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Portraiture and the Persians

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Portraiture and the Persians Portraiture and the Persians Kenneth Sheedy The purpose of this brief paper is was the king who guaranteed the coin’s to consider the relationship between the value. The first coins were of electrum, choice of coin types to represent the a mix of gold and silver which occurred authority of the Persian king and his as a natural alluvial ore in Lydia, but in officials, and the emergence of portraiture which the proportion of gold to silver on coins during the fourth century BC. fluctuated.3 It reflects the recent work of a number Robert Wallace has argued that the of scholars, and is intended simply as creation of coinage came about through an expression of some thoughts (not all a need to guarantee a standard value conventional) on the background to the for a metal object whose intrinsic value royal coinages of the Hellenistic period.1 might vary considerably (though we know now that the Lydians artificially increased Lydian electrum origins the silver levels).4 Recent American Ancient Greek coinage, paradoxically, excavations at the capital of Lydia, Sardis, was invented by the Lydians during the have confirmed that (despite uncertainty reign of Sadyattes (c.621–610 BC) or among modern scholars) the last Lydian perhaps more likely under Alyattes II king, Croesus, continued to mint electrum (c.610–560 BC).2 There is a temptation coins until around the mid sixth century to see the Lydians as pretenders to Greek BC, when as Herodotus claimed, the king culture. This distorted perspective fails to then produced separate gold and silver diminish the evidence that the Lydians, coinages.5 The Greeks knew a gold coin a ‘barbarian’ people, invented coinage to which they called a croesid and it should facilitate the administration of an economy be that which carried the obverse emblem of empire (which included Greek subjects). of the lion and bull. This invention can be seen as a logical When the Persian king, Cyrus the result of the extensive use of precious Great, captured the Lydian empire in 546 metals by eastern rulers and religious BC he was content to allow the mint at organisations to manage economies of far Sardis to continue issuing the old royal greater scale and complexity than anything coinage of the Lydians. Even though the achieved in Greece until the reign of Mermnads had fallen from power the Alexander. It was a Lydian idea to put the royal seal of the Lydian king continued royal seal (the lion’s head; Figs 1a and to guarantee this coinage for some thirty b) on the coin so as to identify it as the years until, under Darius I around 510 BC, possession of the king and to assert that it a new, ostensibly Persian, coinage was introduced. 120 JNAA 17 2006 Portraiture and the Persians a. b. a. b. Figure 1. Lydia. Electrum trite. Figure 2. Persian mint at Sardis. Siglos. ACANS Colln. Marr Bequest. ACANS. output circulated very largely in the west A Persian coinage of the empire, well away from the royal The gold coin of the Persians was treasuries in Persis itself. Coinage was not called a daric by the Greeks (this was later minted in the eastern half, which included explained as a reference to Darius, but the heartland of the empire, the province it should also be noted that dari was Old of Parsa or Persis (Fars in modern day Persian for golden).6 The silver coin was Iran). Coinage was essentially alien to the a siglos, a word linked to shekel (Figs 2a Persians. It was viewed as a means by which and b). The obverse of both coins shows a the financial administration of the western bearded figure wearing the tiara and armed lands could be achieved. The Persians, like with a bow (hence the popular Greek name the Romans, typically adopted and adapted toxotes or archer); he might also carry a local practices in their approach to the task quiver, a spear, or sword. This cannot be of ruling foreign people. They were happy seen as an attempt to create a portrait of to accept the role of coinage in the local the king—but it is a representation of the political economies and tolerated a certain king. It may simply be noted here that amount of freedom in the right to mint these are the very first coins to show a coins and in the selection of coin images. representation of a king and arguably the Herodotus (3.89) tells us that at tax time very first to show a representation of a coinages were treated as bullion; a subject living person. state could offer any coins, for they were Let us remind ourselves of some simply all melted down by the Persians salient points about Persian coinage. It is and made into ingots. a sobering fact that the mint of Sardis was There are few coin hoards from Iraq the imperial mint of the Persian king; it and Iran which predate the invasion of is the only mint known to have certainly Alexander. But, remarkably, two of the struck royal Achaemenid coinage. Sardis earliest dated hoards in existence come was the capital of the second most western from deposits within the foundations satrapy of the empire. It is at one end of of the palace at Persepolis which were the royal road from Susa, some 2,500 km begun by Darius I in the decade 520–510 away or 90 days travelling at 30 km a BC, just prior to the reform of Persian day.7 In short, this single royal mint was coinage.8 These held a total of eight gold physically a long way from the king. Its croesids, and four silver coins of the JNAA 17 2006 121 Kenneth Sheedy Greeks. The mix of coins officially minted in the person of the king or in the king’s under Persian control but still carrying the officials. It is at this point that the question iconography of the last Lydian king, and of portraiture joins the discussion, for a then of coins randomly, it would appear, number of scholars have claimed to be from subservient (Abdera, Cypriot cities) able to perceive the features of individuals and independent (Aegina) Greek states is among these types. puzzling in the context of the Apadana In 1948 Stanley Robinson proposed with its carefully orchestrated range of that portraits of two Persian satraps, images of Persian royal power. It would Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, could appear that our own modern understanding be seen on some rare late 5th or early of the symbolism of coinage was not 4th century BC coins from Caria.9 Later shared by the Persian king himself. scholars, notably Leo Mildenberg, have We can divide the different minters pointed out that there is very little to within the (western) Persian Empire into substantiate any part of Robinson’s three categories. Firstly, there was the thesis.10 There are no inscribed names Persian king; next, there were high ranking to identify the men on the coins and no Persian officials (satraps and governors); supporting texts to prove that they even and thirdly, there were his subjects, the minted coins. We are not even sure where client kings and cities. The money of the they were found. The soft cap with bow king from his mint at Sardis carried an tie at front and absence of a tiara indicates image of the king but never an inscription. that this is not a representation of the His officials ordered subject cities and Persian king. But all three carry part of the kingdoms to produce coin issues using inscription BASILEUS—the king—and local expertise and equipment; sometimes this must mean that they were struck for these probably carried the normal types the great king. The only argument for their of the mint, but those we can detect status as satrapal issues, as Mildenberg employed the same types combined with pointed out (and Mildenberg would argue new inscriptions or introduced new types that satrapal coinages did not exist), rests with new inscriptions. These legends with the identification of the obverse identified the minting authority either as types as portraits of the satraps. There the Persian king, in which case no actual was of course no Greek tradition of coin name is given, just his title, or as the king’s portraiture at this time. There was also no official (but here only personal names are Persian tradition, and there never would given and not the office). The new obverse be one. The Greek and Persian traditions types were typically representations of converge at this time in dictating that these Persians: a head, bust or even full length images would be emblematic. Modern figure, marked out with the appropriate studies such as that of Borchhardt, which iconography of rank. These were not have benefited from the appearance of depictions of gods or heroes. They were much new material, have shown the exis- meant to be understood as representations tence of an elaborate typology of Persian of men. They signalled that the authority head types.11 The dies were cut by local for the issue of the coins was invested artists and followed the contemporary 122 JNAA 17 2006 Portraiture and the Persians conventions of Greek art (and it is the skill heavy brow, and a long rather uneven nose. in rendering the human form which drives Borchhardt recognised six separate portrait speculation over portraiture), but even types which in sequence appear to document when an inscription is present the images the aging of Mithrapata, suggesting that the are to be understood as representations die engravers tried to capture something of of authority, serving the same function as his features on each occasion that new dies the cut-out figure of the king on his own were commissioned.13 coins.
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