations at San José Llanga (SJL), including char- An effort to improve food supply was intro- acteristics of households and resources that in- duction of new potato varieties suitable for urban fluenced technology adoption. Attention is also consumption during the mid-1960s. Traditionally given to how technologies have influenced the only “bitter” varieties adapted to the Altiplano en- sustainability (e.g., household reproduction) of the vironment were grown by peasant households. Tra- system. ditional growing methods included use of sheep Three spheres of technological change were manure as fertiliser and tillage with human labour analysed that spanned 30 years: Sheep, pota- or animal draft power. The new technological pack- toes and dairy. Interdisciplinary approaches in age included use of chemical fertiliser and trac- social sciences were used to study technical tors for tillage. A cooperative was formed at SJL change. These have a greater emphasis on an- and a tractor was purchased on credit by the com- thropology, sociology and economics to under- munity. The cooperative eventually disintegrated, stand paradigm shifts in technology diffusion. but producers continued to plant these new potato Methods used to collect data included informal varieties—they remained common through 1995. and formal interviews of sampled households. Emphasis on introduced potato varieties was di- Analyses for sheep involved SJL and other minished with the drought of 1982-3. Despite a neighbouring communities while analyses for decline in emphasis on production of improved dairy and potatoes focused solely on SJL. potatoes, the ancillary technologies of chemical Several development programs were intro- fertilisers and tractor tillage remained widespread duced on the central Altiplano starting in the mid- at SJL in the 1990s. 1950’s. One of the first efforts was creation of the Dairy is the latest technological change, and Patacamaya Experiment Station with support of this has boomed on the central Altiplano. A se- the Institute for Inter-American Affairs, a US tech- cure market with infrastructure, price supports, nical assistance program. This station focused on extension programs and credit were factors ex- improvement and management of sheep. Interna- plaining how two-thirds of households at SJL be- tional cooperation in the 1950s and 1960s promoted came involved in this activity between 1989 and production of improved sheep with an extension 1995. A drought also motivated producers to seek emphasis on distribution of Corriedale rams and income via smallholder dairying. A study of fac-

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 239 Markowitz and Valdivia tors that explain the probability of adoption of market awareness and an opportunistic capacity dairy husbandry using a logistic regression analy- to respond to change in communities like SJL. sis revealed that increased access to alfalfa fields and level of wealth (e.g., income) had sig- Resumen nificant and positive effects. The blending of new and traditional tech- En el Altiplano, se han llevado a cabo muchos nologies has led to diversification and oppor- proyectos de cambio tecnológico con el objeto tunism rather than specialisation predicted in de incrementar la producción y la oferta para los the “Modernisation Paradigm.” By incorporat- mercados doméstico e internacional. El ing new technologies in varying proportions, paradigma de desarrollo tecnológico ha estado producers guaranteed their household con- basado en la “modernización” —concepto sumption requirements and gained advantage prevaleciente en las agencias de desarrollo en el from markets when possible. Rather than mundo—que fomenta el incremento de la specialisation, diversification seemed to be the especialización como base de la eficiencia strategy for persistence and growth in this re- económica y por lo tanto del crecimiento. Este gion characterised by erratic economic and cli- capítulo presenta los eventos históricos, matic features. económicos, y sociales que fueron claves en la We found that the impacts of technological introducción de tecnologías en San José Llanga. changes were not merely neutral or positive. Se estudian las características de las unidades Increase in the use of tractors has resulted in económicas familiares y sus recursos con an increased labour demand for weeding and relación a la adopción de nuevas tecnologías. El herding sheep, both female activities. The prob- papel de género también es discutido, al mismo ability of adopting dairy was affected by income tiempo que la influencia de todos estos cambios and quality of resources available to house- tecnológicos en la sustentabilidad del sistema holds; therefore, wealthier producers have been de producción. able to initially capture most of the benefits of En este capítulo se estudian tres esferas de this technology. For improved potato produc- cambio tecnológico que abarcan 30 años de la tion, chemical fertilisers and herbicides were historia de San José. Los cambios en las esferas required to obtain profitable yields. Therefore de producción de papa, del ganado ovino, y del wealthier households with cash were also able vacuno. Los métodos utilizados para la to invest in this technology and reap initial ben- recolección de información de los estudios que efits. Chemical fertilisers, by replacing manure, sustenta este capítulo incluyen encuestas may have led to soil management problems. formales, entrevistas formales e informales, y la Benefits of technology adoption, overall, have revisión de material histórico relacionado a los accrued more to wealthier groups. More labour eventos que motivaron estos cambios. En el burdens have been placed on females. caso del estudio de las tecnologías de ovino The community of SJL has provided a use- introducidas en los sesenta, se hizo una encuesta ful case study of technology transfer. The com- de 80 productores en 7 comunidades de la zona munity has successfully integrated improved del altiplano. En el estudio de la ganadería lechera sheep and potatoes into the traditional produc- el análisis se informa de dos encuestas, una de tion system, although emphasis on innovations 45 productores jóvenes de la comunidad, y una waxes and wanes with market opportunities. segunda encuesta para el estudio de género y Overall, technology adoption has been a dy- ganadería con selección de 45 familias al azar namic and somewhat episodic process. The que representan toda la población de la trend towards modernisation may be gradually comunidad. Para el estudio de la papa se contó undermining the ability of the community to con los estudios de tesis sobre cambio grow their own food, possibly due, in part, to tecnológico en la producción de la papa, y sobre unintended consequences of technology pack- los costos de las tecnologías de papa. El análisis ages and increasing monetisation. de cambio tecnológico se hace a partir de un A critical lesson is that change is the rule, enfoque interdisciplinario en ciencias sociales, not the exception. The current dairy boom will que incluye la antropología, la economía, la also end some day and other opportunities may historia y la sociología. Este enfoque nos permite come forward. Technical, outreach and policy comprender mejor el paradigma de desarrollo y measures should therefore promote a dynamic las acciones de las familias de San José.

240 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

A partir de mediados de los cincuenta, se del terreno. La ganadería lechera es la última introdujeron muchos cambios tecnológicos en SJL, actividad introducida en esta comunidad, y está comenzando por el establecimiento de la Estación en auge en todo el altiplano. Un mercado seguro, Experimental de Patacamaya con el apoyo del precios fijos, programas de extensión y crédito, Instituto de Asuntos Interamericanos de los son algunos de los factores que han hecho posible Estados Unidos. Esta estación tenía como una este auge. En este capítulo se muestran las de sus misiones la investigación para el características que influyen en su adopción. Los mejoramiento de la producción ganadera, en esos productores de San José han optado por mantener tiempos con énfasis en el mejoramiento ovino. una diversidad de actividades, lo cual se refleja Con este programa de apoyo se distribuyeron en el portafolio económico. En vez de optar por la carneros Corriedale, al igual que otras especialización, se ha optado por un tecnologías para su manejo. Entre 1965 y 1975 comportamiento oportunista, que les permite el programa para la producción y comercialización aprovechar las tecnologías que los ayuden a de ovinos se difundió con la colaboración de la persistir en la región, y acumular, en vez de Universidad del Estado de Utah, con la esperanza incrementar su vulnerabilidad frente al ambiente o de mejorar la exportación de lana. Un estudio al mercado. Encontramos que el cambio del efecto de este programa, en 1993 con 80 tecnológico no es neutral. Los cambios en las productores de la zona en 7 comunidades variedades de papa y la ganadería lechera han campesinas del altiplano, muestra que los ovinos beneficiado más a las familias de más recursos. mejorados persisten como una tecnología, aún Todas las tecnologías han aumentado la demanda cuando ya no se exporta lana. El estudio de del trabajo femenino, pues son ellas las que adopción muestra que el factor agroecológico, ordeñan, deshierban, y pastorean el ganado. Por comunidades situadas en la pampa, influyen eso señalamos que las tecnologías no han tenido positivamente en las posibilidades de adopción. un impacto neutral. Tampoco lo han sido en su La propiedad del ganado ovino criollo también impacto en el medio ambiente, pero más estudios influencia positivamente las probabilidades de son necesarios para determinar las causas de la adopción del ganado mejorado. Una sorpresa degradación en los campos de cultivo y los del estudio es que la variable género no es problemas de salinidad en los de regadío. significativa, a pesar de que esta actividad es del La comunidad de SJL nos ha proporcionado dominio de las mujeres. Problemas de un estudio de caso muy útil para entender la autoselección pueden explicar este resultado, transferencia de tecnología. La comunidad ha pues la muestra sólo tenía un 25% de mujeres logrado integrar exitosamente el ganado mejorado encuestadas. Un segundo esfuerzo para y la producción de nuevas variedades de papa a incrementar la oferta al mercado se hizo con los su sistema de producción, aun cuando el énfasis cambios tecnológicos en la producción de nuevas en las innovaciones decrece cuando las variedades de papa con mayor demanda en zo- oportunidades del mercado desaparecen. Sobre nas urbanas, la papa blanca. Esto sucedió a todo, la adopción de tecnología ha sido dinámica mediados de los sesenta. En esta zona las y más o menos un proceso episódico. Las variedades de papa amarga eran cultivadas con tendencias hacia la modernidad pueden socavar el principal objetivo de satisfacer las necesidades la habilidad que tienen las comunidades de del hogar. El cambio tecnológico comprendió producir sus propios alimentos, en parte debido a nuevas variedades, el uso de fertilizantes las consecuencias no esperadas de los paquetes químicos y el uso del tractor. Para acceder al tecnológicos, y al incremento en la monetización crédito se creó una cooperativa, la que luego se de su economía. disolvió. Sin embargo los productores Una lección crítica de este capítulo es que el continuaron con la producción de las nuevas cambio es la regla y no la excepción. El auge ac- variedades. El auge de esta actividad terminó con tual en la lechería también terminará un día, y la sequía del 1982-1983. Los productores en las puede ser que entonces se presenten otras entrevistas realizadas reportaron que la oportunidades. Las medidas de carácter técnico, producción desde ese entonces no ha sido la de extensión y de política deben por lo tanto misma. Sin embargo los estudios muestran que promover un conocimiento constante de las se continúa con estas variedades de papa dulce, dinámicas del mercado y una capacidad para re- en combinación con las amargas, al igual que se sponder oportunistamente al cambio en continúa con el uso del tractor en la preparación comunidades como SJL.

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 241 Markowitz and Valdivia

7.1 Introduction antecedents of each episode of intervention are described both to better contextualize SJL within As previously noted in Chapter 4: Household broader political-economic systems and to iden- economy and community dynamics at San José tify critical points of macro-micro articulation Llanga, the production system incorporated a mix (Berdegué and Escobar 1995; Valdivia 1995). of introduced and indigenous technologies. This reflected the community’s history as recipient of imported technologies and use of time-tested lo- 7.2 Methods cal practices to meet the challenges of food pro- 7.2.1 Review of technology duction on the central Altiplano. The ability of lo- paradigms cal residents to opportunistically and effectively integrate innovations into their productive regime Placing technological interventions at SJL within in response to changing economic conditions has a broader framework recognises that technologies played a large part in helping maintain a diversity are not neutral in either their genesis, dissemina- of crop and livestock enterprises that facilitates tion or local impacts; nor can these processes be coping with perturbations (Jetté 1993; Murillo and fully assessed without consideration of the over- Markowitz 1995; Chapter 6: Household socioeco- arching political economy (Biggs and Clay 1988; nomic diversity and coping response to a drought Smillie 1991; Pfaffenberger 1992). This perspec- year at San José Llanga). This reliance on diver- tive departs from the relatively non-problematic sity contrasts with predictions of classical treatment of technology within the Modernisation modernisation theory which holds that economic Paradigm which informed the creation and opera- growth and specialisation go hand-in-hand, the tion of most of the programs that have influenced latter being a condition for the former to take place the contemporary system of SJL. Modernisation (Bromley and Chavas 1989). In San José Llanga theory posits the presence of modern and tradi- we have found an alternative path, namely one tional sectors and assumes the goal of develop- of opportunistic behaviour that maintains flexibil- ment is transformation of the traditional into the ity and diversification that ensures cash and in- modern. Transfer of technology is key in that it of- kind income in the face of climatic and market fers a means to accelerate this transformation vicissitudes (Chapter 6: Household socioeco- (Biggs and Clay 1988: 22-3). In this vision of devel- nomic diversity and coping response to a drought opment, technology itself becomes a positive, year at San José Llanga). modernising force (Escobar 1995, 36). Accordingly, The objectives for this chapter include deter- the ability to specialise is a reflection of economic mination of: (1) How social and economic events development (Bromley and Chavas 1989). have influenced key phases of technology trans- Challenges to this understanding of technol- fer at San José Llanga (SJL); (2) how house- ogy transfer have arisen from many theoretical hold-level factors have influenced adoption of new quarters, but three in particular inform our ap- technology; (3) whether males and females, as proach. Recent work in a post-structuralist vein well as various wealth classes, have similarly examines the political and ideological underpin- benefited from adoption of new technology; and nings of this notion of transformation and contends (4) whether technology adoption has influenced that the language, assumptions and institutions that sustainability of the production system. Answer- constitute the development enterprise have served ing these questions helps us understand what to perpetuate global inequalities (Sachs 1992; factors facilitate or constrain technology transfer Escobar 1995). This provocative critique, although to rural producers. Technology transfer is a vital, difficult for many involved in agricultural develop- culminating and problematic process for research. ment to embrace, compels attention to the politi- To achieve these objectives, this chapter cal and historical contexts of technical assistance takes a chronological approach to tracing the programs. course of technological intervention and uptake At a more operational level, systems-ori- at SJL to understand development and configura- ented researchers have documented the impor- tion of the current production system. The account tant interactions between technology uptake integrates material from a number of independent and policy, support systems and macro-condi- investigations to examine technological change in tions (Valdivia 1995), matters too often excluded three critical spheres of household production: from consideration by their definition as “exter- Sheep, potatoes and dairy. The history and policy nal parameters.” A recent review of the systems

242 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

approach in Latin America calls for greater atten- and hills of the Province of Aroma (Markowitz tion to non-farm variables in general and “interme- 1995). The communities, selected on the basis of diate agrarian institutions” in particular (Berdegué past involvement with technology transfer pro- and Escobar 1995; Valdivia 1995). This expanded grams, varied with respect to local climate, ecol- focus has characterised social science research ogy and degree to which irrigation was used in in the IBTA/SR-CRSP project and here we livestock and crop production. Sheep were emphasise the nature of extension work in the re- categorised as either Criollo or 50% cross-breeds gion and community. of Criollo x Corriedale according to phenotypic A third challenge arises from scholars and characteristics. Probability of adoption of improved development practitioners who have combined sheep by households was assessed as a function concepts from agroecology with an interest in the of seven variables by Sheikh and Valdivia (IBTA/ revalorisation of Andean technologies. In the face SR-CRSP, unpublished) using a logit model (Kmeta of the diffusion of imported technologies and the 1986). Independent variables were selected to denigration of Andean cultures, there is burgeon- characterise features of the resource base, gen- ing recognition that recuperation of technologies der and age of household heads, years of formal specifically developed to cope with the Altiplano education, and access to training or extension and Cordillera environments has much to offer activities. For example, producers having a re- contemporary producers (Rengifo and Kohler 1992; source base oriented more toward plains agricul- Healy 1996). Revalorisation encompasses appre- ture rather than a mix of plains and hillside agri- ciation of Andean cosmologies in the many ways culture were expected to be more likely to adopt religious belief orders peoples’ relation with the improved sheep because plains resources were natural world. From an Aymara perspective, reli- more conducive to intensification of sheep hus- gious practice is inextricably linked with produc- bandry through methods involving crop residues tive activities (van den Berg 1992), leading van and improved forages. Female household heads Kessel (1992, 198) to term such practices the “sym- who were also younger and had received special bolic dimension” of Andean technology. extension training in sheep husbandry were also thought to be more likely to adopt improved sheep. 7.2.2 Specific methodologies Since other studies had shown that sheep hus- bandry is a female dominated activity (Section Overall methods used to collect data for this chap- 4.3.3: Household production system), gender was ter involved formal and informal interviews of expected to influence adoption. One-quarter of the sampled populations of the community, focus households in the analysis were headed by women. group sessions, household-level case studies, par- Life cycle, with an arbitrary demarcation between ticipant observation and reviews of archival data household heads older or younger than 50 years, sources. Highlights of key contributions are noted was expected to influence adoption because below. younger, “mid-career” household heads had a The history of technology transfer and exten- greater abundance of labour and a proclivity to sion programs in the central Altiplano since the invest in improved technology (see Section 6.3.1: 1950s was reconstructed through archival research Socioeconomic groups). As will be noted later in and open-ended interviews with current and former this chapter, special training in husbandry of im- extension agents in the SJL area (Markowitz and proved sheep had been provided for several de- Valdivia 1995). To assess research undertaken at cades in the region, although only about one-quar- the Patacamaya Experiment Station, Quino (1994) ter of survey respondents had actually participated reviewed technical reports from station archives in a training opportunity (Markowitz 1995). There from 1960 to the early 1990s. was some degree of self-selection of participants The adoption and contemporary role of im- in the survey, simply because some potential re- proved sheep breeds for SJL households was ad- spondents elected not to participate. Unlike resi- dressed by Espejo (1994) while other economic dents of SJL, residents of nearby communities issues pertaining to improved sheep were studied were less familiar with the IBTA/SR-CRSP project by Valdivia and Jetté (1996). and more wary of participating in surveys. Self- Spatial diffusion of improved sheep breeds selection in surveys can result in bias of regres- over the past three decades was examined by using sion coefficients (Maddala 1983). We felt, how- a census of flocks held by 80 households at SJL ever, that a reasonable cross-section of partici- and seven other nearby communities in the plains pants was achieved.

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 243 Markowitz and Valdivia

Probability of adoption (z) by the ith house- 7.3 Results and discussion hold was assessed as a function of seven vari- ables using the following model: 7.3.1 History of technical assistance at San José Llanga Z = a + b (COMMTY) + b (AGE) + b (GENDER) + b i 1 2 3 4 The scope and tenor for international assistance (TRAIN) + b (CROPAREA) + b (TOTALCRI) + b 5 6 7 programs of the US Government was set in the (ALFAREA) + e Inaugural Address of US president Harry S. Truman The variables are proxies for hypotheses noted on January 20, 1949. A key excerpt follows of “The above. The statistical analysis was conducted us- Point IV Speech” (Baldwin 1966, 61): ing the LOGISTIC procedure in SAS (SAS 1990). “Fourth. We must embark on a bold new Interviews for the 80 households were also used program for making the benefits of our to assess how revenue from sheep sales was scientific advances and industrial spent and various aspects of sheep management progress available for the improvement (Markowitz 1995). and growth of underdeveloped areas. Huanca (1995) conducted a study of potato ...The United States is pre-eminent cultivation. She examined producer attitudes to- among nations in the development of in- wards change in potato production and events dustrial and scientific techniques. The which led to introduction of mechanised tillage and material resources which we can afford adoption of other novel inputs at SJL using archi- to use for the assistance of other peoples val records and participant observation, oral his- are limited. But our imponderable re- tory, and structured interviews for 30 households sources in technical knowledge are con- (Huanca 1995; Huanca et al 1995). Lizárraga (1994) stantly growing and inexhaustible.” assessed the economic costs and benefits of new The Cantón of SJL has been subject to a technologies by using structured interviews of 36 series of technology assistance projects sup- households and collecting production data from ported by foreign donors since the early 1960s. 55 parcels of their crop land (Lizárraga1994; This was part of a broad US involvement in Alti- Lizárraga et al 1995). Victoria et al (1994) inter- plano agriculture starting in the 1950s (see Sec- viewed 25 community members in their study fo- tion 1.4.1: Research setting). Implementation cused on relative merits of sheep manure versus rested on the direct transfer of technologies de- introduced chemical fertilisers. veloped in Europe and North America. The as- Adoption of dairy technology and promotion sumption of northern technological beneficence of dairy cooperatives were topics studied by by appears in the diffusion processes described Illanes (1994) and Illanes et al (1995). They con- below. As noted by Healy (1996, 14) in the mod- ducted informal and structured interviews and fo- els of Altiplano agricultural development that fol- cus group meetings with 46 randomly selected lowed over the following decades, “the Bolivian producers to identify behavioural and economic extension agent was the key actor and peasant variables influencing participation in small-scale farmers remained backward and passive.” commercial dairying. Dairy adopters and non-adopt- By 1954 the US technical assistance program ers were contrasted in terms of various household to Bolivia, financed through the Institute of Inter- and resource features using t-tests. In addition, American Affairs, was the second largest in the Dr. L. Markowitz (IBTA/SR-CRSP, unpublished data) hemisphere. The vehicle for much of this effort interviewed 32 of the most active milk producers was the Inter-American Agricultural Service (or at SJL to determine their patterns of technology SAI—Servicios Agrícolas Interamericanos), a de- adoption. scendant of the servicios established in 1942 as Statistical analysis of dairy producers at SJL means to acquire strategic defense materials from involved a logistic regression (Valdivia 1998) that Latin America (Iverson 1951, 223). A servicio was looked at the variables affecting adoption of this conceived as a flexible administrative entity that enterprise among 45 households. Procedures were could undertake whatever technical cooperation similar to the analysis for sheep. The statistical was agreed upon (Mosher 1957, 323). Through the package used was SPSS (1998). The model at- early 1960s the SAI supplied much of the direc- tempted to explain dairy adoption as a function of tion and budget for the Bolivian Ministry of Agri- alfalfa area, total income and household economic culture [see Rice (1971) for discussion and evalu- diversity. ation of the SAI’s structure and programs]. Although

244 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

SAI activities focused mostly on tropical eastern led to higher levels of overall aid to Bolivia (Wilkie Bolivia, their priority in the Altiplano was creation 1982, 84). A major effort on the Altiplano from of agricultural research and demonstration cen- 1965-75 was the Utah State University/USAID tres. As an example, the Patacamaya Experiment Sheep Production and Marketing Program (abbre- Station was constructed in 1958 on lands of the viated as USU/USAID/SPMP) which, like SAI, former hacienda Culta Arajllanga (PES 1962-3, 5). operated within the Bolivian Ministry of Agricul- The initial mission of the Patacamaya Experi- ture. This program aimed to improve rural condi- ment Station was to improve the quality of Altipl- tions through development of agricultural research ano sheep. Researchers thus carried out experi- and extension and to improve the country’s bal- ments dealing with sheep genetics, management, ance of payments through development of exports health and nutrition. To this end a variety of breeds and import substitutes (Wennergren 1975, 6). including Romney Marsh, Corriedale, Rambouil- Program participants included Bolivian tech- let, Hampshire Down and Targhee were imported nicians and university faculty from Utah, where from Chile, Peru, Uruguay and the US. A review “cold desert” conditions parallel those of the Alti- of station research (Quino 1994) revealed sev- plano. Like their predecessors, these people were eral important accomplishments by station staff. primarily concerned with sheep production, espe- Most notable was the development of a cross- cially breeding, wool marketing and forage improve- bred sheep (i.e., Corriedale x Criollo) that was ment. They arranged to import some 2000 pure- well-adapted to the elevation and climatic ex- bred sheep (i.e., Targhee and Corriedale) and dis- tremes and able to be more productive than other tributed rams among Altiplano communities, of- pure-breds or crosses (see Section 5.3.3: Man- ten building on previous work of SAI teams. Ex- agement and productivity of sheep). Quino (1994) tension teams conducted shearing demonstrations noted a tendency, however, for researchers to rely in support of a revitalised national wool market. on on-station tests and not consider on-farm con- On-farm forage trials contributed to the testing and ditions. Similarly, nutrition research tended to fo- widespread dissemination of new varieties of al- cus on feed resources that were too expensive falfa and other cultivated forages (Haws 1975). for most local producers to acquire. Finally, basic Another form of technical assistance in the health problems received little attention compared region was extension of credit for purchase of farm to research on uncommon, but more interesting, inputs (Huanca 1995). By the mid-1960s funds ailments (Quino 1994). for communities in Aroma Province were avail- In the late 1950s and 1960s the Patacamaya able from the Inter-American Development Bank Experiment Station also served as a base for in- and USAID via the Agrarian Bank of Bolivia. Little ternational cooperation programs and as an ex- credit, however, was directly given to smallholders tension centre. According to informants, SAI ex- (Heilman 1982). Agencies considered rural co- tension teams worked with community leaders operatives better risks, a view consonant with the focusing on establishing cooperatives meant as goals of community development. Within Aroma vehicles for training, extension of credit, parasite new cooperatives proliferated, often established control (i.e., construction of at least 2000 sheep on the basis of the rancher groups (e.g., AREGA) dips) and improved breeding (i.e., distribution of created a few years earlier. up to 3000 Corriedale rams). Although the SAI Residents of SJL organised a cooperative in teams operated independently of the Patacamaya 1966 to receive loans under rural development Experiment Station, feedback concerning suc- and commodity support programs aimed at increas- cess of research applications was maintained. In ing food production for urban markets through in- 1962 the Patacamaya Experiment Station desig- tensified cultivation (Huanca 1995). With the credit nated its own extension personnel who began to arrived a “technology package” consisting of seeds organise formal outreach meetings and short- for “improved” potatoes (e.g., Papa dulce) devel- courses. These facilitated formation of a regional oped for urban tastes along with mechanised till- ranchers association (AREGA–Asociación Re- age, chemical fertiliser and herbicide. gional de Agricultores; PES 1962-3) a grouping The most recent technological change at SJL of cooperatives from over 20 communities from has been development of smallholder commer- the central Altiplano, including SJL. cial dairying that began in the late 1980s (see More technical assistance from the US was Section 4.3.3: Household production system), but directed to the Altiplano by 1965. During the same its institutional antecedents actually dated back period political fears over left-wing insurgencies to the mid-1950s. The UNICEF (United Nations

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 245 Markowitz and Valdivia

Children’s Fund) had identified increasing milk pro- more secure livelihood option compared to culti- duction as a goal for Bolivian economic and agri- vation (Markowitz 1993). This interest coincided cultural development and subsequently financed with construction of a 23-km irrigation canal by construction of milk processing plants in local residents from the Rio Desaguadero to SJL Cochabamba, Tarija, Chuquisaca, Santa Cruz and three surrounding communities (Section and La Paz. To coordinate milk promotion programs, 3.3.2: Description of natural resources). Irriga- the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the tion permitted more intensive use of what had United Nations) worked with the Bolivian govern- been grazing or more marginal rain-fed crop land. ment in 1970 to design a framework for increasing Alfalfa thrived in this area, as well as along the dairy production and consumption. The following Khora Jahuíra River. Also, in the mid-1980s the objectives emerged: (1) Increasing on-farm milk Programa de Ayuda Campesina (Peasant Self- production and rural incomes; (2) creation of a milk Development Program) sponsored by the EEC industry infrastructure; (3) encouraging milk con- (European Economic Community) started to dis- sumption as a response to endemic malnutrition; tribute forage seeds, and in 1989 improved the and (4) supplying an import substitute (Catacora dirt track leading into the main Barrio at SJL in 1993). Since this time most multi-lateral assis- part to facilitate milk commercialisation. The tance to the dairy sector has fallen within the con- PROFOLE extensionists began work at SJL that tours of this master-plan. See Illanes et al (1995) same year and a módulo was established in for further details. 1990. For milk producers on the central Altiplano, Participation in the módulo at SJL has facili- the most visible support for dairying was a tated access of members to various dairy tech- parastatal organization called PROFOLE nologies. Improved calves, usually Friesian (i.e., (Programa de Fomento Lechero, or Milk Promo- Holstein) or Brown Swiss crossed with Criollo, tion Program). Starting in 1978 PROFOLE exten- are given to members via a lottery with the un- sion agents provided technical assistance to derstanding that in three years time a calf will smallholders in scores of Altiplano communities. be returned to PROFOLE to pass to other pro- Their primary financial backing has come from the ducers in need. The practice for SJL, however, WFP (World Food Program of the United Nations) has been for calves to go to the most active mem- which began in 1984 to coordinate contributions bers. The PROFOLE advances credit to produc- of milk solids and butterfat to Bolivia by interna- ers, and this is to be repaid out of future milk tional donors. The La Paz milk plant reconstituted revenues for purchase of forage seed (i.e., oats, dried solids into liquid milk, which was then sold alfalfa, and barley). The PROFOLE also deliv- to generate revenues for PROFOLE extension ered feed supplements on 30-day credit. Larger activities. Between 1980 and 1990 donations ac- loans have been available for such infrastructural counted for about 40% of the total national milk improvements as sinking pumps and animal supply (Materson et al 1991). holding facilities. Tractor rentals, artificial insemi- In more recent times producers on the central nation and weekly veterinary visits have been Altiplano have sold milk to PIL (Programa de other perquisites of membership. Industrialización Lechera) through community- based collection centres (centros de acopio) or 7.3.2 Diffusion and use of new through more elaborate producers’ associations technologies called módulos. These organisations have a dual role; on one hand they were meant to facilitate As introduced above, major changes in sheep, transmission of information from extensionist to potato and milk production enterprises have oc- farmer, perpetuating a one-way model of tech- curred over the past 30 years at SJL. The key role nology transfer, while on another they were con- of new technology in community development and ceived as organisational vehicles to engender change is outlined below. community activism and autonomy (Catacora 1993). 7.3.2.1 Improved sheep breeds While some residents of SJL had previously A look at the contemporary use of disseminated raised a few cows for draft power and house- technologies has helped us evaluate the suc- hold milk production, the severe drought of 1982- cess of extension efforts involving improved 3 spurred widespread interest in dairying (and sheep in the 1960s. Impact was evident in the animal husbandry in general) as a potentially composition of local flocks in the early 1990s. A

246 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change census of all households at SJL in May, 1994, elderly residents. Before the intervention, people revealed that out of a total of 4635 sheep, 2779 mostly raised indigenous potatoes such as the (60%) were at least a 50% cross of Corriedale x “bitter” varieties (i.e., amarga—k’ullu and luk’i) and Criollo (henceforth referred to here as “im- “sweet” varieties (i.e., dulce—ajawiri, sultana and proved”). The remaining 1856 (40%) were less saqampaya). Producers used ox-drawn wooden than a 50% cross with the phenotype dominated plows for tillage, coats of ashes on top soil to help by Criollo features (Drs. L. Markowitz and C. control pests, and partially decomposed and fer- Valdivia, IBTA/SR-CRSP, unpublished data). The mented sheep manure (wanu) as fertiliser. Pro- proportion of improved animals at SJL was two ducers would either apply decomposed manure at to twelve-times higher than proportions of im- the moment of planting or spread the fields with proved animals observed in seven neighbouring fresh manure about five months before planting to communities (Table 7.1). Considered overall allow its gradual disintegration. Typically between across eight communities (including SJL) and a 40 and 60 quintals of wanu was used per hectare. grand total of 9724 sheep, about 5338 (or 55%) Potato fields were fallowed for six to 10 years in a were improved crosses. rotational scheme. In response to the aforemen- The analysis of what influenced adoption of tioned potato technical package, some 30 improved sheep revealed three associated fac- campesinos formed a cooperative in 1966. By 1967 tors, namely, community location, training and they secured credit to purchase a tractor, truck, Criollo sheep held. Statistics are shown in Table seeds and other inputs for collective potato crop- 7.2. As predicted, operations dominated by ping. Initially production boomed. Elderly infor- plains resources were positively associated with mants recall that trucks laden with potatoes would having improved sheep but, paradoxically, the roll out of the community on a weekly basis during finer-scaled variables of total cropped area or the harvest season (Jetté 1993). area planted to alfalfa were not significant Informants who had been former members of (P>0.37). Exposure to extension training was the cooperative pointed out that while profits from also a positive factor. Ownership of Criollo sheep increased potato production were high enough to was negatively associated with adoption of im- eventually pay off debt incurred by the coopera- proved sheep, presumably a substitution effect tive, participation brought the majority of mem- (Table 7.2). bers no long-term economic benefits (Huanca As previously indicated, the non-random pro- 1995). The cooperative eventually disintegrated as cess of sample selection may have lead to bi- farmers began to apply technology packages to ased coefficients; therefore, these results should their own private parcels. Residents of SJL have be interpreted with care. A relatively low repre- reported that potato production has subsequently sentation of female household heads and diffi- declined. Drops in soil fertility and shifts in other culty for women to attend extension meetings management practices have been implicated in may help explain why gender was not significant the decline of potato production at SJL, but the in the final model. The result was surprising be- most pervasive explanation may be cyclic declines cause sheep management is in the domain of in precipitation (see Section 3.3.4: Integration of women on the Altiplano. ecological findings). The drought of 1982-3 was In Section 4.3.3.4: Gender, livestock and thought by campesinos to be the termination point household welfare, it was noted that income from of the “potato boom,” which persisted for nearly sales of live sheep and sheep products was used 15 years (Huanca et al 1995). for welfare expenses at SJL. The survey of 80 Despite a perceived decline in levels of po- neighbouring households in seven other commu- tato production, producers in SJL during the early nities gave similar results (Markowitz 1995). Most 1990s still employed a combination of indigenous of the 80 households (i.e., 72%) listed food as and introduced methods for potato production. In the top priority purchase item from sheep sales other words, the innovations of the 1960s have while 11% listed school supplies and 6% listed been retained. The campesinos also expressed a clothing as top priorities. range of opinions and rationales concerning the relative merits of indigenous and introduced modes 7.3.2.2 Improved potato production of potato production. Table 7.3 summarises some Introduction of new potato technology in the 1960s aspects discussed more fully below. fundamentally altered potato production at SJL, First, cultivation of introduced potato variet- as revealed by Huanca’s (1995) interviews with ies (i.e., Papa alpha and Papa sani imilla) remained

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widespread at SJL in 1992-3. Lizárraga (1994) found either planted in separate rows or intermingled that during the 1992-3 agricultural cycle these were within furrows. planted in 91% of the plots controlled by sampled Diversification of potato production reflects households. Farmers cultivated a mix of seeds varied household needs for consumption, ex- from indigenous and introduced varieties in 78% change and production (Lizárraga 1994). Indig- of these fields, while just 9% of parcels contained enous varieties are better suited for making freeze- only indigenous seeds. The different cultivars were dried chuño (see Section 4.3.3.1: Household ac-

248 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

tivities and economy) and for certain types of tial dispersion of varieties also served as another food preparation. In contrast to the indigenous means to lessen the risk of frost damage (see varieties, however, the higher yielding introduced Section 4.3.3.1: Household activities and varieties received better market prices during economy). bumper years when sales were more likely. Intro- The use of tractor tillage has become wide- duced varieties, although less frost-resistant than spread at SJL largely because it has offered a indigenous varieties, had shorter growing peri- great savings of labour and time. Huanca (1995) ods which reduced their vulnerability to drought found that all households in her sample of 30 in the early spring and frost in late summer households used tractor tillage for at least the (Lizáragga et al 1995). Farmers attempted to avert initial stages of field preparation such as clear- risk by staggering sowing over three distinct pe- ing debris and furrowing. To plow one hectare with riods within the spring planting season (i.e., Au- animals takes one person four days. In contrast, gust through November) and by adjusting plant- a tractor could cover the same field in about three ing schedules to presence or absence of early hours, with the cost equivalent to about USD 28 rains and forecasts they drew from star patterns in 1993. Animal power still predominated, how- in the night sky and observing behaviour of wild ever, for the more delicate tasks of planting and animals (Huanca 1995). The aforementioned spa- soil mounding (el aporque) for potato production.

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 249 Markowitz and Valdivia

A second factor mitigating against heavy reli- most involved the relative ease of applying chemi- ance on animal traction has been the rise of small- cal fertilisers compared to manure application. holder dairying, which has led to reductions in num- Other aspects include perceived boosts for po- bers of Criollo bulls and oxen in household herds tato production, at least over the short term. (Huanca 1995, 163). Presumably this trend resulted Victoria et al (1994) found that nearly half of 25 from attempts to reduce competition between high- households in her survey at SJL reported that value dairy cows and lower-value oxen for limited labour was a key reason for greater reliance on forage resources. The campesinos also preferred chemical fertilisers. Today fresh manure—not de- to avoid using cattle for furrowing and other activi- composed—is applied to fields by hand at the ties which imposed high degrees of stress (Huanca moment of planting. Donkeys with wooden packs 1995, 163). It is possible that increased reliance or pulling sleds haul wanu from livestock corrals on tractor tillage has undermined some aspects near homesteads to the widely dispersed parcels. of the sustainability of the cropping matrix at SJL Contemporary farmers use, on average, 18.5 (see Section 3.3.4: Integration of ecological find- quintals (833 kg) of manure per hectare (Lizárraga ings). et al 1995). Even though this amount is less than The application of chemical fertilisers in place half that used by producers in the early 1960s of, or in combination with, wanu was also com- (Huanca 1995), applying wanu to a hectare of mon at SJL (Table 7.3). The motivations for in- land takes much more labour than does applying creased reliance on chemical fertilisers varied, but a 45-kg sack of chemical fertiliser typically used

250 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

for the same-sized plot (Lizárraga 1994). It should milk compared to those in any of 24 other com- be noted that this quantity of chemical fertiliser is munities in the Aroma sector (Markowitz and much less than the 225 kg per hectare recom- Valdivia 1995). This program has spurred invest- mended by local agronomists (Lizárraga 1994). ment in improved cattle at SJL and fostered a re- About half of surveyed households perceived that allocation of some land from food crop production chemical fertilisers boost crop production more to cultivated forage production. Of 33 core módulo than manure does (Victoria et al 1994). Lizárraga members surveyed, nearly half (i.e., 17) had taken (1994) measured potato fresh-weight yields from advantage of the PROFOLE rotating credit scheme plots treated with chemical fertilisers or manure to purchase forage seed and two thirds (i.e., 22) during the 1992-3 production year. The 14 plots had acquired improved cattle (Dr. L. Markowitz, fertilised with manure produced an average of 45 IBTA/SR-CRSP, unpublished data). Some 65 indi- kg fresh weight of potatoes per hectare, while 48 viduals were currently associates of the program, plots fertilised with urea produced an average of and about half of the members regularly delivered 88 kg fresh weight. A third important reason pro- milk to the PIL main office. Milk sales seasonally ducers use chemical fertilisers is their perception varied and this reflected calving patterns, rainfall that the chemical fertilisers can still be effective and forage conditions. Rain-fed forage conditions even if rainfall is deficient. Higher levels of rainfall were particularly important for poorer or more were seen as necessary for effective decompo- marginalised dairy producers who were less able sition of manure and recycling of nutrients to gain access to irrigated forage plots (Espejo (Huanca 1995). Similarly, Victoria et al (1994, 1994, 178). 14) found that 40% of interviewed households Despite fears that the PIL could be privatised noted that use of manure appears to exacerbate (Drs. L. Markowitz and C. Valdivia, IBTA/SR-CRSP, dry soil conditions in drought years, a perception personal observations), milk sales in SJL and that may have to do with water-retention proper- other communities in Aroma Province rapidly in- ties of organic material in manure (see Section creased, doubling between 1990 and 1992 3.3.4: Integration of ecological findings). Finally, (Illanes et al 1995). In 1992 producers in SJL producers explained to Huanca (1995) that two delivered about 85 000 l of milk. A major stimu- other benefits of chemical fertilisers were a re- lus of further involvement in milk duced presence of worms and weed seeds. commercialisation at SJL was a drought in 1991. Advantages of using manure have also been Many campesinos lost their entire potato crop that noted by Victoria et al (1994) and Huanca et al year, rendering milk sales a crucial source of cash (1995). These include the fact that manure use income. The prospect that dairying, at least when does not require a cash outlay—a 45-kg sack of based on irrigated forage cultivation, could be- chemical fertiliser cost around USD 26 during the come a relatively stable source of income in the time of our study—and that potatoes grown with face of wide swings in annual rainfall, became in- manure reportedly have a better flavour. Victoria creasingly attractive (Jetté 1993). et al (1994, 14) found that half of her informants The potential for a higher and more stable in- thought that manure improved “the physical prop- come appears to strongly motivate households at erties of soil,” in contrast to use of chemical SJL to invest in dairy cattle, along with support fertilisers. A common local opinion used to ex- technologies such as irrigated alfalfa plots (Illanes plain a perceived, gradual decline in crop pro- et al 1995). Households begin to rely on the higher duction at SJL was that “the land seems tired” plane of income derived from dairying, and they (Huanca 1995, 147). We speculate that there want to protect their large investment in improved could be a causal link between this perception and cows. While a Criollo cow may cost USD 250 to a long-term decline in manure use. Our IBTA/SR- 300, the improved crosses can easily cost twice CRSP project, however, was unable to conduct a as much (see Section 4.3.3.1: Household activi- detailed investigation of soil management on crop ties and economy). It was only through improved lands. Priorities for future research are found in animals that households could realise substantial Section 8.3: Recommendations. increase in earnings: a Criollo cow gave at best 3 to 4 l of milk per day, while an improved animal 7.3.2.3 Dairy production yielded 10 to 12 l per day (Illanes 1994). By 1995, over one-third of households at SJL par- Out of 46 households sampled at SJL, Illanes ticipated in the PIL dairy cooperative activity. By et al (1995) found 28 to be involved in dairying early 1994 the producers at SJL were selling more while 18 were not. Household attributes are con-

Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga 251 Markowitz and Valdivia trasted in Table 7.4. Particularly notable differences 7.4 Conclusions occurred in terms of total crop land, cultivated for- age and improved cattle. The residents of San José Llanga have experi- Results from the logistic regression on dairy enced an exceptional degree of exposure to ex- adoption are shown in Table 7.5. The model cor- tension initiatives and market incentives to alter rectly predicted the non-adopters and 94% of their time-tested traditions. It indeed has been an adopters. Access to cultivated feed resources and ideal “living laboratory” for study of development wealth largely explained adoption. Wealth was processes. important because it conferred risk tolerance. We Our review of technology transfer indicates expected that more diversified producers would that interventions involving improved sheep and also adopt dairying, but other studies have shown improved potatoes have been sustained for about that involvement in dairying reduced the need for 30 years, and there was no sign that their basic off-farm employment (Céspedes et al 1995). utility would wane in the near future. As described Synergisms between dairying and production in previous chapters, these interventions have of improved sheep have been observed. Dairying been successful in terms of economic impact, at has been shown to be positively correlated with least over the short- to medium-term. having improved sheep. It has also been noted Because interventions have involved produc- that the stimulus to adopt dairy cattle has spurred tion of more marketable commodities, it was not the spread of cultivated forage which, in turn, has surprising that the relative emphasis on various further affected production of improved sheep as commodities appeared to wax and wane with a secondary effect (Yazman et al 1995; Valdivia market signals. In the case of smallholder dairy- and Jetté 1996). ing, drought provided additional incentive for

252 Sustaining Agropastoralism on the Bolivian Altiplano: The Case of San José Llanga Patterns of technology adoption at San José Llanga: Lessons in agricultural change

adoption. Macro-events thus seem to set the stage Recently we have entered the “dairy boom.” for technology adoption, rather than merely micro- One lesson from our historical analysis is that level (e.g., household-level) events. The political change is constant. The dairy boom will end, and economy therefore influences these dynamics something else will take its place. It would be wise, because it influences windows of economic op- therefore, to emphasise technical, outreach and portunity. policy measures that promote a dynamic market As reviewed in previous chapters, introduced awareness and an opportunistic capacity to re- technologies have been effectively mixed with tra- spond to change in communities like SJL (see ditional options at SJL. Consequences of intro- Section 8.3: Recommendations). Rampant eco- duced technologies have not all been positive or logical and economic shocks dictate that the most neutral, however. Many consequences have been economically diverse households will be the least unintended or unforeseen. Technology packages vulnerable over the long haul. for improved potato may have ultimately compro- mised soils in the crop land matrix. Benefits of 7.5 Literature cited dairying may be biased towards males and the wealthier strata of society, contributing further to Baldwin D. 1966. Foreign Aid and American For- wealth polarisation. Because of their traditional eign Policy: A Documentary Analysis. Praeger, socioeconomic role, improved sheep have a gen- New York, New York, USA. 257 pp. der bias in favour of female managers. An increas- ingly parcelised and diverse cropping matrix may Berdegué J. and Escobar G. 1995. New directions yield more work for females, both in terms of at- of the systems approach for the modernization of tentive shepherding and field maintenance. Latin American peasant agriculture. Journal for The ability of households to adopt dairying or Farming Systems Research-Extension 5:1-30. improved sheep was inextricably linked to their access to cultivated forages. The ability to culti- Biggs S. and Clay E. 1988. Generation and diffu- vate forages was linked to landscape location. It sion of agricultural technology: Theories and ex- is likely that synergisms occur among technolo- periences. In: Ahmed I. and Ruttan V. (eds), Gen- gies that affect their prevalence over time. Although eration and Diffusion of Agricultural Innovation: The adoption and relative emphasis on any particular Role of Institutional Factors. Gower, Brookfield, innovation appear to have a dynamic or episodic USA. pp. 19-67. character, the overall push towards modernisation may be compromising the ability of the people to Bromley D. and Chavas J.P. 1989. On risk, trans- grow their own food. actions, and economic development in the semi-

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