A Home, A Husband, and Now a Baby: The Implications of Premarital Conception in Gibraltar, 1960-1996

Siacie D.A. Burke

A thesis submitted in confonnity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Phüosophy Graduate Department of Anthropology University of Toronto

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The majority of studies examining risk factors for adverse infant outcomes of pregnancy, such as low birthweight and prcmaturc. dclivcry. eiher dircctly examine the effects of rnother's marital status at binh or incorprate molher's marital status at bhth into statistical -1s as an important confounding factor. The p~icnririleffeçt of motha's mitritai status ut conception, however, hrts ben largely overiooked as a possible risk factor for adverse pregnancy outcornes.

This study focuses on assessing the risks of premarital conception among mothers in the

Mdtemnean community of Gibraltar, ri smd1 Rritish overseas territory located at the southern tip of Spain. Thc study inclucks ail wanicn who dclivcred tlieir first liveborn, singleton infant in

Gibraltar betwren the years 1960 to 1996. Thciugh dl molhrs (n=3284) in the study were married at the time of their first biriti, som 20 percent (n=672) conceiveci out of wedlock and subsequentiy marriecl in the intcrval kiwwn conception and birth. Losistic regression analysis is used to evaluate which factors are significantly associatèd wirh predicting premarital conceivers.

Subsequent analyses consider any effects of premarital conception on two adverse infant outcomes, full-term low birthweight (4500 gram) and prernarurity (<37 weeks gestation), and infant feeding choice (breast- or artificial-feeding) as one proxy of psi-panum molhenng behaviour. Foilowing in the anthropological tradition of community contextudizrition, interpretations of the empiricai analyses are grou- in Gibraltarian discourse on sexuality, marriage, and chilâbearing. Results indicate that premaritd conception represents a signifiant risk factor for both premarure &livery and choosing to artificiai feed. Premaritd conception is na significantly associated with an increased odds of full-term low birthweight. Severtil possible pathways are offered to accwnt for the heightened risk of premture delivery, each centered around the likelihood that premarital conceivers are exposeci to higher levels of stress and anxiety in the ante- natal period relative to rnaritally-conceiving women. The possibihty of a differentiai nature in the mothering role adopteâ by premarital conceivers is examined with respect to infant feeding choices. Realizing early on in the Ph.D. program that the process of doing research was as important as its ultimate culmination in this thesis, 1 eagerly awaited the opporzunity to recognize all of the -pplewho belped dong the way. It seems that moment is mwat hanô. My utmost thanks must first be paid to my cioctaal supervisor, Dr. Larry Sawchuk 1 sincerely klieve that even the closest scrutiny of a thesaurus could not yield enough adjectives to adequately describe Lm's nature as a supervisor; instead, 1 will settle fm just oiie - outstanding. It was Larry who inîroduced me to research in Gibraltar and helped me to immerse myself very quickly in fieldwork. Throughout the research and the writing-up, Larry had the uncanny ability to inspire me and to challenge me. Always accessible and extremely practiced in the art of patience, Larry could aiways be iurnrd io for support wkn it was needed most. Thrwgh his carefui supervision and knd hiendship, Larry instilied in me a strong appreciation for the Wnies hard work, dedication, and focus. At the same time. be taught me to be diverse and flexible in our research collaborations. Even as 1 finish the PB.D., 1 am looking forward to continued coliaboration wilfi Lmy. the only question king which project to dig into first. To the memkrs of my core cornmittee, Dr. David Begun and Dr. Bob Shrrley, 1 offer sincttrt: thanks for following ~hroughliom proposai [O product, for &tailed readings of the thesis, and the critical feedback and encouraging wmds which followed. Many of the& suggestions have either already knincorporated or wilI be specificrilly targeted in future fieldwork. Thanks are also extended tu Dr. Icrry Melbyc who carefull y read the thesis and made substantial contributions to the defence. In his rok as exterml apgrriiser, Dr. Alan Swedlund was invaluable, providing a completely fresh pcrspeclive on thc work His extensive comrnents, &t;iileû observations and final critique were al1 spot-on and will greatiy enhance the direction of future research in this area. 1 must also ackmwledge the Division of Social Sciences at the Scarborough campus where I worked Myover the length of the Ph.D. program. To h.Ted Relph. Chair, and Audrey Glaskrgen and Carole Tuck, 1 Uiank yw for your hospitaiity and suppon and for allowing me to foster my burgeoning work ethic early on in such a stable and welcoming environment. The diverse faculty of social scientists in the Division kqt me weil educated in the world wtside of anthropology whiïe providing a much appeciated sew of belonging. Wiihin anthropology, Drs. Frances Burton. Marti Latta, and Jennifer niompson are sincerely thanked for their open doors. counscl, and friendship. There were mny Gibraltarians who were instrumental in the success of this research. Dr. Sam Benady, pediatrician, and Sister Paula Galliano, midwife, both of St. Bernard's Hospital, were extremely supportive of the research initiative and to them 1 am extremely appreciative for fiicilitating the 'birth' of this thesis. 1 would imagine that this is the fust time you've sen someone labour for five yrs! Along with the midwives and staff in Mateniity, 1 am pleased to have the opportunity to thank you al1 publicly, not only far beiieving in the research, but also for tfie exîrernely welcoming and friendiy nature of the department and for all of the conversation and tea breaks dong the way. 1 also wish to thank Rosernary Cox, Gibraltar's Heath Visita, for aii of hm assistance. insight. and hospitality at the pi-mial clinics in the Hdth Centre. Tommy Finlayson, Government Archivist, provided much appreciated assistance in negotiating my way through the coIlection of recent historicai documents available in the archives. TO those Gibraftarians who agreed to be interviewai and who necessarily remah nameless - your contributions give this Wsis a richness which otherwise would not have ken possible. 1 thank you sincerely for your sharp insight and frank openness. Finally, and on a more social note, 1 wmld iike to collectively thank all of the Gihaltarians who were simply overflowing with warm welcornes, kindness, and friendship chng the five rnonh of fieldwork I undertmk in the community. Our travels, our dimrs, and ouf trtlks al1 retain a special place in my memory. On the home front, 1 owc the Iargest dcbi of gratitude to my fiimily for tfieir enduring support and long-term understînding of the unique &man& which the doctoral program must necessarily impose. To my parents, Dianne and Demis Burke, I owe particular thanks. The stmcture of my life. induding the PhD., is only possible because of the soiid foundation you have both provided. II was also my family which kepi me grounded in social reality and to dl, including Mikc. nrcnda, Scott. Alcx. Myrna, and Chules, 1 thank you &arly. 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Thesis Objectives ...... 6 1.3 Chapter Surnmiuies ...... 7

CHAITER2 PREMARITAL SEXUALITY AND PREGNANCY...... 10

2.1 Introduction ...... 10 2.2 Non-Conjugal Sexual intercourse: Putting Self 'ot risk ' for pregnanq ...... 10 2.3 Extra-Marital Pregnancy: F~tcrorsInfluencing the Decision to Legitimize ...... 14 2.4 The Influence of Marital Status on Pregnancy Outcornes...... 17

3.1 Prelude ...... 18 3.2 Gencrd Characteristics: Gibraltar. 1960- 1996 ...... 20 3.3 The 15" Siegr of Gibraitar: Political Motivation and Social Isolation...... 24 3.4 Characterising the Comrnunity ...... 27 3.4.1 Under the Warchful Eye: Personof Lives In the Public Forum ...... 27 3.4.2 Education: Opportunity or Constraint? ...... 31 3.4.2.1 Education services ...... ,...... 31 3.4.2.2 11 + tests and stream-lining ...... 33 3.4.2.3 Scholarships: opening the grrut window of opportuniy ...... 37 3.4.3 Women 's Employment: A Maruring Aspiration ...... 40 3.4.3.1 Finding Their Plme in the Workforce ...... 40 3.4.3.2 Women's Pay ...... i...... 41 3.4.3.3 me First Inductive Force ...... 42 3.4.3.4 The Second Inductive Force ...... 44 3.4.3.5 The Thid Inductive Force ...... 46 3.4.3.6 Murriud Wonlun: A Large!,' Untvppvd Worworce ...... A ...... 48 3.4.3.7 Finding Thrir OWI Niche ...... 49 3.4.4 Housing ...... 52 3.4.4.1 The New Clas-Linkcid Initiative ...... 52 3.4.4.2 The Housing Waiting List ...... 53 3.4.4.3 A New Strategy ...... -55 3.4.4.4 Setting Our Sighrs On Honie Ownership ...... 56 3.4.4.5 The Middle Class Honie Ownrrship Ideul ...... 57 3.4.5 Materni ty Services: The Nature of Ante-Natal Cure ...... 59

CHAPTER4 MATERIALSAND METHODS...... 63 .

4.1 Materials...... 63 4.2 Metho& ...... 68 4.2.1 Sampk Selecrion ...... &.***68 4.2.2 Coding Strategies ...... 71 ...... -7 4.3 Analysis . . . . 5 4.3.1 Descriptive Sratistics...... -75 4.3.2 Muftivariate Statistics ...... 75 4.4 Daia Limitations and Methodological Advantages ...... 76

5 .L Sampk Characteristics ...... 78 5.2 Changes in Marital and Childbearing Behaviour: The Whole Sample ...... 85 5.2.1 Age ut Marriuge ...... 85 5.2.2 Mother 's Age at First Birrh ...... 91 5.2.3 Intend Benwsn Marriuge and Conception ...... 93 5.3 Changes in the Frequenc y of Pre-Marital Conception Over Tirne ...... 96 5.4 Changes in Marital and Childbearing Behaviour Over Tirne: Marital Conceivers and Prcmruital Conceivers...... 98 5.4.1 Age ut Murriugu ...... 98 5.4.2 Age at First Binh ...... 102 5.4.3 Interval Between Marriage and Conception ...... 105 5.4.4 7hc Nuturc of rhc Premorital Conceiver 's Interval ...... 109 5.4.5 Place of Marriuge ...... 112 5.4.6 Individuid Fucwrs: Fathur 's Stutus ...... 115 5.4.7 Individuof Factors: Prr vious Moritd Stutus ut Marriage ...... 115 5.4.8 Socioecononiic Milieu: Wifr S Occupation...... 117 5.4.9 Socioeconomic Milieu: Father 's Occupation ...... 121 5.4.10 Purmer Choice: Husband / Wife Age Difference ...... 121 5.4.1 1 Purmer Choice: Parent's Birthploce ...... 121 5.4.1 2 Partner Choicu: Cohubirarion ...... 124 5.5 Multivarhe Andysis ...... 126 5.5.1 Esrimaring the Risk for a Prrmaritd Prqnuncy ...... 1 26 5.5.2 Metho&logicul Shift ...... 130 5.5.3 Health and Behcrvioural Outconrvs ...... *...... ,...... *....*...*...... 1 31 5.5.3.1 Low Birthweight ...... 131 5.5.3.2 Prrmoturity ...... 132

vii 5.5.3.3 Anificial Fueding ...... 135

6.1 Introduction ...... 138 6.2 Unleashing the (Premarital ) Sexual Urge ...... 139 6.3 Cornrnitted Courtship: "How can you say 'no' if you've been together for years" ...... 141 6.4 Contraception: Coaxing the Genie Out of the Bottle ...... 144 6.4.1 Contraception Amng Married Women: Timing the Desire to "Sendfor the Babv " ...... 145 6.4.2 Contraception Amng Unmorried Women ...... 119 6.5 The Night-Life of Unmarried Woman: Discos, Drinks. and Drugs ...... 151 6.6 Putting Self ai Risk for a Premarital Conception: Who is Most Likely ...... 152 6.7 Limited Opportunity and Motherly Ambitions ...... 154 6.7.1 Who We Are is Who We Are and That 's Not Going tu Change ...... 154 6.7.2 Setting Our Sights on Whar We Want: Education ...... 156 6.7.2.1 Highcr Educarion: Should 1 stq or should I go? ...... 156 6.7.2.2 Comprehensivr school: Do I really need to be here? ...... 158 6.7.3 You. ME. and the Baby Moke niree: The Value Placrd on Motherhood ...... 159 6.8 Breakhg the Glitss Globe: The Changing Circurnstance of Premarital Conception ...... 161 6.9 Health and Behavioural Implications of Premarital Conception ...... 162 6.9.1 Low Birthweighf and Premuturity ...... 163 6.9.2 Infant Feeding fracrices ...... 171 6.10 Long-term Implications for Prrrnÿrit;il Conceivers ...... 173 6.1 1 Marriage and Mothcrhood: On thc Wüne?...... 175

7.1 Conclusions ...... 176 7.2 Implications ...... 178

viii Table 4.1 Inforninfio~iObtairie&'Derived frm rhe Mureniity Registry ...... 63 Table 4.2 Inforniarion ObtuinetVDerived froa the Gibraltar Govemment 's Birihs Registry ...... 64 Table 4.3 Infomfion Obtainedfrom the Gibraltar Govemmeni's Mam'age Registry ...... 66 Table 4.4 Birth Coliort Definition ...... 68 Table 5.1 Overoll Sociodeniogrnphic Saniple Characteristics of Couples at I" Binh ...... 79 Table 5.2 Overall Sociodernugraphic Sample Charocteristics of Couples ai Mam-age ...... 81 Table 5.3 Ckerall Delivery. Infant. and Feeding Sample Characterisrics ...... 84 Table 5.4 Wives' und Husbands' Mean Age ai Marriage by BN.rh Cohort ...... 86 Table 5.5 Mean Hirsbn~r&'WQèAge Difference at Marriage by Cohorr ...... 88 Table 5.6 Distribitrion of MorhervsAge tir Marriage by Cuhorr ...... 89 Table 5.7 Disrribitrion of Fatlier's Age or Marriuge by Colion ...... 89 Table 5.11 Moiiter's Meurt Age ar Firsr Birtlt by Cohorr ...... 92 Table 5.9 Distribution of Mother's Age nt First Birth by Cohort ...... 92 Table 5.10 Mem Interval Beween Marriage and Mother's Last Mensrml Period (prior ro

conception) By Cuiiort (intemal ntecisitred in nion t hs ) ...... -95 Table 5.1 1 Prupuriiu~tof Firsr Uirths Prrninriinliy Conceived by Cohort ...... 97 Table 5.12 Pruporrio~iof Firsr Rirtlrs Coriceiwd Outside of Mnrriage by Cohorr ...... 97 Table 5.13 Wife 's Mean Age ar Marringe ...... 99 Table 5.14 Wije's Age or Mam'age ...... 99 Table 5.15 Farher's Mvun Age ar Marrilige ...... 100 Table 5.16 Motiter's Meun Age ar First Ijirrh ...... 103 Table 5.17 Motizrr 's Agr ot Firsr Birrh ...... 103 Table 5.18 Mean Interval Beîween Marriage and LMP (base masurefor conception)...... 106 Table 5.19 Interval Between Marriage and LMP (marital conceivers and premarital conceivers)...... t08 Table 5.20 111 remal Beîween LMP and Marriage: Premaritd Conceivers...... Ill Table 5.21 Interval Brîween LMP und Marriage -bMaremal Age: Premrital Conceivers ...... Il1 Table 5.22a Place of bîurrioge (Marital Comeivers and Premarital Conceivers)...... 113 Table 5.22b Mean Interval Between Mam'age and LMP Amng Marital Conceivers: Church Table 5.23 Bride 's Fnther's Starus ...... 1 16 Table 5.24 Groom 's Fnther 's Statrts ...... 116 Table 5.25 Wi/e's Marital Storm nt Marriage ...... 118

Table 5.26 Husband 's Mclriral Status at Marriuge ...... , ...... 118 Table 5.27 Mother's Occupational Status ut Marriage ...... 119 Table 5.28 Wife's Occupotional Association with Premcirital Conception. ull Cohorts Conibiried ...... 119 Table 5.29 Wife 's Occiipational Association with Preniorital Conception by Cohort ...... 120 Table 5.30 Fat lier 's Occuparional Associa rion wirh Prernarital Conception. al! Cohorts Combined ...... 122 Table 5.31 Father's Occupational Associarion with Premarifal Conception &y Cohort ...... 122 Table 5.32 HusbaridiWife Mean Age Difference at Marriage. Marital and Prernan'ral Conce ive rs ...... 123 Table 5.33 Purents ' Birrliploce . Morir(ii and P renuiritol Conceivers ...... 125 Table 5.34 Frequency of Couples Living Togetlier Prior tu Marnage. Marital and Premorital Conceivers...... 125 Table 5.35 Logistic Regrvssion Analyis Predicting for MarrieMJnmam'ed at Concepriun ...... 127 Table 5.36 Lugistic Kqression Aridysis: The Eflecr of Mariid Starirs nt Conception And Other Factors or1 hrr . ljirthrrlei~Irt...... 133 Tahle 5.37 Lugistic Rrgressiori Amd~sis:The Eflect of M(~rir

Appendix 1 Housing Ailocntion Scltenre (Revised 1987) ...... 18 1 AR Annual Repon AR DLSS Annual Repon, Department of Labour and Social Secunty AR DLW Annual Report. Department of Labour and Welfare AR DMHS Annual Report. Department of Medical and Health Services ARH Annual Repon on the Health of Gibraltar AR MD Annual Repon of the Medical Department AS Abstract of Statistics COR Colonial Office Reports DE Repon of the Department of Education ECP Executive Council Paper PR Press Report WCS Women's Corona Society Chapter 1

What got me wathe fact thor. I mighr sound selfsh, no?, but I had this baby in my han& and I thought 'Goodness me, lisis my responsibili~fur the rest of my lifè '...ad I thought 'hat's if, this one's mine Md I hovr to look Mer her. ' I man it war SCUV, I was realIy scared, selfsh in a way, no?, Mer al1 the baby hadn't aked to be boni but it war there. And then sudden&, you hw.goodness rne, what have I gotten myselj hto...a home, a husbcmd. and now o baby. [A Gibraltarian mother's reflections on having her f~stcchild]

1.1 Introduction

nie majority of studies assessing risksl of adverse inlant outcomes of pregnancy, such as low birthweight and premature delivery, either directly examine the effects of mother's maritai status at birth or incorporate mother's marital status at birth into statistral models as an important confounding factor (see, for example, Cramer, 1995;

Eisner et ai.. 1979; Golding et aL, 1986; Leon, 199 1; McIntosh et ai.. 1995). In stark contrast, however, the potential effect of rnother's marital status or conception on pregnancy outcomes has ken largely overloo ked. There are a great number of women who becorne pregnant outside of wedlock and then subsequently many their partnef in the inlerim between conception and bah. The dearth of medically-concerned studies aside. social scientists have a long-standing interest in this group of wornen and their cbaractetistic 'shoi-gun wedâings' or dependent marriages (see, for enample. Bourgeois-

Pichat, 1986; Cooksey. 1990; Pameii et al, 1994; Russell. 1994).

- ' Tbroughwt ibis thesis 'ri&' is mccpiuaiized either in its sociologicai sense (putthg self at risk for pregnancy) or iîs statistical sense (Eactors which place wornen at greater risk fa delivering premature infants). The exaa meaning depends on the context in wbich 'risk' is used. The lack of health-based attention given to premafitally-conceiWig women is paradoxicai given the fact that they rnay be exposed to a number of the risk factors uadiiionaîîy asrociated with negative infant outcomes. It is possible that premarital conceivers are overlooked since by virtue of marrying, they are not perceived as a group which may be at particuiar ri& for negative maternai or infant outcomes. In other words, because premarital conceivers have foliowed a normatively-defined route of legitimiuig

Wnpregnancy, they are not exposed to any greater risks compared to what a single moiher might face. This perspective, however, negates the assumption chat premacital conceivers and marital conceivers dBer in several fundamen ta1 wa ys, especially with respect to placing themselves at risk for pregnancy outside of marriage.

Another possible reason that prernarital conception has not been addressed in pregnancy outcome studies relates to the methodology of retrospective studies which are often based on chart reviews. Marital status at conception is not a question traditionally aslred in the coiiection of patient histories. In order to access this information in a retrospech study information must be avaïhble on the infant's date of birth, the infant's gestational age at deiivery. and on the parent's maniage date. It is only through the itnkage of muitipîe records (hospitai record and maniage record) that marital status at conception can be deduced. While the labour-intensive nature of proceeding with a linkage-based tesearch design may deter many investigators. this methodology is often impossible in large-sale populations lacking any computerization of civil registers.

Furhrmore. the more mobile the population (marrying in one community, and giving binh in another), the more Iîlrely it is Chat there wïli be a high 'lost to observation' rate,

- o. thuf dmimishylg the effectiveness of any study. Recognizing the notable gap in health studies to date, Sawchuk. Burke and Benady

(1997) foc~sedon the issue of prernarital pregnancy in Gibraltar for its potential effect on

birlliweight, using a case-study approach for infants bom between 1980 and 1984.

Gibraltar npresents an ideal cornmunity to mount a retrospective study such as this for a

number of reasons. Fust. St. Bernard's Hospital is the only cinüan hospitai in Gibraltar.

As a result, îhe hospital births registry includes virtually ali of the infants bom to local

women since very few children are delivered at home. Second. since there is ody one

Govemment Registry offie, alî births and marriages w hich take place in Gibraltar are

regisîered at this locaiized site. Third. since cornmon-law unions are not legay

recog&d Li Gibraltar there is a reduced iikeiihood that, relative to other localities.

couples wili truly view themselves as 'united' until an official ceremony. Fourth, the

drrmrcteristic low level of emigration from Gibraltar increases the probability that

indMduals wiU be located in both the binh and the mhgeregistries.

According to the results of this study, &ter conuoiiing for gestational age, sex of the mfaM and socioeconomic status, and age of the mother, women who were under 20 yean of age and weie prernarital conceivers bore children about 134 gram less than the overail mesfi birthweight of 3344 grams. DüTerences of statistical significance emerged when the cornparison of mean infant birthweight among rnaritaiiy-conceiving mothers over

20 yerrs of age to premaritally-conceiving mothers under 20 years of age was made.

According to 95% conWme intervals. the minimal mean infant birthweight Merence between these two groups of mothers was 33 gram while the maximal difference was 350 grarns, The current study wiii once again focus on assessing the of prernantal conception in the Mediterranean cornmunity of Gibraltar. It wiii augment the earlier study, expanding the time frame to births which occuned between 1960 and 1996. Simüar to historical studies of premarital conception (e.g.. Bates, 1986; Bouchard. 1993;

Carmichael. 1996; Smith and Hindus, 1975). the fkequency of premaritai conception will be addressed within the perspective of the comrnunity's ecological context over the.

Unlüre the Sawchuk. Burke and Benady (1997) study, this research will statisticaily mode1 the underlying characteristics that are associated with premarital conception. In O ther words. k wiii characterize which factors are signifïcantly associated with king a premantal as opposed to a maritai conceiver. Two diflerent indicators of matemal pregnancy experience. infant prematurity and 10 w birthweight. and one proxy of post-natal mothering behaviour, infant feeding technique, wili be addressed to gauge the significance of prernarid conception and its effect on matemal weii-king relative to marital conception.

Using irifant outcomes as a proxy for women's pregnancy experience is a vaiid approach that has been estabüshed in other studies (see Turner et ai., 1990). Though fitoutcomes are largely determined by matemai and infant biologicai factors (Filds and Frisancho. 1993; Kaaja et ai., 1992; Karim and Mascie-Taylor, 1997; Fraser et al,

1995; Magnus, 1984; Uliui and Terrenato. 1987). several behavioural risks, such as smoking, poor nutrition, under-utilisation of ante-natai care, and strenuous working conditions have also been demonstrated to have profound effects on infant outcome

(Berenson et aL, 1997; Brooke et al.. 1989; Fox et aL, 1994; Lenders et aî.. 1994; Savona-

Ventuni and Grech. 1990; Wergehd et ai.. 1998; Wilcox. 1993). Another complex of riplr ktm cenias uound psychosocial responses to Uie pregnancy experience. It is in lhip rralm thst investigators are concemed with the effects of lite events. chronic strains. racial support, and materna1 coping strategies on behaviour durhg pregnancy and successhil or adverse pregMncy outcomes (Giblin et al, 1990; Goldberg et al.. 1992;

Newton and Hunt. 1984: Wadhwa et al., 1993)

nie efkas of socîaiiy-entwined factors, such as single motherhood and law mckxconomic status, tend to resist easy explanations for their association with adverse infant outcomes. Much of the di&culty in expiainhg the effects of these 'social factors' is moted in the fkt thPt their effects are often mediated through a cornpiex web of biobgical behaviourai, and psychosocial risk factors (see McConnick et ai., 1990; Rutter and Quine. 1990). Effective research strategies must be prepared to deconstruct sociaüy- denaed rbb m order to understand how, for example, being from a working ch background adverseIy impinges on a woman's experience with pregnancy.

Despite the fact that social factors may have Less of an absolute impact on low birthweight and prernature deliveries than biological factors, the y retain great clhical siginficance. UntiLe the majority of biological ri& factors, sociaily-intluenced risk is potentially modifiable so long as the correct root causes sssociated with disadvantage can be isolated (Krarner, 1987). Any attempts to more hliy understand and prevent low birtbweiglu and premature deliveries are worthy of ment given the strong association between these ad- outcomes and infarit mortality and morbidity (McCormick, 1985;

McGauhey et al. 199 1; Nauk 1997; Popkin et aL. 1993; Rajanihiiman and Venkateswara

Rao. 1984; Read et aL, 1994; Richardson et ai., 1993; Roder et al. 1993; Rogers, 1989; ROM et al. 1993; Roussounis. 1993; Uiizzi. 1993; Wilcox and Skjzrven. 1992; Wky,

1994).

1.2 Thesis Objectives

The primary objectives of this rese~rchare multi-fold:

1. to examine temporal trends in the freguency of premarital conoepüon in Gibraltar. basad on meir sample of all births (al1 parities) to women under 25 years of age which occurred between 1980 anâ 1984, SawchuL. Burke, and Benady (1997) estimate that U)percent were premuiuilly conceived. Given the sample for the curent shidy of al1 fïrst births to mothers of all ages which ocmedbetween 1960 to 1996, how does the 6rerpuency of premvital collceptim compare?' how dOg the Eequency of pernarital conception change over tiw, given the faa that Gibraltu, iik most allier comminities. has undergam sigiuficant social cbange over timR

1. to detamine wht characteristics are most strongly asociated with the occurrence of premarital conception among prirni pmswornen.

3. to evaluate the impact of premzuitai conception on sdected infant outcornes (iow birthweight, prernanirity) and mothering behaviair (choice of infant feeding technique).

The secondary objectives are:

1. to situate empifical findings within Gibraltvirn discourse on sexuality, marriage3, and childbearing. This is panicularly important since there are no published accouru on Gibraitariaa chiîdbearing practices.

2. to suggest how preveniive intervention, bas& on the rdtsof the study, may be of use in the local cornmunity.

The ex&eact ofpcmpri

Chapter Tw: l?teoretical Frumework

Chapter two provides a background perspective on theories generated by social scientists with respect to sexuaiity and conception out of wedlock. Additional studies examine correlates with individual choice regarding whether or not to legitimize a pregnancy wkhhas occurred out of wedlock. Both individual- and community-level factors work to structure an 'ecoiogical' perspective on extramarital sexual intercourse and pregmcy. Potential pathways for the infiuence of marital status at conception on pregnancy outcome and mothering behaviour are proposed.

Chapter niree: Convnunity Selring

Based on the importance of an 'ecological perspective,' this chapter examines signiricant develo prnents in Gibraltar since 1960 to the present. Poiitical events. educatio n reform. employrnent opponunities for women. and housing developments are all examined for their potential impact on the local setting in which decisions regarding exvamarital sexuaiïty and pregnancy resolution are forged. More extensive consideration of the direct impact of these factors wiiî also be presented in the Discussion section.

Chapter Four: Materiah and Methoab

This chapter outlines the type of empirical data coiiected and the ueatment of this data tlirough traditional methods of family reconstitution. Sampiing and coding strategies are outlined, as weii as discussion over the use of descriptive statistics and Iogistic regression. The specitic merits and limitations of a retrospective study are addressed. Chapter Five: Results

Results are presented fitfor temporal trends in marital and childbearing for the

whoie sample with subsequent comparative consideration of marital versus premarital

conceivets Contrasts are made between 5 birth cohom within the 1960 to 1996 study

period. with each cohon representing a pivotal point around the 1969 to 1985 border

closure between Spain and Gibraltar. Multivariate analysis considers which underlying

factors are most strongly predictive of premarital conception. Additional multivariate

modeis are generated to examine the effects of prernarital conception in predicting for low

birthweight, prematurity. and choice to artifciai feed.

Chopter Six: Discussion

This chapter evaluates the nature of premaritd conception with respect to

Gibraltarian discourse on their community's ecological consmct. Sexuaüty, marriage.

childbearing, and the nature of life in Gibraltar w hich may impinge on decisions regardhg

the risk of prernarital sexuality and placing self at risk for pregnancy are all considered.

Possibk hypotheses for empiricaiiy-defmd risks for adverse inlant outcornes and

mothe~gbehaviour are developed kom within the cornmunity perspective.

Chopter Seven: Conclusions und Implications

nie nnal chapter summarizes the salient fiidings of the researc h and extrapolates on the potential futwe impact of extramaritai sexuality given the enormous changes occurring within the comrnunity. Important possibüities for positive intervention in reducing the impact of low birthweight. premûturity, and aniocial feeding within the community are addressed. Chapter 2 Prernarital Sexuality and Pregnancy Theoreticai Background

2.1 Introduction

Sawchuk, Burke. and Benady (1997) did not attempt to explain the possible

reasons why young women in Gibraltar were engaging in non-conjugal sex and placing

themselves at risk for pregnancy outside of wedlock. Since the current study will attempt

to meet this nsearch objective, it is important to understand something of the factors

which impinge on sexual decision-making and pregnancy negotiation. This section WU

begin by examining both personal and environmental factors which Muence the decision

to engage in sexual relations. The second part of this section addresses perception on

pregnancy and coping strategies in the event of a rnistimed or unwanted pregnancy. The

finai section considers possible pathways by whrh a premarital pregnancy may place a

woman at increased ri& for adverse outcomes.

2.2 Non-Conjugal Semol In tercourse: Putting Self 'a& &kJ for pregnancy

Many studies addressing behaviourai risks of premarital sexual ac tivity tend to

focus on adolascents. As a group which has not yet reached adult status. adolescents are

targeted by Mue of policy concerns not oniy on theû heaith (with respect to sexuaïiy

aaasmitted diseases) but also the potentidy greater negative outcomes which might arise

should an adolescent woman become pregnant. The United States has ken the focus of wide-scale study hto the dynamics of unwed adolescent pregnancy, rnainly because it shows the highest bels of ieenage pregnancy in the Western world. In 1981. for exampie, an estimated 1 in 10 American teenage women became pregnant between 15 to

19 years of age (Jones et al., 1986).

Most studies on adolescent sexuality tend to focus on individual-level risk factors which are associated with a greater likelüiood of engaging in sexual intercourse. In their research on adolescent sexual activity in the United States. Smdand Luster (1994) not only isolateci a number of sigrifkant nsk factors. but aiso concluded that the number of risk factors to which an adolescent is exposed cm elevate or decrease the likelihood that they wül partake in sexual intercourse. Poor school atmchment and performance. low parentai education. frequent aicohol use. a history of physical or sexual abuse. and permissive parental vahies regarding senial behaviour among teens were all recognized as sig nifican t individual- or familial-level risk factors.

Russeii (1994) determined that social maladjustment and tension in the home beginning at 7 years of age was significantly related with teenage women's subsequent sexual behaviour leaving them an increased nsk for a premarital pregnancy. The nature of personai rektionships to which teens are exposed can ais0 infiuence sexual behaviour.

Notably teens who were involved in comrnitted relationships were &O found to be at greater rislr for sexual activity, prîxnariiy because they had greater opportunity for sexual activity (Small and Luster, 1994).

Beyond the individual levei, research by both Smaii and Luster (1994) as weIî as

Billy, Brewster, and Grady (1994) has uncovered significant communal or 'ecologicai' factors which infiuence the decision to engage in extra-marital sexual activity. In developing their theorecical perspective. Büly et ai. ( 1994) propose that the nature of the community in which adolescents are living rnay encourage or discourage sexual behaviour

based on the community's opportunie structure and code of normative or acceptable

behuviow.

Community socioeconomic statu (SES), as defmed by incorne and poverty levels,

housing conditions and values, and educationaf attainment, is singled out as one of the

single most important factors shaping adolescent sexual be haviour. Ado kscents living in

Iow SES communities or who are members of poorer subsets within communities. rnay

perceive limited opportunhies for the future and "rnay see lit* reason to defer gratification or plan for the future" (Bay et al., 1994:389). In their perceptions of future roles and opponunities. female adolescents rnay be infhenced by general trends in women's labour force participation and rnay place specitic value in preparing for emplo yment.

Another signiiicant community aspect which rnay temper adolescents' viewpoints on the risL of sexuai intercourse centers around the power or abiüty to reduce the chances of pregnancy* Nathanson and Kim (1989:95) propose that the "impkit but shared understandings about the consequences of sexual intercourse that acted to set limits on the sexual encounter were disrupted by the pül and by legal abortion." The availability of these resources may be strongly Uinuenced by a community's normative environment. partifularly with respect to reiigiosity, There rem- a mong debate in Western societies over the appropriateness of rniiking contraception available to teenagers. The same concems structure disagreement over what information should be taught in school curricula with respect to sexuality and family pîanning. Furstenberg et ai. (1987) suggest that-youngerteens rnay be "impaired by their immaturity" in their ability to access contraceptive services and, as a result, proceed with sexual relations under a signincantly heightened risk of pregnancy.

Bay et aL (1994) propose that cornrnunities with high levels of religiosity, or strongly religious comrnunities, may confer negative normative viewpoints with respect to adoîescent sexuaüty. As members of such communities. adolescents may either intemaîize tenets whrh discourage sexual activity or they may be less kely to fmd partners who are wïWg to partaLe in premarital sexual intercourse. The overail "state of social diiganization" characterizhg a cornrnunity by virtue of levels of marital dissolution. crime and unemployment rnay ais0 shift normative views regarding sexuality outside of wedlock. The degree to which adolescents adhere to normative values may also be influenced by other factors defining the nature of communities. Smali and Luster (1994) found that teens living in cornmunities with low levels of neighbourhood monitoring found greater opportunities for sexual activity since the role of non-parental adults supervising their behaviour was greatly reduced.

Community norms or the diffe~gnorms of subgroups within cornmunities may also be explained by ditTering cultural viewpoints regarâing teenage sexuality and pregnaneies Furstenberg et ai. (1987512) propose that differing world views may lead to attitudinal shifts ni the perceived consequences of sexual behaviour such that 'bchildrenin ceriain racial subcultures acquire attitudes that are more accepting of early sexuaî activity and nonmarital parenthood." They argue that specific cultural variation arnong American teens persists even when socioeconomic factors have been adequately convokd for citing ethnographie research whic h has uncovered "enorrnous peer pressure.. .piaced on young black males to engage in sex, leading to an extremely high incidence of coitus at very early ages" (Furstenberg et al., 1987:s 17). Further, these researchers feel that cultural factors are oftea not given enough attention in studies of adolescent sexuaiity, attributing this neglect to the di&culty olempiricaiiy capturing the cultural elment.

23 Extra-Marital Pregnancy: Factors lnfuencing ilie Decision ta Lzgitimùe

Once again, research into the phenornenon of pregnancy out of wedlock tends to focus on young teenage women. As Newcomer (1990:358) puts it, "it is no doubt tnie that an unrndd sixteen-year-old mother who has not finished high school w% face more hurdles than the unmarried 35-year-old lawyer who has a child." Simüar to the adolescents who gauge the relative risk of engaghg in premaritai sexual intercourse against theu surroundhg context and personal attributes, how a woman will choose to resolve her extra-maritai pregnancy is also influenced by a number of factors.

A woman must fust weigh the normative pressures she will face by either marrying or not marrying the infant's father. The extent to which she is bound by these pressures may Vary by ber age, her religiosity, and her ethnic origins. Though a premaritdy conceiving woman may have already vioiated societal nom through tangible evidence of non-marital sexuai intercourse, she may offset and even negate her violation by rnarrying the infant's father (Newcomer 1990:358). More often, mothers, and particularly teenage mothers, who remain unmarried at the binh of their chïid attract pater negative attention because of their choice not to 'legitimize' th& chiid's existence through some recognition of paternity. Severai historical studies have addressed the fluctuation of rates of premarital pregnancy in ternis of chmging normative proscriptions against premarital semal intercoum and extrarnarïtai births (see, for example. Bates, 1986; Bouchard, 1993; Carmicbaei, 1996; Smith and Hindus. 1975). Though increasingly liberal viewpoints may

be evolving with respect to an individuai's choice for more alternative family fonns

(Coolrsey. 1990). Newcomer (1990:358) argues that "sexuai intercourse outside of

fnarriage continues to be seen as disniptive of the social fabric, and progeny are evidence

of this deviant behaviour."

When considering the normative cootext in which women negotiate their decision

regaiding prernarital pregnancies. Parnell et al ( 1994) argue that religiosity wiU play a

strong role in innuencing those decisions. Since many religious institutions are typicaliy

coll~ervativein îheir outlook on the association between marriage and motherhood. a

strongly religious community or a strongly religious individuai is more likely to be guided

by legitimizing behaviour. According to Cooksey (1 990). marrying to legithbe a

pregnancy represents the most traditional choice a woman could make. since this action retains the normative Link between the coinciding roles of wife and mother.

Simüar to its effects on adolescent sexuaiity. the prevalence of fiactured home

lives as evidenced in divorce. may begh to dissociate perceptions on the strong link

between marriage and childbearing. If community levels of divorce begin to rise. unwed mothers indirectly receive the message that muriage before motherhood is no longer necessary. Marriage may no longer represent the stable option that it once did. instead becoming mother risQ choice which a wornan must negotiate.

A woman's or couple's perception of the economic and social resources avaiiable to them may be tempered by a nurnber of factors including both irnmediate and long-term goals regartmg education, employment. and famiiy formation (Parnell et aL, 1994).

Where womea's employrnent and education, in particular, are given Little recognition, or if women view theu opportunities as limited. they rnay place greater emphasis on pursuhg

pregnancy and marriage as a means to move through the threshold to adult status.

According to Cooksey (1990:208), when teenage women perceive poor employment

possibiiifks, motherhood may hold higher value because it "confers a status les easily

achieved by other means, for example. a job." When employment and careers

opportunities are good. however, motherhood may be more aptly perceived as a risk to

a&tainingthose goals, with more favour placed on abortion. Cooksey (1990) also argues

husband may be considered more of an "economic liability" w hen prospects are poor.

Aside fiom weighing in the economic factor, Parnell et ai. (1994) argue that

couples rnay already have pre-se t ideas about the Pace of marriage and family formation

they wish to foIlow. expectations which were probably suuctured early in the sociaiization

process Cooksey (1990:208) argues that "where parenthood is viewed as conferring

elevated status. a high value wül likely be placed on bea~gchildren, even during the

teenage years." Carmich;iel( 1996) believes that abonion began to be preferred over

kgitimating rnarriage among young couples in Australia owing to "rishg youth employment and desires not to disrupt education or be tied domtoo young or in uncommined relationships? It should be remembered that the decision to many must be shared by boîh partners. Should they have dflering views over how they see their lives progressing this rnay lead to a more diffcult resolution of the pregnancy. In th& Arnerican study, Parneil, Swicegood. and Stevens (1994) discovered that for the majority of women in theu sample. a piemarital conception was iikely to have been either mistimed, or worse, unwanted. Premaritai conceivers, unlike marital conceivers, have probably not put a great deal of thought into planning for a child and th& pregnam:ies rnay be more troubled by hancial concems. If the piegnancy was rnistimed or not planned for at a& couples must go through a period of negotiation to decide if they wiü go through with the pregnancy, if they wiîI parent the cMd as a couple, and if they choose to marry.. some or aii of these decisions may involve members of the extended

Eamily. The abiiity to cope with any psychosocial distress arising from the pregnancy, particulariy among adolescent mothers. is entwined with the level of support obtained from both families and panners (Thompson, 1986; Turner et al., 1990). Yet more distress rnay be entailed if the pregnancy is unwanted. Gaunararian et ai. (1995) found that

Arnerican women with either unwanted or mistimed pregnancies were at an increased risk for violence by their partners when compared to women with intended pregnancies. Chapter 3 Community Setting

3.1 mude

According to Presser (1997:295). the maturing field of demography is marked by

"a growing recognition of the importance of obtaining qualitative data for generating hypotheses and to better unders tand the underlying d ynamics" defining the demograp hic trends of cornmunities This approach to demographic analysis drawing together quantitative and qualitative sources is one clearly favoured by anthropological demographers (se,for exampie, Herring, 1994; Sawchuk and Burke, 1998; Swedlund.

1990) While this thesis reües heanly on demographic and health measures, t herefore. it also seeks to add a distinct anthropologicai perspective which is frequentiy lacking in epidemiological and community health studies. In particular, it wül provide an in-depth understanding of the uniqueness of Gibraltar and the forces underlying social, economic, and politicai change over the which would either directly or indirectly influence

Gibraltarian couple's perceptions about the Uming and sequence of sexual intimacy, marriage and parenthood. To this end, this chapter has ken uiciuded which ouilines important social and historîcal forces affecting the decision to many and have children.

While many studies identify growing women's au tonomy through greater female hbour force participation and education as signifcant mitigating factors underlying changes in marital and childbearing behaviour (Pagnini and ~dfuss,1993; Parnell et ai.,

1994; Plotnick, 1992; Thornton and Camburn, 1987). the same studies tend to lack in- &ptb insight into the community-speci[ic dynamics of these processes. Granted it is

often düficult to characterize vastly Merent and intemaliy heterogeneous populations in

lhis fashion. but Gibraltar provides a unique opportunity owing to its small geographic size

and cleary debdpolitical boundaries. Other studies try to capture these peripheral

changes in an empincai fashion. using various proxy indicators as indirect mesures of

social change; whüe this thesis uses a simünt approach. it also grounds the empirical

findings in the larger context of the community. ûwing to the compiexity of social

change, and the varied experience of individuais within the community, some

generalizatons are unavoidabie and may seem simpktic to the 1ocal.members of the

commmity. As a counterpoint, however, it is critical to recognize that this work

represents a starcing ground for hiture research.

The creation of this chapter was guided by an intensive and exhaustive review of a

number of the Gibraltar Govemment 's annual pubkat io ns: dicennial aggregate census

publications, press reports. O ther commissioned reports. and local newspapers maintained

by the Gi'braltar Govemment Archives. Be yond these sources. observations fkom five months in the Mdand information fiom informal intehewing with some 45 Gibraltarians adds a personai eiement to this section? The inte~ewstouched on many aspects of Me in

Gibraltar, both in the present as well as the past, including courtship. marriage, family formation, eduation, housing, employment, and politics. Interviews were designed to capture the life experiences of each individual. Since con6dentiaüty was assured in each

- 'heludiog ArtnuPl Reprts, Anaual Reparu ai Health, Anaual Repas of the ïkpamnent of Lnbour and Social Secufity, Aanual Rqmts of tbe Depubnent of Educatim. and so fd. 'Semi-BoeMcd iiavietvs wen eacb approximately 1 hanin lengih and tape rcmded. Tbaigh an intmiew scûedure was generally followeû, persmai digressions were encouraged. Methoddogy was Moped &an Berg (1995). Marshall and Rassm;ui (1989). and Smssand Cdn(1990)- case. any seKidentilying information has been removed and ages of the informanu are not given. though this is standard practice. As a whole. infonwits ranged from 20 to 70 years of age. and were mainly femalem6AU of these contidentiality qualitlcations are especially salient in a smaii comrnunity such as Gibraltar, where there may have been some talk or knowledge of who was interviewed.

Many of the conclusions drawn in this section with respect to rnarrjage and childbearing wiîî be tied to the empirical analpis in the discussion. Though this linkage is indgect, it win satisfy Presser's (1997) argument for generating hypotheses for future study in the community. What rnay appear as a tenuous link now provides the ideal background for hirther prospective studies.

3.2 &nemi Characteristics Gibraltar, 1960- 1996

Shce its capture from Spain in 1704 Gibraltar has been a Crown Colony of

England and overseen by a Govemor, the local representative of the Queen's Govemment

(for Gibraltar's early &tory, see Benady; 1993; Benady, 1994; Hiiis, 1974; Jackson,

1990; Sawchuk and Burke, 1997). Connected to Spain at its northem extremity via a sandy ~sthmus.the eastem, southern, and western aspects of Gibraltar meet with the

Mediterranean Sea, the Straits of Gibraltar, and Gibraltar Bay (Elgure 3.1). The massive limestone outcrop, plainly visible nom mües around. is Gibraltar's mosc distinguishing feature, ehgit the pseudonym of 'the Rock'. Owing to the nature of the terrain and the steepness of the promontory, the rnajority of Gibraltarians iive in tightiy packed

.------'Ilicnigh an aââitional locus oii the male perspective wwM enhanœ this saidy trernendously, and WUbe addressed in fume study, the percepions O€ women are particularly important fiom a physidogical standpoint since tbey are the mes acturilly carrying the pregnancies. FIGURE3. 1: Map of Gibdtar.

GIBRALTAR

North Mole

Sour#: Annual Report for 1965, Govemment of Gibraitar. housing clusters at its base. With a population size just under 27,000 in 1991 and a total land ana of 6.5 square kilometers, the majurity of Gibraltarians live under very crowded and congested conditions earning the community the distinguishing feature of king a smafl-SC& urban center.

Census returns for the 20~century continue to support the general assumption that

Gibraltar is a predorninantly Roman Cathoiic comrnunity. In 1961, for example, 87.4% of the populatïoh or 19,044 individuais. identifid thernselves to census enumerators as

Catholic (Govemrnent of Gibraltar, 1961). By the 1991 census, there was little change with 20,541 mdividuals, or 76.9% of the total population, sebideniifed as Catholic

(Government of Gibraltar. 1991). Despite the fact that Catholicism far outweighs any other religious denomination in prevalence, the community retains a remarkable religious diversity in the remaining section of the population.'

Agricultural and large-sale industrial undenakings are not possible on the Rock given its extremely srnail geographical size and limited local resources. As a result.

Gibraîtanans are largely dependent on imports, including food and peuoleum, from other places with Spain and England king the main counuies of supply. When England drew

Gibraltar into the European Economic Community (now the European Union) in 1973, it was with the provision that Gibraltar be granted the unique provision of being a VAT-fkee country? Aside fiom the Sun and sand offered by Gibraltar's beaches, therefore, tourists are attracted in large numbers to the cornpetitive shopping offered by this Meditenanean

Community-member. An estimated 5.5 million tourists entered Gibraltar by land, sea. or

' A-ding to the census of 1970. Moslems Anglicans, Je% Hindus Resbytenans. Methodisis. and Iehovah's wînesses were ail represented in the crmnuniiy, lisml hae in acier of decreasing fiequency (Govemmen t of GiWtar. 1970)- air in 1995 (AS. 1995). Apan from tourists. Gibraltarians also supply the British SeMces s-oaed on the Rock (an histoiical reiationship between the two groups), provide shipping services, and are currently aitempting to develop the Rock as a cornpetitive world-wide O ff-shore banlring institution (see Gartland, 1 990; Searle, 1990).

Though the British miliiary presence on the Rock is on the wane as the community approaches the 21" century. it has had a long-estabiished roll in guarding the gates to the

Mediterranean since 1704. The civiiian population which grew up to provision the

Se~ceshas become a clearly-defhed community, and represent the me 'Gibraltarian' population of the present with many Gibraltarians able to trace their roo ts on the Rock back several generations. Despite their cornfortable existence on the Rock, the lives of

Gî'braltafians were twice shaken in the 20' Century.

The fist disniptive force appeared as World War II broke out. As part of the

British Government's war-tirne mandate. aiï women, children, and non-able-bodied men were removed Born Gibraltar with the majority being relocated to London. Northem lreiand, Jamaica, and Madeira. Though aii those wanting to corne back to Gibraltar were eventually repatriated, the process was infhitely slow and many famüies spent years waiting to return (see Fiinlayson, 1996). Just as the impact of this event was receding into memory, anotber force set in to shake the fabric of lifk in Gibraltar - the poiiticaüy- motivated border closure between Spain and Gibraltar which began in 1969 and lasted some 15 years untl the border re-O pened in 1985.

------'VAT = vaiue added tax on any purdiaces. 3.3 The 15' Siege of Gibraltar: Politid Motivation and Sadiil Madon

Cbracterized as the 15' siege of Gibraltar (Jackson. 1 W),the border closure

was pan of a deeply-rooted Spanish irredentist campaign to regain the ownership over

Gibraltar fier it was captured by Anglo-Dutch forces in 1704; this objective became particularly heightened during General Franco 's dictatorship of Spain (for a thorough

discussion on the poiitics between Spain and Gibraltar see Gold, 1994). The campaign was intensified after World War II when Gibraltarians began to establish some authority over local rnatters with the establishment of local govemment representation. Spanish authorities felt that this move. and the support it gmered from England. was in clear violation of the principles upon which the Treaty of Utrecht. passing ownership to

England. had been granted?

As the Spanish govemment became more aggressive in its campaign for Gibraltar, antiquated attempts to take Gibraltar by force, as had ken typical in the 18' and 19"' centuries, were replaced by politicai and legal debate engaging the United Nations in the

1960s. With Britain remaining codtted to respecthg the wishes of Gibraltarians (who had unanmi~usly'~vo ted their desire to remain under British sovereignty in the re fere ndum of 1967)" and the contïnuously faiüng taiks at the United Nations, Spanish Authorities opted to change their strategy.

9 Tbe Spanisû Govanment toak funber issue wiib a number devents in the 2@' cnitury, such as the building of an airpiane ïanding suip on the neutral ground dividing the counuies and the Queen's visit in 1934 as part of a general tour of British terrilories. 'O Of the 11282 vaiid votes cas& 12,138 wen in Eavw ofreiaining the link witb England (AR, 1967). l1 Wbile in England to discuss the local situatim, Gibraltar's Chief Minister Sir Josbua Hassan was quoted oa bis views of Britisb sovereign ty The link with Britain has bexs imbued in us over many years, our educaLim is English and the feeling of amfidence and reliabiiity in our institutims - the law, ficc pess and 6rcuiatn of umrsbip - has been hilt up as a result dBritish presence, so bas the fact that wt are a vading cenue and a fiet ammunity" (PR No. 90/67.1%7). In 1969 Spanish Au thotities closed the fiontier separating Spain and Gibraltar in an anempt to strangle Gibraltar's economy.'* By withdrawing Spanish labourers and goods, the Spanish Govenunent hoped that Engiand would feel the burdens of supplying an isolated colony and come to view Gibraltar as an unwise investrnent. As dficult as Me became for Gibraitarians and as costly as it was for England to provision the community. local feelings of opposition to the prospect of returning to Spain's controt remallied deeply mgrainedJ3Wi the Engiish side remaining obstinate, the border closure lasted 15 years14; though Spain never managed to gain control over Gibraltar, the closure resulted in a Gibrauarian population that was even more indserent to the proposition of becomüig a

Spanish territory. Xndeed. many Gibraltarians boni during the border closure, who had never been to Spain. had no attinity whatsoever for the neighbouring country.

Humanitarian good-wiU was not the me cause for the lifting of the Bontier restrictions in

1985. If the post-Franco Spanish democratic Govemment wanted Spain to becorne a member of the Eusopean Community, it was generaüy understood that it would be necessary to cease such biatant hostility against what would becorne a neighbouring

Community member (PR. 30 January, 198 1). No t removing the restrictions could have resulted in a rejection of the Spanish application for Community mernbership. Besides.

Spanish Authonties wanted to demonstrate that they were lifting the restrictions on their own accord. without international pressure, as a matter of priâe.

l2 Indeed, Spanisb Auihaities had long resented Gibraltar's seeming dependence. In the wads of me Spanish representative: "Economically speaking, GiWtar cannot Iive witbout Spain. There it Iives at the cost of Spain and consti tutes a sort of cancer in Lhe emomy of our country" (PR, No. 166/67, 1967). l3 Tbese fdngs of raistance wae grearly heighiaied by the bnicality Gibraîtarians observeci during the Spanish Cid War and the stroag desire not to vade in their Englisb dernomitic rule for a Spanish dictatasbip. Gibraltar became a vastly dinerent community during the tirne of the border closure. as it was eut off fkom Europe's mainland and tourism dropped dtamaticdy. For the tirst time in Gibraltar's history the community had to leam to live with long-term

Wlation, existing in a similar fashion to many of the world's island c~rnmunities.~~Many felt that the border closure caused the community to tum inward, produchg a more insular and almost famiiy-like feeling as people united in a comrnon cause to avoid Spanish cwrcion As one woman put it,

The first the 1came here, 1came on a holiday, [and the border] was still closed. People used to just drive around in their cars, have little televisions, go and sit by the waterside or whatever and it was very strange how people looked at things. ..everybody was feeling like they were these dogs on chahs. Then al of a sudden [when the border opened] this family-feeling that used ro be was gone.

When the border opened in 1985, one Gibraltarian indicated that it was aimost Wre the community was king puiied out of the Victorian age, with tourists retuniing in increasing numbers and social and economic intercourse with Spain resuming. Nonetheless. despite iîs open border, the feeling rem- that Gibraltar is "covered by this glass globe. [where] everything's very, very protected, everything 's very available, and everybody Lnows each other." Since the border closure had such a strong impact on the nature of life in

Gibraltar, this study examining changes marital and childbearhg behaviour is careful to consider shifts between specificaily-defîned birth cohons pivoting around the 19' siege of

GibraItar.

'' la 1975. many Gibialtariaas baâ boped that the border closure waild meto an end with the demise of the Spanisb dictatorship and the rise of demomatic thinking in Spain (PR, 59/80, 1980). lS hdeed, Gikaltar was featured in a literary seria cm 'IslanQ' even (bot@ politicai ciraunstance and na geographical reality produced this unique statu (see Demis, 1977). 3.4 Chsrrtensing the Comnwnlty

According to the 'ecological perspective' outlined earlier (Büly et al., 1994; Smfl

and Luster, 1994). in order to understand what motivates the timing and sequence of

sexualify, ege,and childbearing, one must corne to tem with social opportunities or

limitations, how individuals perceive the impact of these opportunities or limitations, and

how community nommay underlie behavioural outcomes. This section wiii therefore

outline some of the more saiient aspects of life in Gibraltar which may impinge on sexual

and My-building strategies. Personai perceptions on Gibraltar's 'ecological context'

win be addressed in the Discussion (Chapter 6).

3.4.1 Undcr the Wa~chfulEye: Personal Lives in the Public Forum

To the extent that community monitoring can influence the sexual behaviour of

young people. Gibraltar must surely serve as a mode1 community. Since a general lack of anonymity has always prevailed in Gibraltar owing to its srnail sire and tightly packed housing, it tends to keep people behaviour-conscious and law-abiding, and this was panicularly tme during the pars of the border closure. One Gibraltarian summed up the atmosphere quite succinctly,

It's amawig here, you must have noticed, you can have a guy with tattoos on a motorbike here and you can meet hirn down a dark alley in the middle of the night.. .and he won? do a thing.

While if is methat Gibraltar exudes the aura of a safe haven, crime does, nonetheless. ex& and it is on the rise. Figure 3.2 outlines the increasing number ofcrimes which are brought io triai in Gibraltar. It is important to nos that these crimes are for the most part Number of Crimes Brought to Trial Gibraltar, 1960-1995

Thousands

[=# of crimes brought to trial 1 Data f rom: Annual Repoits. 1960- 1995 the% asad& and other non-capital offenses. Ironicaiiy, it was when Gibraltar became so insuhr with the border closure that the fust noticeable increase in crime occurs. perhaps due to bondom or fnistration. It is since the border opened in 1985. however. that the reai increases have occurred.

When the border closed and tourism declined a genuine sense of 'ail-knowing' communüy ernerged. As one woman put it,

There's no way that you would have been here 2 months without me having met you when the border was closed, right.. .so that was cute and that was one of the things that attracted me to the place, but it's not something you can live with, I meaa it dnves you bananas after a whüe.

Even fouowhg the border opening this feeling persists, which is somewhat surprising giwn the milüons of tourists who now enter Gibraltar on a yearly basis (Figure 3.3).

Many Gîbraltarians identifid a lack of personai space as one of the most disturbing elements characterishg life in their community. The feeling is that familianty breeds a sense that one bas the right to a say in other people's affairs. One Gibraiiarian felt that.

The longer you live here, the harder it gets because you reaUy don't have a private Me.. .I mean, you have a private Me at home but people that you see in the sueeu every day so rnany times, they tend to think that they know you and you tend to thmL that you know them. so everybody tends to feel that they have an opinion to give where they reaiïy don't have.. .so there's no proper barriers.. .it can get a bit maddening .. .

Women do not tend to hide their pregnancies since "we're so closely-knit that the minute that anybody sees you buying a pregnancy test, you know. 'Oh, it is for you?'. so there's no point m hiding it" Scandais, such as an unmvried or very young woman's pregnancy, attract partiEular attention since "basicaüy when somebody gets pregnant. the whole to wn Number of Tourist Arrivals Gibraltar, 1960-1 995

Millions

Data from: Annual Repens, 1960- 1995 hows and everybody talLs about and everybody's informed about it". In this sense, many

Gibraltarians see theû community as quite malicious, feeling as though they are constaaily king judged over aspects of theu lives which really should remah in the personal realm.

On a positive note. however, any Gibraltarian wiN admit that Gibraltar is one of the safest piaces to raise cMdren and this rernains one of the svongest attractions preventing people fiorn moving away.

3.4.2 EduCQtiOn: Opporlunirp or Constrainf?

3.4.2.1 Education services

Marked improvements in the educational services available to Gibraltarians really began after World War ILt6 Aside from a Hebrew school and a smalî number of private schools, secondary education was largely undertaken by the Roman Cathoüc Church. with ieachers and adminisuators provided by the Christian Brothers at the Gibraltar Grammar

School (for boys) and the Loreto Nuns at two Convent Schools (for girls) (AR, 1946:L 1).

Since these schoois were not fuiancially supported by the Goverment. there was a certain amount of prestige associated with attending them owing &st to the academic standards necessary to gain admission as weil as the cos& incurred by famifies in order to enroil their chiiâren m what were essentially private schools. As a result, "the taking of examinations

I6 Prim to tbe waf mue were sevaal pmMcnw wirb educatim in Gibraltar, beginning with an inabiiity to adquaîely enfaaschad attendance, bolb ai a daily bis, and with respect to the large number of cbiidrea who permanen tly withdrew from school before ihe mandatay minimum age of 14 years (Baiman, 1937). Classes were critiqued faking tcm large to sustain effective teaching, with sane teachars rtspsible faan ywhere between 50 and 60 children, and as man y as 94 children in me class. Rior to the war. -the majority of ibe assistant teachers were educationally oaly at the level of theu senia pupiis and had no qualiCications fa teaching" (AR 1963:3 1). Low salaries did little to attract qualifiecl iasûucîm and cl- coaditims were characterimi as arduaus. was second m imponance to the social standing obtained by king pupils of these two schools" (AR. l963:3 1).

Under a revised Education ûrdinance passed in 19M. the Gibraltar Government became directly involved in Gibraltar's educational affairs, fomillig a Board of Education to oversee matters of educational concem (AR, lgSO/S 1:20). The Board was comprised of Director of Education, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Gibraltar, the Anglican Dean of

Gibraltar, the Presidem of the Managing Board of the Hebrew Comrnunity, the Navy

Command Education Offger, the Army Command Educaiion Oficer, and six members of the Roman Catholic Church (AR, 1950/51:20). Through this Board, the Gibraltar

Govemment asfumed full responsibEty for the education of all children between the ages of 5 and 15, unlike the situation prior to the war (AR, 1952/53:22). It is obvious in the membership of ihis Board that reügious groups played a large roie in the direction of education in Gibmltar. Even by the I96Os. "as a result of their efforts there [was] a very high standard of religious observance and a great awareness of moral values in the schoolsw with religious instruction ernbedded in the educational imperative (AR. 196 1:36).

Both the Christian Brothers and qualified maie teachers held posts at the Gramat

School. whüe the Loreto Nuns and quaMid femaie teachers were responsible for educating girls at the Loreto High SchooL The Technical and Dockyard School sought qualiüed teacbers ftom the Royal Naval Education Sewice. While some Christian

Brothers beîd appointmentis at the Boys Secondary Modem School the remaining schools were staEed by Gibralcarïan teachers and, on occasion. qualioed Services wives (AR,

1%3:34). In the rnid-1970s the Government received notice that the Christian Brothers would be leaving the service of Gibraltar in July, 1977 @E, 1974/1976:13). With the demise of the Grammar School system in Gibraltar and the announcement on behalf of the

Christian Brothers, this change would mark the end of a 99-year association between the

Church and education (DE. 1974/1976:13). In theù stead. the Gibrdtar Goverment continued to train locd students for positions as qualifid teachers.

3-4.12 11+ tests and streant-lining

Beginning h 1949, the Department of Education used Moray House ~ests'~for children in kir1 la year to direct "children into the type of secondary education frorn which [&y would] derive the greatest benefit [while] at the same time [making] the best use of the educational facüities" (AR, 1959:22). Here chilcisen would be selected for either Grammar School (acadernic) education or Secondary Modem education. Oniy a ftaction of students passed the test. some 26% of boys and girls in 1965, for exarnple (AR.

196534).

Students who were not selected for Grammar School education had a number of alternative options. aside from straig ht- forward Secondary Modem education. Wh& boys had the option of the Doclryard & Technicd School, which would lead to apprenticeship opportunities with the Dockyard. City Councü. and Govenunent Service (COR, 1959). female students could opt to enter the Commercial School which would provide them with more office and commerce-reiated training (AR, 1949: 19). The two-year course offered

The MmyHaise Tests remaineci smiewbat cmvoversial sina Gîhaltarian chiiâren who were inuoduced u, English relatively late typically did poorly witb respect to the SetYices and British cbii&en witb whan they were coaipeting fw places in the Grmrnar Scômls (Foley, 1954). by the Commercial School was quite popular and tended to produce "excellent material for the o&ces of Goverrunent and private fums" (COR. 1959:24).

Part of the social stigma of not getting accepted for Grammar School education cm be attributed to one educational advisor's observations that there had always been a predisposition to avoid manual labour in Gibraltar and this led to a very high regard placed on academic (Grammar School) education as opposed to technical education. He clearly felt this sentiment was misplaced and insisted that,

parents as weîi as children must lem to reaiise that aii people are not academicaliy gifted: some have -tic gifts, some are mechanicaiiy minded.. .handwork must cease to be regarded either as a Criil or a relaxation. ..aU the schools must rnake their contribution to restoring beiief in the dignity of manual labour, by giving the same credit to those with artjstic and mechanical abilities as is usudiy reserved for academic ability (Foby. 1954a).

Overai&parents were found desirous of theû children's attendance at the gramrnar schools. with the Technical & Dockyard School and the Secondary Modem schools regarded as second-best options. The grarnmar schoois tended, in tum, to be the best- staned, mth fuily qualif~dteachers, were granted fust choice over student selec tion* If boys failed to gain admittance to the grarnmar school, the next preferred option was the

Technical & Dockyard School which boys and their families perceived as "a weaker version of the Grammu School [since] few of its pu pils [went] into the Dockyards as apprentices, most of them [airned] at clerkships" (Foie y, 1 954a).

There were other differences between Gramrnar and Secondary Modem education.

While Secondary Modem students in the 1950s typicaily ieft school at the legal school- leaving age of 15 years. Gramrnar School students nortnaiiy stayed on untü weil into the3

16* year. Some non-Grammar students were able to stay beyond 15 years, as was the case with boys. who bad graduated Erom either the Secondary Modem or Technical

School seekhg apprenticeships and girls &om the Secondary Modem School who would go on to attend the Commercial School. But as one woman put it.

1 wasn't very much hterested in school because at that the we never used to go away to study because our parents couldn't afbrd to pay for it and scholarships were very, very dficult to corne by.. .so, reaiiy, the main thing was just to leave school as young as possible. which was 15, and start working.. .most people needed the money then so it was a rekf io have your children working at that age...ody weU-to-do people used to go away to study at that tirne.

in the mid-1950s a pre-Nursing School opened for girls who sought training in nursing, a preference which had emerged "'as girls in Gibraltar [were] becoming more employment-consfious" (Foley, 1954b). At t hat the. there were many Grammar School girls who. haWIg a good academic background in sciences and biology. were interested in a career m nursing. The pre-nursing course was established and by 1961 it was so popular that an 'eluniaating examination' had to be estabWKd owing to the large number of applicanu (AR, 196 1:X). A simüar exmination ako had to be set for establishing admittance uiio the ever-popular Commercial School which eamed high regard since "all those who [compkted] the course (were] quickly absorbed into Government and other o~es*(AR, 1961:35).

Part of the criticisrn surrounding the use of the 1 1 + test to strearnihe Gibraltarian students was that it, in effect. limited their possible prospects at a very young age, essentMy resigning them to a life in Gibraitar. And not only did it do this, it also instiiied a sense of academic faihre at a very young and impressionable age. One woman recalls the experience of her and her childhood friend upon leaniing that they faiied, We both faüed the exams, right, and what do you think we did. ..what would you have done. an 11 year old.. .weU it hit us iike a bucket of cold water.. .so we didn't go home, we went out for a walk.. .we didn't go home because we couldn't face Our parents,

îhose students who were placed in the Secondary Modem Schools. for example, would complete their education with the Royal Society of Arts Examinations or, for some students, the General Cenificate 'O'LeveL Any funher post-secondary education. at universities for example. would require ireParation and examination at the General

Certiflcate 'A' Levei, the type of examinations undertaken by Grarnmar School students.

Between the late 1960s to early 1970s signüicant changes were made to

Gibraltar's secondary school systern. The De part ment of Education chose to discontinue the 11+ Sekction test and institute a system of Comprehensive education (AR, 1971:31).

Compreheiisive education rnarked the end of the division of the student body dong the lines of Grammar School versus Secondary Modem School and aii students remained grouped together under a single system. The division of males and females at age twelve continued, however. and separate boy's and girl's Comprehensive Schools were established." Examinations were continued for selec tio n into the Commercial Sc ho01 and apprenticeships in the Technical School. In 1976, "the OOBicial Employers broke new ground by offiering apprenticeships to girls for the frst tW(DE. 197419765).

By the iate 1970s. trends were showing increasing numbers of Gibraltarian teenagers choosing to rernain on in school past the nomai school-Ieaving age of 15 years

(DE, 1978-80:10). Whk an estimated 60% opted to rernain in school past 15 years of

-- - . - - -- la It bad been decided in 1974 "not &Oenter into any commitment to Mucation at secondary level mtil sucb the as the community was prepared to accept it" (DE,I978-80:9). Secmdary schods up to t&y continue to o~erativcseprait schools for female and male students. age in 1975. the proportion had risen to 75% in 1983. The proportion choosing to pursue

higher levels of education also increased. While only 35% of the sixth form age group

opted to remain in school in 1979. approximately 60% opted to stay on in sixth form in

1983 (DE, 1982-83: 11). The sixth form is the most advanced level of education offered in

Gibraltar and it prepares students for 'A' level exarninations, a university admissions

requirernent

3.4.2.3 Schohrships: opening the greut window of oppottunity

It is possible that the Govenuneni's changing system of scholarship allocation had

something to do with the burgeoning interest in education. In 1946. Governrnent

Scholarships and a Mackintosh ~nist'~were estabiished to fund Gibraltarian students

accepted for university and coliege-level education in England; these opportunities tended

to be quite limited in number. with six student receiving hinding in 1947. for example (AR.

1947:20). Of the 50 Gibraltarian studying abroad in 195 1. only a handfbl benefited fiom

schohship fiinding , the remainder king family-hinded; higher education continued to be

very much determined by family status (AR. 1951).

In addition to being limited in number, these early scholarships were predominantly

awarded to males Wh& the value of extended female education may have been

questioned in this early period, concerns over their exposure to "un-Catholic" influences whüe studying in the U.K. were more to the point. Exceptions were made for women

who wanted to pursue careers in teaching and nursing. however, as quaiifïed women were generaîîy in short-supply in Gibraltar. The maprity of wornen and men choosing careers in teaching attended separate female and mde Roman Cathoîic teacher training centres in ttie United Kingdom (AR. 1952/53:24). as these institutions were quite generous in atbcating spaces to Gibraltarian students (COR.1959:23). The Gibraîtar Governent e~ouragedfernaie teacher training through numerous teaching burSanes since it was at constant odds with keeping an adequate nurnber of female teachers on sta!T owing to marriage- and maternity-inspired 'earty retirements' (AR, 195Z53). Many of the unsuccessful appkants for the generd Govemment scholarships subsequently applied for one of the more numerous teacher-training bursaries (AR. 1960:27).

By 1965 sorne of the competitiveness began to wane as the Govemrnent started to rnalre gram available to any student who possessed both the abiüty and the necessary qualifications for hirther education (AR. 1965:36). In other words. in addition to having a set amber of scholarships, there was now the additional possibility of receiving hcial help based on academic ment. namely on the results of GCE Advanced LeveI

Examinations Mandatory schoIarships were awarded to students who eamed at kast 14 points on th& 'A' level results, with grades from A to E providing them with 8,6.4,2, and 1 point respectively DE, 1974-1976:7); the required nurnber of points dropped to 12 by the early 1980s (DE. 1978-80:17) with the total was based on a maximum of three 'A' level papers taken at one sitting (DE, 1982-84:17).

Wi the exception of the Gibraltar Scholarship. aU persons receiving Govenunent grants were required to retum to Gibraltar upon the cornpletion of their studies and serve in a suirable Govemment Department for at kast two years (PR. 1969: 130169). They were also required to choose their studies '%om a list of sub@ctsdeemed relative to

Gibraltar's needs" (DE, 1974-1976%). The majority of studenu in the 1970s pursued

l9 Supplied by tbe loba Mackintosh amte, a nadpliilmihropist in Gibraliar. studiks in arts and sciences for teaching purposes, engineering. kw. medicine, business studies, OND. and dentistry (DE, 1974- 1976:7). Each Government award "[providedl fees, clothing and book allowances, one passage annually to and from the place of study to

Gibraltar and a maintenance grant in 1975/76 of f9O6 (London area £978.50)" (DE. 1974-

76:8), but there was a catch. Each award was granted contingent upon some son of parentai contribution to their child's educaiion. Since parents had to corne up with their share of the financial burden, they fust had to have the resources to do so and second, they had to see the ultirnate value of sending their son or daughter abroad for several expensive years.

In 1988 there were even more substantial revisions to the manner in which

Government scholarship fùnding was aüocated. As the result of an innovative political platlorm, the newly elected Gibraltar Governent increased the hinds for scholarships by

50% and did away with the points system that had guided scholarship decisions up until that date. From this the on, any Gibraitarian student was eligible for a scholarship so long as she or he was granted admission into a university or coiiege in the United

Kingdom (PR, 1988:37/88). The Govenunent was even wiuing to go above a 50% increase in the number granted given a high success rate in the 'A' level examination..

Whüe these poiicy changes have sig nif~cantly widened the Opportunities for Gibraitarian students. they must be ternpered by the understanding that parents are still responsible for producing supplemental hinding to support their chiidren abroad. the amount determined by their own income. As a result, this system reiains some of the class-bias in educational opponunities which have ken present in Gibraitar since the incep tion of extended education 3.43 Woinen's EmpioymeW A Muturing Aspwatwn

3.4.3.1 Finding Theu Phee in the Wotkforce

Prior to the war. it was very rare that a GibraltaMn woman would choose to seek employrnent outside the home (AR DLW. 1956:22). For those who did. working in a shop for example, kirparents had to go and ta.& ta the owner and see the premises before ihey would aiiow her to work. Women who had been evacuated. however, won devebped a taste for employment duMg their the abroad as "theu drastic change of environment coupled with the great demand for iabour led large nurnbers to enter the employmeat field for the fïrst the. mainiy in light factory work. in hotels and catering estabüshrnents, in Govement offices and in shops" (AR DLW, 1956:22). Udortunately, as the repatriates soon discovered, in the face of an inability to provide ''work of a charyter suitable for fernales. opportunities of ernployment for Gibraltarian women and girls [were] few" (AR DLW, 1952/1953:20) and "it proved impossible to absorb more than a very smaii proportion of the women into the kind of employment they soughtt' (AR DLW, I956:22).

The Gibraitarian women who did manage to find emplo yment after the war were successful in nursing. teaching, clencal and commercial occupations; thwere obstacles. however. as "private industry was unused to the idea of employing wornen workers" (AR

DLW, 1956:U). Gaining acceptance of Gibralth wornen in the workplace resulted in an increase fiom 16 percent of Gibraltarh women working in private indusvy in 1946 to over 44 percent in 1956 (AR DLW, 1956:22). It was Spanish women, however. who traveled across the fkontier and accepted most of the avivailable positions h domestic work, the calering services. tobacco manufacturing, and dressmaking and taiioring which Gibraltarian women did not want (AR. 1949:8; AR DLW, 1952/1953:20). A srnail fish

and fhit canning factory provided seasonal employment for up to 300 women at peak

periods, but owing to dWiculties in obtaining fsh and fruit for canning which emerged in

1955 this source of women's employment dwindled to a mere 26 positions (AR,

l9W1955: 8). Local coffee. macaroni. and sugar confectionary processing factories

provided a srnakr number of local women with employment (AR DLW, 1954: 18).

Except for those women employed in hospital service. night work was prohibited for

women; under no circumstances were women employed in underground labour or in heavy industrial undertakings (AR DLW, 1954:1 1 ; l956:23 ). These restrictions persisted through the 1970s (AR DLSS. 1977-78:13).

3.4.3.2 Women 's Pay

As more women entered the workforce, the issue of relative pay came to the forefiont in a 1954 commissioned report (Conroy, l954:30-31). While there were those who felt that women shouid be paîd a minimum of 4/5" the pay of men for performing the same duties, the Cornmittee felt that the matter required more occupation-specifïc attention OveraU, the Cornmittee believed that women's pay should be less than that for men since "the [[male]point was fixed by reference to a reasonabie minimum on the assumption that the [individual] was married and had chüdren to support," and that. therefore. "it would not be right to apply such a =ale to women to whorn the same assumptions do not apply" (Conroy, 1954:30).

The Committee members did, however. believe that in occupations which were traditionally perceived as 'fernale.' such as emplo yment in nursing. fernales and males should receive equal pay, and that jobs which entailed a degree of 'responsibility.' such as teaching, should have the 415th~rule applied. Uùimately, the Commission felt chat granting equal pay to women in Gibraltar "rnig ht prove detrimental to [their] interests.. .when cornpeting with men for vacancies" (Conroy, l954:31). It was also agreed around this thne that not aii posts in the Government Senrice should be open to women. By 1959. there had been "minor changes.. .made to the female rates in order to

Mgthem closer to the generay recognized differential of two-thirds of the male rates"

(ECP No. 116/59,1959). A woman making about 67 percent of the male wage is a far cry from the 80 percent which had been discussed in 1954.

Though equal pay for women was again considered in 1960, a commissioner appointed to review pay scales in Gibraltar found that "most of the people. ..officiais and unonicials. agreed in principle to equaüty of rates but seemed doubtful whether the time

[had] yet corne in Gibraltar for full equaüty" (Surridge, 1960: 13). Accordingly, the commissioner felt that the new pay scales institu ted for women should fare at approximaîely nine-tenths of the revised men's pay scales. The reguiation of femaie wages, pariicularly in the mail distributive trade (sho p assistants and cashiers), was one of the ways by whrh the Government attempted to attract more wornen into the labour force

(AR. 19625). An Equal Pay Ordinance passed in 1975. resvicted "any discrimination, on grounds of se& in remuneration and other tem and conditions of employment" (AR

DUS,1979: 12).

3.43.3 The FhtInductive Force

When the SpWh Govemment instituted its agenda to reduce the number of

SpaniEh workers in Gibraltar by refushg to issue new work permits in 1954, those Spanish workers still in possession of work permits found conditions agreeable for requesting higher wages These demands by Spanish workers indirectly secured new employment opportunities for Gibraiiarian women since Local employers began to question the merits of repking th& alien workers with local women where possible. Local waitresses began to replace alien waiters in the cate~gindustry and many women had taken over traditional male occupations attending to machines at a local bottling factory (AR DLW.

1956:22). Gibraltar's Governmem encouraged this transition, feeling that the emplo yment of local women instead of aliens b'wouldnot only bring better iiwig standards to an increasing number of Gibraltarian famiiies but would also tend to lessen [their] dependence on extemal sources of labour and increûse the proportion of wages spent within the

Colony" (ARDLW. 1956:22). The Government felt that of the approximately 8.000 women in Gibraltar between 15 and 60 years of age, of whom about 3,000 were single, they could potentiaiiy draw at least another 1,500 without family ties into local employment. It is interesting. ho wever, that Government wanted to ensure that "any developments to rhis end.. .would have to take place without detriment to the employrnent of Gibraitarian males." and believed that this could be avoided if women primarily sought employment in the distributive trades and the cate~gindustry (AR DLW, 1956:23).

The nurnber of domestics available for work in Gibraltar began declinhg in 1957, owing primarily to the 'Vastage of alien workers" Ieaving "on [retirement] age and on miurjageu who had not ken replaced because of the Spanish permit restrictions mtroduced in 1954. The subsequent increased demand for domestics led to an increase in the wages paid for this type of labour. When paired with the fact that the da@ number of hours which domestics worked was typically less than that for shop-workers, it foliows that this type of work should have kensornewhat appealing to local women. Gibraitarian women refused to take up this form of labour. however, and Govenm~ntauthorities concluded that "the failure of local women to enter such employment [was] clearly due to a more deeply-rooted obgction than merely wages and conditions" (AR DLSS, 1957:27).

In 1975. British families intending to emigrate to Gibraltar for the purposes of employment were advised that there was "a shortage of domestic help but, with luck. it may be possible to fhd a ddy cleaner at approximately 45p an hour," (WCS, 1975:2) increasîng to a pound an hour in 198 1 (WCS,198 l:3), and f 1.50 an hour in 1983 (WCS. l983:3).

3.4.3.4 The Second lndrrctive Force

By the early 1960s Gibraltar's labour force encountered additional problems as the demographic effects of the war-the evacuation began to impact on the population. As early as 1958 the Governrnent expected a continuai fail in the number of young persons entering employment as the CO hon associated wiih the abnormaiiy low war-tirne binh rate began to reach employment age (AR DLSS, 1958:32). The Government. therefore. had evea more remn to attempt to encourage Gibraltarian women and Gibraliarian teenagers into the workforce, which they in fact did in increasing nurnbers since 1959 (AR, 1961 :7).

Despite these gains. census returns for 1961 indicated Ut some 4,598 married

Gibrakarian women were not registered in any type of g-1 emplo yrnent. Married wornen, by and hrge. chose not to work outside of the home (Government of Gibraltar,

1961: 11). One possible reason for the dflerences in the employment behaviour of manied and unmarried women was. of course. the presence of chüdren. Gibraltar. in 196 1. did no t provide education for ctiildren under 5 years of age and aiî of the twelve nursery schooïs on the Rock at the tirne were run by private individu& on a fee-paying basis. These schools were found to "vary considerably in efficiency and in sorne cases [were] little more

than 'baby-sitting' establishments" (AR, 196 1:3O). Private care would have been costly for the working mother and. as a result, it was probably more in keeping with the family inîerests if she remained at home with the children.

Women who found employrnent with the 'Officiai Employers' typicaily worked as nurses, nursinglmeCical auxiüaries. teachers, clerks, storekeepers, typists. cieaners. laundresses, or in institutionai do mestic service in Officers' and Non-Commissioned

Offlers' Messes. It should be noted that working in domestic service for the Official

Employers did not cany as great a stigma among Gibraltarian women as working in domestic service for private famiiies. Those women seeking work Born 'Private Industry

Employers' typicaiiy worked in the distributive uade as shop assistants and cashiers, as hotel workers. waitresses or counter staff in the hotel and catering trade. as office assistants in professional and commercial businesses, in Iaunâries and dry cleaning establishments. in tailoring and dressmaking, or in any of the few srnaii factories on the

Rock. Very few Gibraitarian women sought work Gom 'Private Domestic Employers'

(AR DLSS, 1963:46). Though by 1963 rising remuneration had attracted better qualifed women to office work in Gibraltar. the Governrnent continued to suggest that it was "in the shop that the greatest opponunity [existed] for the employment of yet more women without detriment to Gibraltarian male workers" (AR DLSS, 1963:46).

There were, on the other hand. benefits associated with worlcing for the Official

Employers if you were a fernaie. Female workers employed by the Government of

Gi'braltar and the City Council who had *%Ad a permanent and pensionable appointment for not less than five years" and who had therefore paid into the insurance scheme. were eligible for a marrjage gratuity so long as they had resigned withh three rnonths of the

&te of thw rnarriage (AR, 1964:42). Married wornen who were employed by any of the

0fiicia.i Ernplo yen received speciai matemity leave arrangements. a provision which was not necessarüy offered by Private Employers (AR, 196442). Even into the Mddb of the

1970s matemity leave was considered part of a wornan's entitled sick leave.

nie Goverment felt that many of the measwes to attract women to the workforce fiad led ta a satisfactory increase in the numbers employed up to 1964 (AR, 1965). Theù new-found role in the local workforce was further strengthened by additional restrictions placed by Spanish Authorities on the daiiy travel of Spanish women in Gibraltar to work.

An rn&d Spanish women were required to surrender their Bontier working passes, thus effectively removing them from the Gibraltar workforce (AR. 1965: 12). A number of

Moroccan women began taking up residence in Gibraltar to replace the Iost Spanish domestk workers (AR DLSS, 1965-66:47).

3.4.35 The Third Inductive Force

On the 6L of August, 1966 the situation took a tum for the worse as ali female

Spanish frontier worlters. sorne 2,000 women, were denied entry into Gibraltar by Spanish

Authonties (AR DLSS. 1965-66: 14). There was no advance notice on the part of the

Spanish Goveniment and, as a result, Gibraltar was no t wekprepared for this eventuaiity.

Spanish authorities stated that the women had been withheld at the heontier owing to reputed claims over police bnitaiity in Gibraltar (PR 1967:l7OI67). Since the fùnctionhg of hospaals. schoois, and old age homes was largely dependent on the missing Spanish labour force. "many Gibraltarian wornen, most of them with family responsibilities, who previously were not attracted to employment, offered their services" (AR DLSS, 1965- 66: 14). While initiaUy working on a voluntary basis, many women eventually took up petm8nent employment as they found they could cope with both working and maintainhg

theu households. and the increase in household incorne was a wekome addition (AR,

1966:5)?* There were a number of employers who, in tum. compromised by offering part- time opportunities. a necessity for some of the new worlcing women, where previously there had ken only full-the possibilities. The demdfor labourers also occaaloned a rise in the wages which females were offered to take up employment (AR DLSS. 1965-

66: 14).

In concert with the restrictions phced on Spanish women entering Gibraltar for employment pllfposes. the total nurnber of women (British and Alien cornbined) maLing up Gibraltar's worldorce dropped nom 25.4% in 1965 to 16.2% in 1966. This drop was kgely attriiuted to the los of domestics in private service which had accounted for

10.4%of fernale labour in 1965, but only 1.7% in 1966. The small number of women who remahed in domestic service were largely Spanish wornen who had taken up residence in theh employer's household (AR DLSS, 1965-66:46). By 1967, when the fun effects of the dwindling supply of Spanish Iribour became apparent. an independent financial commissioner who had corne to review Gibraltar's pay structure believed thai "a strong case [enisted] for making ernployment generaily more fmancially lucrative to women"

(Marsh, 1967:lO).

It was estimated ihat in 1967. some 50% ofpuurer familis' inme was spent m foodstufb aime, even though the Government maintsiined close muol over the pnœ of basic neccssities such as butta, eodring tinned mi&, as well as hits and vegeriibles (Bottomley, 1967:4). 3.4.3.6 M'dWomen: A rOrgefy U~lappedWoworce

Wnh the Mcbsure of the border and the 'Manpower Mission Report' of 1969, it was determined that there was a ''hrgely untapped group" of several thousand mdd women who were not worlring because they had children of pre-school age. According to tk report, "opinion [was] very divided about the social desuability of encouraging a hjgher rate of ernployment in this group, but. because of the compactness of the city, the effects upon famiy Me of mothers going out to work need not be as great as they are in other situations* (PR, 1969: 162/69:6). They had uncovered a "panicuiar...reIuctance to provide day nurseries to enable mothers with young children to work, although representatives of the Housewives Guild suggested that a need for such provision

[existed]." and the report supported this perception, though it was felt that the issue was not critical in the directly foreseeable hiture (PR, 1969: l62/69:6).

In his 'new year message' for 1970. Gibraltar's Chief Minister announced the opening of a Govemment Nursery late in 1969; this innovation was Uitended to provide rnarried womea with a much-needed resource to suppon them in their rnove to paid employrnent and the Chief Minister swssed the importance of their ernployment to

Gibraltar's weIi-king (PR 1 Januuy, 1970)." Though innovative, the nursery only accommoâated 20 cWenin its fust year of operation and only a small number of famüies benefited fkom its seNice (AR, N69:3 1).

------" By che larc 1%0$ healib officiais grew mcemed over the fan chat working mo

It meant that if you had a second income. you got a chance to get out of Gibraltar because you were stuck in here 24 hours a day, 365 days a year during the border closure.. .so you had the pressure to work and the advantage that came with it of extra money, but that extra money meant that you could get out and away fiom this pressure of king enclosed...so when the pressure to work kft. you had this sei& imposed desire to work because the money was there.

In order to encourage their development for the workforce. the Oficiaî Employers instituted a 'Career Opponunities for Girls Campaign" with apprenticeships in the mid-

1970s In 1976 they even brought two British women who had apprenticed in dockyards in the United Kingdom to speak to girls and theù parents in Gibraltar (PR,Apd, 1976).

Local feeling on the prospect of Gibraltarian females apprenticing in the Gibraltar

Dockyards. however. was somewhat mked.

In 1981, a brochure for British familes emigrating to Gibraltar. rnainly for the ernployment of the male head of the famüy, advised that there were "pbnty" of ernp1oyment opportunities for wives who wanted to work (WCS. 19815). By 1983. however, witb the down-shg and ultimate pluured closing of the naval dockyard paired with a rising unemployment rate, the prospects had becorne "very much scarcer" for

Bntisb wives; those with training in nursing or teaching. however. could normdiy fhd employment without dEiulty (WCS. 1983:6).

3.4.3.7 Finding Their Own Niche

With the changes in Gibraltar's economy betweea the 1980s and 1990s its growing interest in off-shore banking developments and the reduction in the fonner industriai mainstays of the econorny (shipbuilding and repairing, the port and docks). an

economy is developing which actudy favours fernale Inbous. With Gibraltarian fernales

attracted to clerkal occupations, such as those found in ihe banking industry, and since the

establishment of business-oriented education in Gibraltar, opportunities are now becorning

more widely availabie for white-coilu jobs and careers. Many women are embracing these

opportunities, seeing them as one way to get past the traditional expectations of their role

in the comwity,

1 went into work because 1 didn't want to stay at home, I didn't want my life to end when 1got manied and that is the way 1saw it. 1 love craft. 1 redy do, 1 love embroidery and 1 love making things, but 1 didn't think that 1 would feel fuIfiIled doing that all day.. .and 1 don't Iüre housework.. .I love hahg rny house clean. I like hahg it look pretty, but I'm not the son of woman who loves going into the house cooking and cleaning.

As wornen becorne more trained to accept career-oriented positions. especidy in

financial institutions. it becomes clear that several gender-related issues are not king

adequately addressed. According to Yolanda Ward, a labour union representative,

It is [fernale] wage eaniing which distresses the masculine mind. Let a woman slave in any sweated umrganized labour. and no man is troubled. But once they let us corne into the open market trained and capable - asking that our services be given the usud recognition - Scandalous! Down with women! Make room for a man! (Warâ. 1997:6).

Teachers and other education workers are trying to minimize this gender discrepancy,

however. by ins~uctingwomen on assertiveness in the workplace. a concept unheard of

only a few years back. As one long-time femaie worker put it,

I'm at work and 1 do everything I am told. il 1 have to make a cup of tea, I make a cup of tea and I never cornphin.. .but nowadays. in schooi, they teach you that you do not make cups of tea for your boss unless you redy want to, but nobody's going to come and say 'Cmyou piease make me a cup of tea and you don't have to do it unless you reaily want to do it' .. . and it's a dinerent approach. Girls nowadays. they don't let themselves be bossed about. ..you don't aUow yourseif to be treaded on whereas before you had to look &ter your job because if you left that job, that 's it. you didn't have another job.

And. in fact, this pendulum of precarious employment has swung back. ever shce the border opened in 1985 and foreign hburers, particularly Spaniards, came flooding back to Gibraltar looking for lucrative emplo yment on the 'fat ~ock'.~Women who were once encouraged into the labour force are now competing with foreigners over jo bs which in vuth are really bss than ideaLU One unernployed woman who was constantly going down to the unemployment office comphhed bitterly that,

It's not fair because it's easier to employ a Spanish person because they don't pay tax. it's easier for the employer. It's everywhere you go, you see Spanish people, everywhere you go ... Moroccans 1 don't mind, because they have îived here for lots of years24but Spaniards, they corne here from La Lima and in a few weeks they've already got a job and we live here and we have to be six or seven months waiting for a job and we don' t get anything .. .at Burger King.. .Spaniards, everywhere Spaniards!

Being Young, with monlhly payments on her motor-scooter her only burden, she found that she could cope with the situation in the short-term. The growing levels of unemployment in Gibraitar do, ho wever. have larger impkations for those w ho have fhmiiies to support,

- - " 'la piedra gada', meaning Gibraltu's mae prminent ecmomy, allowing fa ktter pay and working conditions than those available in souihern Spain. Terminology aoni Stewart (1967). 23 The only way thai a non-Gibraltarian is supposed to be able to get employment in Gibraltar is if there is no suitaMy trained Gibraliafian willing to take the position. Many of the bighly sought-akr pitims wirh good pay wilI norxnaüy bc taken either by a Gibraltarian a a citizen of the United Kingdan. a Ma- Labourers began to eaier Gibraliar in kge aumbem ma the border doai, fding the niche aeated by lm Spanish wœlers. 3.4.4.1 The New Cks-Linked lniriative

It is no exaggeration to state that housing conditions in Gibraltar were generaiiy ablysmal pior to World War II. Even as late as 1938 Gibraltar's Medical Officer of Health believed housing conditions were responsible for high rates of infant mortality in the colony fehg that "no community so grossly and insanitariiy overcrowded as this can pretend to protect its infant Ue*' (AR, 1938: 12). Though Ordinances were passed in order to hprove living conditions. they quickly took back seat to the outbreak of World War II and the preparation of the garrison for war (ARH. 1939).

The women who had been evacuated during World War II and spent the war years abroad. particularly in London, experienced the benefits of Me in a modem urban setting.

They quickly mhedhow comparatively lacking Gibraltar was in terms of housing and amenities and, having learned the virtues of outspokenness and assertiveness whilst abroad during the war years. were prepared to make demands for improvements. According to one woman who had been evacuated and repatriated,

[?he women repatriates] were aii different.... we saw lhings through Werent eyes. we were very wary. we'd ken pushed around so much and promised things that never materiaiized and one thing or another that we were not the ingenue people that had left, you know, very naive.. .no longer that.. ..ou eyes were wide open and right, we said we'l make demands for this and that and for housing and this and that and the other.. ..and we were prepared to fight for what was our due which before we had never dom. we had never attempted ....a lot of the women had been on their own most of the the, they'd had to fend for themselves, they'd had to son out their own problems, some of them not speaking the language. ... so they were wekequipped to fàce anything here.. . As these women were graduaiiy repatriated back to Gibraltar. both they and the newly forming body of Gibraitarian poiiticians re-ignited the housing issue. Tkir demands were recognized and a new housing de velo pment SC heme initiated.

Wh& early additions to the Go vernment's housing stock were mainly smaîi-scale constructions or rehrbishment projects owing to a general lack of building space. by the

Me 1960s the Muiistry of Defense begm to relinquish large tracts of reclaimed land for the purpase of civilian housing These parcels of reclaimed land became home to sprawüng housing estates. a signifcant architectural change from pre-war 'patio' housing (see Sawchuk, 1993. 1996). Life in these housing estates would signify the end of a comrnunai style of living characteristic of patio iiving , where both washroorns and kitchens were shared by multiple families. while retaining an overaii 'crowded' aura with about 300 people per acre of land. Accordhg to Danby (1977), the tradition of high density linng was ingrained in Gibraltar and other Meditenanean towns and was, as a result, more socially acceptable thiui in the U. K.

3.4.4.2 The Housing Waiting LLrr

Early on in the housing development scherne it became apparent that the

Govemment had to corne to ternis with how any new or refurbished housing units were to be abcated. Much of the confusion over housing allocation stemrned &om the fact that the majoniy of Gibraltarians had only been housed in temporary premises following the wu(AR, 1948). The Government decided early on that allocation should be "based on points ha* regard to Gibraltari;ui status, length of residence in Gibraltar prior to the evacuaîion, degree of overcrowding in present accommodation and displacement fiom premises occupied prior to evacuation" (AR. 1948:24). 0thfactors also taken into xcount included "rent paying capacity. certilied cases of tu berculosis, and previous service with the armed forces*'(AR, 1948:25). Ingrams (1949: 180) describes these as basic points (overcrowding. Shedth) and buiuncing points (length of residence. military service).

Since the hovsing waithg list persists io today, it is obvious that periodic modifications to the points system were necessary, noubly as World War II became more of an histork event. A copy of a more recent points schedule can be found in Appendix 1.

White many factors remah constant, such as the aliocation of points for Gibraltarian status and degree of overcrowding. there are mmy new means by which points cm be accrued, mch as opposite-sexed children sharing the sme bedroom, and living under emotionai duress. Tbis latter addition became important as marital separarions and divorce began to rise. and especially saiient for women who were suffering f?om domestic violence.26 One young woman who craved her own accornmodation adrnitted that she hop& to convince ber parents to go down to the housing office and cornplain that they wanted her out of the bouse. ihat they could not stand her being there any longer.

Married couples also eamed more points than single applicants. The Governrnent clearly recogaized that the housing shortiige was particuiarly burdensome for newlyweds.

Orie swey pubkhed in 1960 reported that it would "te a very long time before yonng married couples [could] hope to obtain reasonable accommodation at a moderate rent"

The Military had a long histay with land reclmation, using this technique of building up the ccmstal sea flair to accommodate an airplane lmding svip during Wortd War Xi. Aomding COm woman, *Danatic violence bas dways kwi pashed under the carpet in Gibaltar... the Gibraliarian wanan dwop tends to go W...inthe UK,yai split up, yw have to move on. yai movt away.. mer here you're stuck witb the same problem." (Surriûge, 1960:38). In many cases, as newly married couples with or without growing faniiliw bided tbeir time on the waiting kt. they lived in parental homes.

3.4.43 A New Stmtegy

As ywng Gibraltarian couples coped with the housing shonage and the waiting iist, a peculiar maritai 'strategy' emerged. Though Gibraltar is a highly religious community, some couples opted to marry by a civil ceremony held at the Govemment's

Registry Onice. This then aiiowed them to apply for housing as a married couple thereby eaniirig more points and bumping them ahead of 'single' appücants. These couples did not gedyrecognh themselves as 'married'. however, until they were later united in a reügious ceremony. The civii mdgesimply allowed them to ge t on the housing ht eariier and begin accumuhting housing points prior to their 'real' marriage before God.

Che woman recalled that when she and her paner met with a priest to make arrangements for theu wedding, he asked them if they had already had a civü ceremony and was pleased when they responded that they had not. Presumably. the concem from a reügious standpoint is that civiily-married couples may feel chat they have greater sexual kense mnprior to the religious ceremony.

nie shortage of housing and the tradition of extended farnily households persirted koughout the border closure and weîi into the early 1980s. Even when the border opened Myin 1985, however. Gibraltarians were les likely to drift to the vast housing oppornniities thai were avaiîable in the Spanish hinterland though this had been the case prior to the barder closing. There were a number of reasons why this shin had occurred.

Fim, for the young Gibraltarians growing up during the years of the border closure, no nanaal aniliation had beea estabüshed with neighbou~gSpain. In effect, it represented a very fo&p country to this generation of Gibralcarians. Second, though Spain had apened tbe fiontw. it continued a number of tactics to aggravate Gibraliarians and theû local economy. including maintainhg extensive queues at the border." This served to distance the possibility of estabkhing a positive relationship between the two counuies.

Tixkd, Gibraltarian couples with chiidren were especially hesitant to take up residence in

Spain since access to local govement-hinded education is contingent on residence in

Gibraltar (Government of Gibraltar. 199 1).

3.4.4.4 Setling Our Sights On Home Ownersirip

The reai break-through in Gibraltar's housing crisis occurred with the major land reclamation of the late 1980s. Fueled by the previous successes of using land reciairned by the mWry for housing purposes. local govemment initiative spearheaded a campaign to increase Gibraltar's geographicd size even further. By 1991 land reclamation projects had increased Gi'braltar's physical size by one-sixth (Govemment of Gibraltar, 199 1). Aside fhm developing its own housing stock on the new land which emerged, the Government

œ also supported construction by private developers. It was around this tirne that the concept of home-ownership caught on in Gibraltar. In 1985. the Goverment had opted to begin selling off some of its housing stock to Gibraitarians who were either on the housîng waiting list or who were eligible to apply for Governent housing (PR, l98~D/85).~

" This, m additim to turning away vebides wbich did net meet witb daily&fined 'safety rrquirements*, rirb as carrgiag rubbcr gloves cm bavd The quarr can last for hm;amtroversy was racaitly ignited when a Spa~ishman waiting at kngh in a summer queue suffered a heart attack. A peviag rbeme bad betm offered in 1979 kit Uled miserably in its attanp ta encourage hune- oumersbip. One of the major setbedcs in the fint huncb of the scheme was a condition of sale tbat other manbers d ihe pirrbaser's househdâ, including sons and ckughtas, cwld not apply fa Govemment When considering tenders for development in Gibraltar the Government was

arefiil to take "into consideration the impact on the housing situation in Gibraltar. not

only in temis of the number and type of dwehgs proposed, but also in respect of the

Iowa seiîing pricesW(PR, l98S:77/85). Lo wer seiiing prices were necessary to ensure

bolh îksucces of the Home Ownership Scheme, given the fact that Govemment-rented

aats tended to be highly subsidised, and to "ensure that the chances of applicants.. .should

mt be detemhed exclusively on their eming capacity" (PR,1986: 140/86). The

Govenaent even went so far as to offer a 50/50 scheme for housing purchases, where the

pwhaser is responsible for 50%of the cost. while the Govemment absorbs the other half

of tfie coa

3.44.5 The Midde CbsHome Ownemhip Ideal

'Ibe concept of home ownership appeals mainiy to rniddle class Gibraltarians, with

thor in bwer incorne brackets remaining dependent on Government-rented bts and the

houshg waiting W." Higher class Gibraltarians had apparently always been able to fend

for ibemselves, irrespective of Governrnent incentives iike the 50/50 scheme. As a result, middk clacs material valws have shifted somewhat in recent years to embrace the concept of 'mortgages'. and this SMhas had subsequent implications for personai goals, including women's employment. Whüe once thought of as a benefit to the household income, rnamed women's employment is now almost seen as a necessity,

When my mother had us, she didn't work anymore but then in those days they didn't bave any mortgages, they didn't have any commitments, there was no insurance in atmam* until ten years aAa the date of sale (PR, 1979: lO9#9). This ClearIy pfaced the famiiy of any purchaser at a disadwtage fa establishing an independent housebold. ~910 a 'küu to tbe Edita' dane of Gibnlds lYga newspapers, 'B. Fair' was "surprised COhm.. .of Ibt numbez dpaple wbo are still m the Government housing list" (Panorama, 1997)- those days, whereas now you have more financial commiunenu, reaUy, so people with mortgages can't &rd not to work.

And when a middk-clas woman may have once opted not to go back to work after she kgan cWbearing, th&, too, has changed.

Now in Gibraltar there's been a lot of new building, a lot of new home ownership, so not only are the new mums worbg, and therefore facing having to go back to work, but their own mothers are perhaps still young enough where ihey're working sa they can't easiiy take time off. Mothers now go back to work and they put their babies either with extended family or there has been a great rise in the number of nurseries that take babies and very young babies.

The wide avaüabiity of houses for purchase and the fmancial incentives offered by the

Govermnent have also brought a new and innovative concept to Gibraltar: the single- person household After years of working and savhg, one young woman purchased her own flat m the 50/50 scheme feeüng that she had reached an age when she needed her independeme. As a result, there is a growing temptation arnong women to seek their independence, no longer lhrough mamage, but through employrnent.

Just because the opportunity for independent households is now avadable for

Gibraltarians, however, it does not mean that ail are attracted to the proposition. This woman des- the problem she faced once she and her husbamî were manied,

We got an apartment and my husband didn't want to live h it, he wanted to üve in his parent's house but 1 said 1 wasn't going to live in his parent's house.. .[that's] Gikaltarian.. .now that I'm a mother and 1 can see how much you love your kids, but you reaiïy do. it's Wre a passion.. .but obviously at some point the kiâs grow up, you have to kt go.. .everyone has problems witb their parents. their parents can't let go but in Gibraltar, it's not that they cm 't, they just don 't let go.

Whereas this Gi- rnother had other intentions when she sensed that her adult children did not really want to leave the house, We've been living with my parents ail our [mmied] Me. 1 would always have loved to be able to live on my own and that's why I insist lhat my children live on thei own when they get married because even though we don? hterfere with what they do. it's very nice to be able to live on your own and share your life with somebody.. .much better than living with your parents.

3.43 MotcrnUp Services: The Nature of Anle-Na&l Cure

Both the availability and accessibiüty of matemity services represent important

'enviromntai' components determinhg the relative success of pregnancies. Owing to the significance of this factor, this section on community characteristics would not be complete without some discussion of the nature of maternity care avaüable in the community.

In 1921 GibraItar established its fkst hospitai-based matemity department. By

1936, over one-third of the total number of births in GibraItar occurred in St. Bernard's

Hospital despite earkr "prophecies of faiiure which attended the initiation of [the] seNice" (ARH. 1936: 1 1). By 1964, with a complement of 15 beds and 2 labour rooms.

96 percent of babies were bom in St. Bernard's matemity ward. aüuding to the increasing

"social acceptance of not having babies at home" (AM. 1964:ix). The trend towards the hospbhation of birihs was cornplete by 197 1 (AR DMHS, 197 1).

In the 1960s. ante-natal clinrs were offered in the Out-Patient Department of the hosphi, and by 1963, midwives were seeing between 60 to 80 pregnant women per week

(AR& 1963). Women did not need referrak to attend the ante-natal clinics and they were not required to pay for the service (AR MD, 1965). One of Gibraitar's first paediatricians.

Lh. Triay (19603). supported the ante-natal clinrs bekving that.

[C]ontrary to wht many people beüeve, the frst months of pregnancy are very important. and it is just the the when the litile organs of [the] baby are king fonned. and it is important.. .[that] .. .nutrition be supervised and that [mothers] shodd avoid infections and poisons such as certain dmgs iike alcohol nicotine nom tobacco smoking, etc.

Ante-natal clinics continue to operate out of the hospital. though rnidwives now hold the cWsin the maternity ward. Women who are either Gibraltarian by birth or by marriage are entitfed to free care.

An innovative obsteincian workuig in the rnatemity ward in the 1970s thought it important to begip encouraging husbands into the delivery room and by 1979 the majority were in attendaire of theù wives' labour (AR DMHS, 1979). Most women are pleased that they can share the biiof their children with their paruiers, aîthough there is the occasional fa- who U uneasy in the delivery room.

He was with me the whok the.. .yeah.. .aiï the th.but 1 don? know that he was a help ... 1doa't know. You see ail these things that I'd imagined him sort of. ..he was nervous and he couldn' t handle it, and he was saying 'ssshhh,' I*msaying 'sicsh? sush? how cm you say sush?' because I'm going '1 cm 't...*, my husband's going 'ssshhh. ssshhh. they're going to hear you,' I'm so annoyed.. .he doesn't understand of course, but I'm just so annoyed that he's teiiing me to 'sush'.

Parmers are also encouraged by the midwives to attend the ante-natal clinics, especially for routine ultrasounds.

OMng to Gibraitar's srnd size and the fact that St. Bernard's is centraiiy-located, there are very few hindrances to accessing quaiity ante-natal care. Women know that there ir ahways at least one midwife on duty at the hospital who can, at the very least, be reached by telephone in an emergency. Funhermore, since a large number of the midwives are either Gibraltarian. married to Gibraltarians, or long-terni residents in

Gïtar, they are very welGknown to the pregnant women seelring their services. Many of the midwives admitted that it was not uncornmon for them to be sought aller outside of the hospita&whüe grocery-shopping at the local supermarket, for example.

You go down to do your shopping in Safeways, you're with your husband, and this kdy starts describing her discharge. a greeny discharge, and your husband's face goes as green as the discharge was.. .they get to how you so weil that they've got that initiative to tell you theu problerns, even when you're off-duty.. .or maybe you're at the beach and you're surrounded by al1 these pregnant ladies.. .but 1 don' t mind it as long as my husband is not around because the faces he pulls.. .

The geaerai consensus was that the midwives appreciated the rapport they were able to establish with each of the women they helped through the ante-natal period and delivery.

On a personal level, a certain sense of satisfaction was gamered from seeing the chiidren they delivered growing up in the community.

Given the fact that matemity case is fkee, the hospital is very accessible, and the midwives are always available, it is unWtely that a local woman WUnot have adequate care during her pregnancy. The very salient impact of ante-natal care in preventing adverse pregnancy outcornes has been discussed elsewhere (Elster, 1984; Rutter and

Quine, 1990; SchoiI et aL, 1994).

Before concluding this section. it is important to mention that abonions are not, and never bave been, accessible in Gibraltar. This fact increases the potentiai 'cos&' of non-conjugal sex immensely. Although obstetric seMces are avaiiable in nearby Spain. the border dosure would have effectively removed this option for women. Accessing services in England or Morocco is another option. but one which is for the most part limited to weaithier famiües. Adoptions are very rare in Gibraltar. thoug h there are many nimüies on a waiting list to receive a cNd. Owing to the smaiî size of the community, pMng children up for adoption is not perceived favourably among local women since they would know who their chiid was and would watch him/her growing up in ano tkr person's household. Given the unavailability of these traditional methods of CO ping with an mwedpregnancy, Gibraltarian women clearly have few options but to becorne mothers if they get pregnant. Chapter 4 Materials and Methods

Tsaliitional family reconstitution techniques (see Knodel. J.E.. 1988; Willigan and

Lynch, 1982) were used to consinict a robust data set for the analysis of changes in demographic. sociai, and health parameters at f~stbirth over the tirne period from 1960 to

1996. Three field seasow in Gibraltar (June 1993. March-April 1995. July-August 1997) mdedthe opportunity to coiiect information on fkst binhs fiom three dinerent sources:

St. Bernard Hospital's Matemity De partment Births Registry, the Gibraltar Govemment 's

Registry of Births, and the Gibraltar Governrnent's Registry of Marriages.

Database construction kgan in the Matemity Department wkre information pataining to all binhs to primigravid (f~stbbirth and no O bstetric history of misc~ges, stdlbirths, or abortion) women was entered into a fde created in Paradox v4.0, a relational database software package. Information o btained from the matemity registry is listed in

Table 4.1.

Tabk 4.1 Information ObtuinedDerivedfm the Matemiry Registry I . mother's MMG infont's gestational uge ut birth morher's age infant binhweight . dmc of infmt 's birth sex of the infmt . type 4 infmt feeding ut discharge position of infmt ut deliveq . deliverer (midMfe, obstetticim) type of delivery . infant's discharge &te remarks (e.g., nuin, stiflbirth, neonutal death) Ushg mother's narne and the date of her child's birth, the fk was subsequently linlred to the Gibraltar Govemrnent's Births Registry. New information coiiected hom this source

(bted in Table 4.2. see Figure 4.1) was added to the database.

Table 4.2 lnfonnatiort Obtained/Derivedfromthe Gibraltar Governmerit 's Births Registry I I infmt'snnm ' - Iype of relutiomhip between purenü: . infunt's father's ruune mam'ed . father 's occupation unrnarried and living together . mother 's occupation - unmam'ed and living apart . pliace of residence - no futher listed fother 's birrhplace . nother's binhplace

The! "type of rehtionship between parents" of the infant was determined by the column in wbkh parents are required to sign the registry to cerw the entry. A married couple was indicated where both father and mother were registered and only one parent signed.

Unmarried parenting couples were identifîed where both mother and father were registered but both signed. Since both signatures were accompanied by a listing of each of the parent's current residence, it was possible to iden@ which unrnarried couples were cohabiting and which were living in separate households. There were additional cases where no father was registered and only the infant's mother signed the registry. These represented the tnily "single" mothers who had no desire to recognize the pateniity of their children.

Though mother's occupation is listed in Table 4.2, this colurnn was oniy added to the repistry in 1995. as the registrar at the time chose to follow changes which had ken

adopted in the British system of births registration. With the exception of a handhil of

cases, thenfore. it is impossibie to classa the majority of mothers' occupations at the

biiof their first children; as a result. occupational ciassification relies solely on the

uitaat's father's occupation at the thne of the birth. "Single" mothers, by Wtue of not

registering the baby's father. were impossible to classify by occu patio a.

For those couph who were determhed ro have been manied at the binh of their

nrst chiid. an additional linkage was made with the Gibraltar Govemnt's Mdge

Registry. Searches in the alphabeticaily arranged 'card index of marriages' were made

ushg the husband's sumarne and given name and matches were confïrrned by the wifefe's

name and age. In cases where nmes mutated (i.e., a mo ther registered her fomd given

name in the mmiage registry, but her common name in the birth registry), age

cornparisons took on a heightened importance. Information cokted from the

Government's marriage registry is iisted in Table 4.3 (see Figure 4.2).

Table 4.3 Information Obtainedfrom the Gibraltar Govemment 's Mam'age Registry I 1 . dote of mamage . husband 's father 's stutus (present, absent) . htlsbd's / wifc 's age or morriage wafe 's father 's statw (present, &sent) ' . hwbond's / wife 's muriml st.at . place of marnkage: mMiage Govemmnt regisny office . husbd's / wi' 's occupation ut Roman Catholic cathedral mamoge kwisli synagogue - husband'ykife's residrnce prier to Protestant church ??lamage

Once database cohu~ictionwas completed. the Paradox file was exponed to the statistics

software program SPSS v7.5 for coding and statistical analysîs.

4.2 Methods

4.2.1 Sample Selectioa

Aii first births which occurred in the civüian hospital were initiaiiy included in the database. In order to examine patterns in f~stbirths over tirne, a sample spanning 1960 through 1996 was chosen. This 37-year the fiame overlaps with many signincant social. politicai, and economic developments in Gibraltar's recent history, deterrnined in large meme by the 15-year border closure between Spain and Gibraltar which was in full effect by 1969 and oficially ended in 1985. In order to capture some of the implications inspired by these changes, a series of five 'birth cohorts' were defmed pivothg around the border closure (Table 4.4).

Table 4.4 Birîh Cohort Definition

Cohon 1...... 1960- 1969...... pre-buder chsure Cohort 2...... 1969- 1976...... early border closure Cohort 3...... 1979- 1985...... fute border closure Cohort 4...... 1985- 1990...... eady border opening Cohort 5.. ...*..199 1 - 1996...... late border opening

Though the Gibraltar/Spanish border closed fuiiy on 27 June, 1969, rather than designating a sudden cut-off, only births occurring after 27 October, 1969 have ken placed in Birth Cohon 2. This will prevent women who conceived and carrkd their chüd to at least four months in the pre-closure environment fkom king classified as a post- closure confinement. Based on the sarne logic, though the border opened fully on 5

Febniary, 1985, only women who gave birth after 5 June, 1985 were classiflld as a post- opening confinement. A saall numbet of bnths which occurred between 24 ûctober, 1976 and 1 May,

1979 were lost to observation owing to a volume of the matemity register which was unavailabie during the fuial period of f~ldworkin Gibraltar. With this exception, a total of

4779 infant biita primigravid women occurred between the years 1960 and 1996 in St.

Bernard's Hospitaî, Gibraltar. Given the alrnost complete lack of home births in ihis the-

Bame. this dataset of fist births is highly representative of the entire community with Little opportuniîy for sampüng biirs concems in the interpretation of the results. Since only singleton, livebirths were considered in the analyses on gestational length. birthweight and intant feeding. however. a subset of fust bbirths were removed fiom the database. A total

0196 twin infants (Le., 48 sets of twins) and 33 stillbirths were removed frorn analysis.

The number of births in the sample was thus reduced to 4650. with the removal of twins and stillbnths accounting for a 2.7% loss of the original number.

There was an additional 20 births in the matemity registry which could not be located in the Govemment's births registry. This loss was incuned by registry pages whkh were mistakenly not photographeci in the mkrofilming of the registers. Owing to the lack of marital and socioeconomic information on the parents of these infants, these 20 births were exchided fiom the database. Based on occupational information derived fiom the govenunent birth registry, there was an additional (and mere) 6 fathers who were not employed at the time of theh chitd's binh. Since adequate statistical control would not be possible with respect to occupational effects of this 'unemployed' group, these 6 cases were removed These 26 cases with missing information account for a 0.6% loss to the previous total of 4650 singleton îiveborn infants. ln order to satisfy the research objectives addressing maiital status at the time of conception. fûrther truncation of the sample was necessary based on three sample requirements Fit, since ali couples had to be married by the tirne of their chiid's birth,

219 unmamied cohabiting couples, 63 unmanled non-cohabiting couples, and 140 single mothers were excluded. Second, in order to determine Wtal status at the tirne of first conception two identifjing factors were required. rnamiage regis~ationand the gestationai age of the infant at birth. There were, as a result. 426 binhs removed from the sample because parents were married outside of Gibraltar (thus date of marriage could not be detemiined), and another 80 births were removed because gestationai age was not recorded in the rnaternity register." Third, since the focus of this research is on

Gibrabiam. oniy births where at least one of the parents is Gibraltarian are included in analysk There was a total of 41 1 births excluded because neither mother nor father was

Gibraltariiin. Upon fùifiilling these requirements the working sample size is now 3285 tirst b9tbs. or 7 1 % of the original sample of 4650 singleton livebom infants. This reduction in sample size. due in part to sampie requirements and in pan to an inability to track some couples back to mmiage, is modest when compared to los rates for other studies using record mage techniques.

30 Oftbe 506 manied couples who were Iost to observation in this section, 57.5% (n=291) were non- GihaliarLn coupta 11.9% (ad) were Gibraliarian amples, and 30.6% (n=i55) were Gibaliarian/am- GiMtarim couples. 'Ibe lost couptes were friirly evenly distributed over tirne, with 21.7% (n=l IO), 19.8% (n=100), 12.6% (n=64), 20.296 (n=102), and 25.7% (n=130) dibe 506 &an cohats 1 lbrough 5, respeaively. This emphasizes the fact thar bose cases Iost to observation were na inordinately clmped a mer-represented in any one cobort. Dependent VOricbIes

M&I Stoas at Conception

The detemination of the marital status of parents at the the of the conception of the2 first child entailed calculatiow based on the date of the couple's marriage, the binh date of their frst child. and the gestationai age of their fist chiid at birth. Using the follawhg fomu~the interval between marriage and fmt birth was calculated whüe talcing into account the infant's length of gestation:

[(birth date - marriage date)-(gestation*7)]/30

Sbethe calculated difference between birth date and rnarriage date was measured in days, gestation. normaiiy reported in the number of weeks foilowing the pregnant woman's iast menstrual period. was multiplied by seven to convert this rneasure into days.

The interval was then converted 6rom days to months by dividing the interval by a standard of 30 days. Shply taking the interval between birth date and marriage date without adjusting for the gestational age of the infant may result in incorrect classirications since, for example, a couple that conceives shonly after marriage and produces a 7-month prernature child would be rnisclassitied as premarital conceivers. A positive value yielded m this calculation indicated that the couple was married prior to the wife's last mensmal period markllig her hst conception. A negative value indicated a premarital conception. with the speciûc value indicating the length of the between the mother's last menstrual period and her sukquent mmiage. Any woman who had her tirst child within 8 months of marriage, after taLing into account Uifant's gestational age, was cW~das a prernarital conceiver. Since gestational age was availÿble in the current study. this measure of marital status at conception is süghtly les conservative than Parnell.

Swicegood. and Stevens' (1994) 7-month and Russeii's (1994) 5-month cutoff, yet it does aUow for a one-month window of errot.

Premolurilg

niis dependent or outcome variable was measured as a dichotomous variable

(prernaturdtem birth). In his me ta-andysis of birthweight studies. Krarner ( 1987) found varying definitions of premature/term deliveries problematic. This study follows his suggestion in definhg a premature delivery as any birth which occurs under 37 weeks of gestation Conversely, a term binh is c harac terized as any delivery occurring at gestational ages of 37 weeks and over.

Loi* Bùîhweight

Simüar to gestational age, birthweight is rneasured as a dichotomous variable (low birthweighthot low birthweight). In keeping with Kramer's (1987) recomrnendation, only mfmts bom at 37 weeks or over were included in the logistic regression mode1 predicthg full-term low birthweight. uicluding premature infants in this anaiysis would produce results whkh are hatd to interpret since the lower birthweight associated with prematurity would not be a measuring of intrauterine growth remdation (WGR). The üghter

ôiiweights arsociated with truncated gestation among premature infants is a fûnction of their sborter gestation and not as a result of stunted growth per se. FoUowing Kramer's

(1987) recommended standardizaion of low birthweight studies, any term infant weighing less than 2500 grams at birth is considered low binhweight. It should be noted. however, that there are those who argue that more population-specür standards of Iow birthweight

shouid be appkd in general practice (Wiiox and Russell 1990).

Infanî FeUlhg

The type of infant feeding practiced by the infant's mother at the time of hospital

discharge has been constructed as a dichotomous variable: exclusive breast-federslnot

exclusive breast-feeden. The group of non-breast-feeders indiides those women using

only formula feeds as well as wornen ernploying a combination of breast-feeding and

fomuîa feeds"

Defut irions of Independent Varirrbles

1 Variable De finition Moümx's age Depending on amiysis: Wfe's age categOncal": O = 48, 1 = 18-23,2 = 24-29'3 = 30 & over Husband' s age Continuous: age, age4 (as a quadratic)

Parents' birthplace Categorical: O = both Gibraltarian 1 = mdfier Gibraltarian, father not Gibraîtiuian 2 = father Gibraltarian, mother not Gibraitarian

Fatfier's occupation Depenûing on analysis: Ca tegarical (adapted from EGI scheme)" 1 = higher grade professional 2 = lower grade professional 3 = higher grade non-manual 4 = lower grade non-manual 5 = skiiied manual 6 = unskiued manual Dichdorny : O = professional and non-mnual pda 1 = mnud grades

" Wib care personnel suggesteû bat wmnm who practiceà ambinatim feeding were Wrely to ni.crmtinue breasi-fœding shcirtly after lbeir discharge frm the hospital. Cutoff base-cm hellet ai.'s (1994) assenioa cbat by age 17 to 18. pcbs are ac a cr06stoads in their lives; in Gibraltar. 17 is the highest school-leaving age prior to posi-seconâary educatim. Wife's occupatim Depending on analysis: Categorical (adaptecl from EGI SC-) 1 = higher gmde professiml 2 = lower grade professional 3 = higher grade non-manual 4 = Iowa grade non-manual 5 = skilled manual 6 = unskiiled manual 7 = student 8 = not emptoyed Dichotom y: O = employed 1 = mt employed

Sex d the infant

Husband's iather's status Dic hotomy : Wife's fatber's status O = present at the wmng 1 = mt present at the wedding

Husband's marital status Dichoiomy: Wife's marital status O = bachelor / spinster 1 = previous mage(divorced, annulleci, widowed)

Living Arrangeûients Dicfatomy: O = m living togew before marriage 1 = living toge- before rnarriage

Husbgndlwife age differeiice Contjnuous (husbanâ's age - wife's age) intaval: conception to Depending on analysis: marriage Continuous: [(birthdate - rnarriage date)-(gestationYI)]/30 (premarital coaceivas) Categorical: O = 1-3 monibs, 1 = 4-6 months, 2 = 7-9 mnths

Conünuais: [(binMate - marriage date)-(gestati0arl)~O

Marriage Caemoay Dic hotomy: O = civil &a& 1 = religious rwriage

33 SeScc and Gddthorpe (1992) and Cavelaars et al. (1998). This scheme reduced kmoriginal nmber of catcgories sina Gikaltar bas a relatively more limited occupaticmal diverjity - e.g.. no agriculture. 43 A118tysfs

4.3.1 Descriptive Stkaîilstics

Analysis begins witb a descriptive evdurtion of changes in childbea~gfor the general

population, marital conceiven, and prernarital conceivers over each of the five defined

binh cohorts. Associations between categorical variables are assessed with Pearson chi-

square contingency tables in combination with adjusted standardized residuals. When the

overail chi-square is significant, adjusted stardardized residuals indicate which groups in

tbe chi-square are exerting the greatest influence leading to signifcance and the direction

of that enect.

Cornparisons of conünuous variables, notably in age comparisons, assessed mean value

ciifferences using eiiher Student's t-test or one-way anaiysis of variance. Student's t-test is Iimïted to cornparisons of means between two discreet categories. Where mean values for more thao two categories are king cornpared, one-way analysis of variance is employed (for reasoning see Zar. 1984). Since there are no a priori assurnptions about changes in mean values over the, a pst-hoc mode1 is constructed.

4.32 MuMvLYiqte Slatistics

Logistif regression is a multivarhie statistical technique similar to linear regression, excep that the dependent variable is a dichotomous factor (see, Glantz and

Slinker, 1990; Hosmer and Lemeshow, 1989, Nom&. 1983, Zar. 1984). Discreie logistic regression modelî wül be develo ped to assess w hat characteristics are most associated with conceiving a fxst birth out of wedlock. hnving a low birthweight infant, having a premature infant. and adopting artificid feeding techniques. Assessrnent of the effects of selected independent variables on a given outcome

(dependent variable) is based on the significance of those factors in the overaii mode1 and their associated odds ratios. The concept of 'odds' should not be confùsed with

'probability.' The 'odds' of an event (alternative forms of the dependent variable) occurrgig is calculated as the probability of an event occurring relative to (divided by) the probability of the same event not occunhg. When the probability of the event occhg is greater than the probability of the event not occurring, the overall odds of that event occurring are greater than 1.

Ln estlmating the impact of a factor on the odds of an event (alternative outcornes for the dependent variable) occming, logistic regression constructs an 'odds ratio'. where the relative odds of different forms of the factor are assessed for their effects on the dependent variable. Since the odds ratio is a relative measure. one state of the factor under examination is selected as the referent group to which ali odds of other States of that factor are gauged

4.4 Data Limitations and Methodologieal Advantagos

When addressing changes in marital status over the it is essentiai to keep in rnind that the sarnple is oniy addressing marital behaviour amongst women having their fîrst birth in any one of the five cohorts. The results Born this analysis cannot be generalized to women at higher parities, nor the marital behaviour of women as a whole in Gibraltar. in

0thwords, age at fîrst rnarrjage. and the nurnber of women remaining single yet living with their partners may be more or less prevalent in the latter two groups relative to the group of women having their fust cchd. A discussion on overall changing maritai behavbu amongst Gibraltarians up untii the the of the border re-openhg can be found in

Sawchuk (1992).

The second notable caveat in this study surrounds the research design as a retrospective study. Each of the variables coiiected nom each of the three data sources remsent information which was routinely coiiected in each of the registers. This resulted in an inability to control for many of the factors known to be associated with some of the snidy's outcome measures, biological outcomes in particular. For exarnple, matenial height, pre-pregnancy weight. weight gain during pregnancy, matemal smoking, and nutrition bave aii ken found to influence Mant birthweight (Kramer. 1987). In analyzing the data it is impossible to control for these factors since they were not recorded in the sources available.

Tkre are several advantages underxo~gretrospective study designs and these are ou-d by Liîienfeld and Stoiley (1994). Fust, data can be coiiected relatively quickly for long tirne spans thus aiiowing for adequate observation of rare conditions. Because

Gibraltar has les than 30.000 inhabitants, only a fraction of whom are child-bearing women, and bill-term low birthweight and prematurity tend to occur in low fiequencies, any the span Iess than the 37 years selected for this study would not have provided adequate statistical power. Second, by virtue of the nature of retrospective studies, shating temporal trends in the frequencies of selected birth and feeding outcomes cm be assessed while the impact of a number of risk factors is taken into account. Fmdy, this type of study tends to be less expensive than prospective studies and does not require the use of study or test subpcts. Chapter 5 Results

Overail sociodemographic characteristics of the sample at first child's birth are presented in Table 5.1. Variation in the hquency of first births in each of the cohorts is

îargely a hction of vanations in the length of each of the birth cohorts. Ume subsequent cohorts. the preîlosure birth CO hon (1960-69) represents close to ten years of bisand therefore accounts for slightly more of the overaîi sample. Since cohort cornparisons are standardized as proportions (percents) and mean values. these variations m cohort size are inconsequential for analpis and interpretation.

The majority of fwst births in the sample occur in the 18 to 23 age group (49.2%). followed by the 24 to 29 age group (36.8%). Peripheral age groups are nonetheless we& represented in the sample with 5.9 percent and 8.1 percent of mothers habg their first chiid at ages under 18 and over 30, respectively. Gibraitarian mothers are highly represented in the sample (79.5 percent of mothers), distantiy foiiowed by Spanish and

English malring up an additionai 9.3 and 8.8 percent of the sample. The pooled group of

"othercountriesTT contributes 78 mothers to the overail sample. A similar distribution of biplaces is obsemed among fathers. though English fathers marrying into the community are more common than Spanish fathers manying into the community. When parents' Wpiace is combined, 62 percent of the sample is represented by Gibraltarian couples. Of the remaining cases, 2 1 percent of couples represent a Gibraltarian father with a non-Gibraltarian mother and 18 percent of couples represent a Gibraltanûn mother wiîh a non-Giùraltarian father. Table 5.1 ûverall Saiiodewwgraphic Sample Characteristics of Couples ut 1' Birth Soeiodmiographic Samplc Cb;iraaaisiics n Percent

Motba's age (at fmt Fi) under 18 18to23 Ut029 30 and ova

Maber's B'iplace GiMtat Spain England %ha" anmmcs

Parent's Birtbplace both moiha and tathu Gibraltarian mothcr Gibraltarian, htber na Gibraltarian fàibes Gibraltarian, mother naGibraltarian

Fatha's Oecupational Classification higher grade professional Iowa grade professicmal bigba gr* nori-manual lower grade non-manuai skilled manuai unskilled manuai smht Father's occupational classification reveals that oniy a minority of fathers occupy professional positions. wit h bo th higher grade and Io wer grade pro fessionais accounting for just under 9 percent of the sample. The mabrity of fathers occupy manual positions

(49.3 percent of the sarnple), foiiowed by the remaining group of non-manual positions

(41.8 percent of the sarnpie). The under-representation of professionals is not unexpected given the ktthat rnany first parenting couples are at the beginning stages of adulthood and career development. Between 1960 and 1996 only 1 1 fathers registered themselves as

'students' at the time of the~child's birth.

Though di of the couples in the sample were mMed at the the of their first chiid's bWonly 80 percent (n=2612) of the couples were married at the tirne they conceived their first CUThe remaliuig 672 couples (20%)were not married at conception, but did marry a&sorne point in the interval between conception and the ultimate birth of their child. Bourgeois-Pichat (1986) would classe their rnarriages as

"dependentrnarriages" where the union foliows the conception of the child.

Table 5.2 provides a summary of sample characteristics with information denved nom the Govemrnent marriage registry. On average, women in the sample married as

21.38 years of age (s-d. 3.72). The majority of women married in the 18 to 23 age group

(67%).followed by the 24 to 29 age group (18%). Another 364 women (1 1%) were marrkd before then 18' birthday. whik 118 women (4%)were aged 30 and over.

Oves the distribution clearly favours marriage at younger aga. Husbands were siightly older at rnarriage. averaging 24.24 years of age (s.d. 4.38). Ahost haif of the males were marrkd between 18 to 23 years of age. Another 38% of males waited und the 24 to 29 age group. whîle the 30 and over age group accounted for 11% of the mamiages. Only Wh's fotbcr's statu at ber marriage phsent absent (ckœada ochcrwise adackuowledgcd)

HubiiiJd's fatber's shtus at bis marriage ment absent (dtcccibcd a otbcmisc not acknowtedged)

Wifc's occupatiai at marriage bigber grade profcssiood Iower grade professicmal bighcr grade am-maauai lower gMdc nm-mmual skiIlcd manual unskiiitd manuai rtudeot pot wœking 1.4% of men m-d under 18 years of age, a sharp contrast to the 11% of females who rnarried at these younger ages. Relative to wives, husbands' age distribution favours marriage at older ages

The majorïty of both wives and husbands were spinsters (99.5%) and bachelors

(97.4 %) at the time of mariage. These high levels are probably the result of a number of factors. niese couples who go on to produce their Fust child together are probably at eark stages in kirlife cycle relative to the larger population and, as a result, have had iess experience with prior marriages and the possibüity of losing a spouse io death. The majonty of wives (89%) and husbands (86%)registered their fathers at the time of their marriage. In the rnajotity of unions. therefore, fathers are to some extent involved in the lives of th& sons and daughters. Those not registering a father may have lost him through death or they may corne from single-parenting households.

The rnajorïty of wives (73%) were employed at the the of their marriage. OP those employed, very few women, les than 3%. held professional occupations. Most women (63%) were employed in non-manual occupations. particularly lower grade non- manual occupations. workhg as clerks and shop assistants. Just under 8% of working women held manual occupations. as dornestics in particular. at the the of marriage. Of those not working. there is a small nurnber of women (2%) who registered as students at the thne of marriage. nie remaining 26% of women were not employed at the thne of marriage.

AU of the husbmds in the sample were ernployed when they manied. The rnajority of men wohgin manual occupations (49%) and non-manual occupations (42%) with very few taLing professional occupations (98). The single most represented category of 83 occupation was in the sLilled manual trades. Less than one percent of males registered themselves as students at the cime of theu rnarriage.

Just under 60% of marriages were solemnized by a religious ceremony. The remaining 40% of marriages were contracted through the Gibrdtar Govenunent registry ofke. Owing to the high number of reglstry maes,it is possible that some of those couples manied through a civil ceremony would subsequently be ma.nied in a religious ceremony. The maprity of couples (94%)were not iiving together prîor to the actual rnarriage ceremony.

Table 5.3 summarizes overd delivery. infant. and feeding characteristics of the sample. The majority of mothers (69%) experienced a straight-fomard vaginal delivery of th& ntst child An additional 16% also had a vaginal delivery though the birth was facilitated by either a forceps or ventouse intervention. Of the rernaining fmt-births, 15% of mothers experienced a caesarean delivery"

As to be expected. there was a fairly even sex ratio of infants boni, with a slightly higher number of males to fernales born. Some 95% of the infants born weighed over

2500 grams at birth The rernaining 5% of infants weighted 2500 grams or les; these infants cannot correctly be ciassified as hl-terrn low birthweight (LBW) since gestational age is not taken into account at this stage. Nonetheless, this group remains clinicaily- signïficant since chances of infant survival are greatiy reduced at this lower end of the birthweight distribution. A number of these infants probably overlap with the 3% of

- - - -

Y Revious research indicates tbat che rate of oiesarran deliveries bas been increasing over the!, reaching a peak in 1995 and subsequently declining. In Gibaltar, signifiant risk hctors fm caesarean delivery wbich han persisted over tirne, regardless of the 'environmental' caesatean rate, include breech presentatim of the infant and infant birthweight greater than 4000 grams (Burke, 1997). TriMe 53 OveralI De fivety, Infant, and Feeding Siampie Charocteristics Dclivay, fntànt, and Fteding Cbaractaistics n Percent

Type of Dtlivay vaginal faœps / ventouse caearean

InZant's Weigbt at Biit over 2500 grams 2500 gram a les

Inflant's Gestational Age ai Bi 37 weeks and over un& 37 weeks

Type of Infant Feeding at Hospital Discharges Breast-feediag Artificial œ &binacion feeding 1076 37.6 t tan=3227 owing to missing infamation 3 totaî n=2865 owing to missing information infants born premature at less than 37 weeks gestation. Prematurity is another clinically-

si-ant risk tactor for infants. On average, infants remained in hospital for 6.1 1 days

following delivery (n=3072, s.d. 3.17). Of the 3284 livebirths in this sample, only 28 (1 8)

infants subsequently died in the neo-natal period.

Of the 2865 mothers for whom infant feeding was recorded, the majority (62%)

were exclusively breast-feeding upon their discharge from the hospital. The remaining

38% of mothers were either exclusively formula-feeding or using a combination of breast-

and fonnuia-feeds.

5.2 Changes in Marital and Childbearing Behaviour: The Whole Sample

h examining the recent history of the community, it became apparent that many

sipiticant changes have been introduced since the middle part of this century. While

changes in housing, women's employment. and education were all impacting on the lives

of Gibraltariaas, there were also sigrMcant changes occurring in the community with

respect to childbearing. This section will evaluate changes in fist child- bearing behaviour

over each of the defined cohorts: pre-bow closure ( 1960-69), early closure (1969-76). hlr chsure (1979-85). early open (1985-90), and late open (199 1-96),

5.2.1 Age at MPIIriOge

Female and male trends in mean age at marriage have changed significantly over time (one-way ANOVA, females: F-&.241,4df, pc001; males: F=49.422,4df, pe.001) and mirrored one another in an overall u-shaped pattern (Table 5.4a. 5.4b). Both females

and males waited the longest to marry in the pre-border closure cohort, averaging 22.60 and 25.82 years at maniage. respectively. Once the border closed, the mean age at first T.Me 5.4 Wivcs' and Husbands' Mem Age ut Mamnrageby Birth Cdrort

Sig. .O58 .974 1.000 1.O00 Means for groups in bomogeueous subsets arc displayed. a. User Hannooic Mem Sampk Size = 633.8 12 b. The group sizcs arc unequal. The hamionic mcan of the group sues is US&. Type 1enor levcls arc riot guarantecd.

Subset for alpha = .OS

Mewfor giwps in homogeaeous subscrp are âisplaycd. Usa Harmonic Man Sampk Size s a3.8 12 b- Tbgwp sias m unequai. Tbe bumoaic mean of the gmup sizcs is und. Type 1aror levels arc oot guaraniecd. marriage dropped sigmficantly for both sexes to 20.96 years for females and 23.75 years for maiea In the kter stage of the border closure, the mean age dropped even fierto

20.29 pars for fernales and 23.08 yem for males. These fmdings are in keeping with

Sawchuk's (1992) observation that the border closure represented a signincant force enjoining couples to many at younger ages. Foiiowing the re-opening of the border in

1985. the trend began to reverse itself and mean age et maniage began to rise for both brides and grooms. This rise was not signifïcant. ho wever. as the mean ages of 20.84 years for females and 23.37 years for maies falls in an intermediary position between averages for the car& and kife border closure cohorts. By the time of the most recent cohort, beginning in 1991, couples are waiting significantly longer to marry, back up to

2 1.64 years for brides and 24.4 1 years for grooms. Whiie these averages do represent a signifiant break Born the depressed maritai iges observed during the border closure and the edy open period, they do not attain the heightened ages of the pre-closure period.

The timing of marriage bas therefore gone almost fuii circle. Much of the similanty in fernale and male patterns cmbe expiaîned by the fact that, except for one slight difference beîween the pre-chsure period and the eady open period (F=57.359.4df.pc00 1). couples have retained an average three year age dflerence between wives and husbands (Table

5.5).

By examining the overaii distribution in bride (Table 5.6) and groom (Table 5.7) ages at marriage. foiiowing the categorical coding scheme outlined earkr, some insight may be drawn mto why mean ages at marriage shifted so dramaticaiiy over tirne. Shifts in age disuibution over time are signifiant for both brides and grooms. The majoriry of brides married between the* 18* and 23d years and this feature did not change over time. Table 55 Mem HusbancllW&iiAge Difnceut Marnage by Cohort

Subset faalpha = .O5 COHORT N 1 2 4.0000 532 25338

Sig. .74 1 .189

Means for groupa in homogtaeous subscts arc displayai. a. Uses Harmonie Mem Smpk Si= 633.8 12 b- Tac gmup sivs are uoequal. The hamonic mean of tbe pupsizes is usai. Type T cm levels arc not guarantd Tm5.6 Distn'bution of Muther 's Age ar Mamuge by Cohon

Motha's Age Birth Cdiort

1960-1969 1969-1976 1979-1985 1985-1990 1991-1996 96 within 46 within % within 96 within 96 within dort(n) cohort (n) cohort (a) cohort (n) cobort (n)

TaMe 5.7 Distribution of Fufkr'sAge ut Mam'age by Cohon

1960-1969 1969-1976 1979-1985 1985- 1990 1991-1996 96 within 96 within % witbin % within 96 within cdion (n) dort(n) cohort (n) cohort (a) dort (n)

under 18 0.5 (4) 1.8 (13) 2.4 (14) 1.3 (7) 1.4 (8) 18-23 33.2(294) 56.1(403) 61.9(361) 58.3(310) 47.6(266) 24-29 49.3 (433) 33.7 (242) 29.4 (173) 33.5 (178) 38.5 (215) 30 and mer 17.0 (15 I) 8.5 (61) 6.3 (37) 7.0 (37) 12.5 (70) zZ=l93.903.df= f ~~.001 Examination of the second most common age group, however, does show change over the. If brides in thepn-closun period did not marry between 18-23 (64%). the next most commoa age group was 2429 (25%). ûniy 4.6% of brides in the pre-closure period were under 18 years of age at marriage. By the e&y bonlcr chsure brides under 18 accounted for 13.8% of aii of the mankges, and by the hte closure they accounted for

16.7%of mniages. Throughout the border closure there was a rnarked reduction in the number of women waiting und iater ages (24-29,30 and over) to marry. There was a slight reversal of this trend in the eudy bonlcr opening, though the under 1 8's continued to rnake up 13.7% of brides. By the hte open cohort, the reason for the rise in mean age at marrjage becornes apparent as an increasing number of women wait untii the later age groups to marry, with a concomitant decrease in the number of under 18's marrying.

Wh& the open cohort cornes close to mirroring marital timing behaviour in the pre-

&sure period there are significant differences, such as retaining a relatively Iarger body of under 18's who choose to marry.

For the most part, grooms (Table 5.7) once again mirror the behaviour of the brides in the increasing representation of younger age distributions during and Unmediately following the border closure. The buk of the grooms (49.3%)in the pre-closure cohort rnddbetween 24 to 29 years of age. Beginning with the border closure and for every cobon followhg it, the 18 to 23 age group becarne the predominant age group in which males chose to marry- The proportion of men under 18 who rnarry is minimal when cornpared to females, reaching a maximum of only 2.4% of marriages in the bte bordcr clostlre period. Aside from the initiai step down to favou~gthe 18-23 age group after thepn-closure period. the shifts in groom's mean age at marriage appears to be more afkcted by the spread of age groups over 18. With both the pre-closure period and the late open period yielding the highest mean aga at maniage, hre is an associated greater concentration of grooms waiting untii they are 30 or over to marry*

5.2.2 MotherysAge ot Fht Bah

As marital behaviour changed significantly over tirne, so too did 'staning bebaviour' or the timing of ast cNdbearing (Table 5.8). Prior to the border closure mothers averaged 24.30 years of age at the tirne of th& fmt chiid's binh. Over the period of the border closure mothers began having their fïrst cMd alrnost two years eatlier. With the opening of the border in 1985 age at frst birth rose signifkantly to 23.32 years of age. The trend towards increasing age at fust birth continued into the iate open period as mothers waited on average until their 24' year to begin chiidbearing. Once again the u-shaped pattern of timing behaviour is repeated as mothers in the pre-closirrt pars and mothers in the hte open cohon mirror one another with respect to lacer ages at fint childbirth

Sïmiiar to age at rnarriage, the shifting proportional influences of age groups inûuence the overail changes in mean age at fist birth (Table 5.9). Prior to the border closure and up untii the edyopen period, the bulk of mothers gave birth for the first the anywhere between 18 to 23 years of age. The second most common age group to start childbearing is the 24 to 29 age group. The most noticeable shifts in chiidbearing behaviour occur when the third most common age group is addressed. ui thepre-closure period the aext largest group of mothers were 30 years of age (1 1.6%) with a rernaining very small group of women under 18 (1.9%). The border closure saw an increase in the nurnber of women under 18 having th& Tirst cchü, with a concomitant decrease in the TPMe 5.8 Mothrr's M&M Age ai Firsr Birth by Cohort

Mother's Mean Age rt First Birth ~UkqiiSD~'' Sukt for d~ha= .os

Sie .979 1-000 1.O00 Mcaas fa groups in homogtaeous subscls arc displayed. a. US~SHarmoaic Mcan Sample Sizc = 633.9 14 b. Tbc grwp &es arr unequal. 'lhc hmonic mean of the group &es W usad. Type 1trmr Ievels am not guaranteed.

Table 5.9 Distribution qfMother'sAge ut First Birrh by Cohon

Matber's Age Buth Cobm

1940-1969 1969-1976 1979-1985 1985-1990 1991-1996 % wiîhin 96 wiîbin 96 within 96 witbin 96 within number of women waiting until the oldest age group to bear their fint cW. This changed distriburion favouring younger ages at the expense of older age groups remained in place over the border closure and into the ewly open period. By the most recent cohort, however. there have been changes. Fust. as opposed to ali of the earlier cohom. the mjorïty of women are between 24 to 29 years of age (46.3%) at the time of their fïrst birih. with the previously favoured 18-23 age group becorning the second most common group (36.9%) for fht childbearing. Second, the number of women waitîng und they are

30 or ol&r also shows increases over the previous cohorts. though a high proportion of women under 18 (relative to the pre-closure cohort) is retained. Fdy, while women in the 1990s are cïearly favou~glater ages at fûst binh. similar to women in the pre-closure period. there is a subgroup of women under 18 which is retained which was not present in thepm-closute period. Il is thoffsetting factor which prevents the last cohon nom reaching a signifcantly higher mean age at fast buth relative to the pre-closure period.

5.2.3 Interval Between Marriage und Conception

An overaii cornparison of wornen's mean age at marriage (Table 5.4a) with women's mean age at first birth (Table 5.8) reveais shifts over time which are similar, but not identical in both cases, for example. women in the hte closum cohort are youngest at mmhge and youngest at fust birth. Sirnilarly. women in the pn-closure period are ouest at marriage arid oldest at fust birth. But what of cohorts such as the &te open cohort where wornen marry ~ig~cantlyyounger than pn-closure women (almost one year younger) and yet bear their fust chiid at the same age (24 years) as pre-closure women The süght differences in overd pattern is atuibuted to signifcant changes

(F=3..360,4df$=.009) in MyplYullng behaviour. or how long after marriage couples

ûegin their ammpts to conceive their first child. Table 5.10 presents the average interval between manhge and fxst birth over each of the cohorts. Age at conception is gauged by each woman's last memt~aîperiod (LMP),so there is some degree of variation between that date and the date of the next physiologically scheduled mensmal period (which never came) during which time conception actualiy occurred.

An examination of Table 5.5 reveals that family planning behaviour has changed signincantly over time. Both the women of the pre-closurc cohort and women of the edy closwe cohort became pregnant very soon, about nine months, after mariage. In other words, even though pre-closure women waited the longest to many, they did not wait to have chüdren, on average conceiving their frst cchd very soon &ter marriage.

Aft.tbe border closed, women began to marry at younger ages and continued the tradition of rapid conception after marriage. Wornen of the lolc bordcr closure married at a signitiEantly younger mean age than either of the two eariïer coho~but they began to waït longer (16.5 months) to conceive their [irst chiid. This pattern of early rnarriage and longer inmal was contînued into the early open period. By the hre open perïod, there are irnpressive changes with respect to family plaMing behaviour as rnothers began marrying at significantly older ages and paired that with an even longer waiting period TriMe 5.10 Mem Interval Between Madage d Mother's krst Mmtnd Petiod (@or foconception) By Cuhort (inremal meosured in morirhs)

Subsct for ahha = .OS COHORT N 1 2 3 2.0000 719 8.6052

Means for groups in hornogeneous subsets arc displayed. a Uses Harmoaic MmSampk Size = 633.8 12 'Ibe gmip sizca iuc unequai. The bsrmcaic mesD of the pup W is used. Type 1«ror levcis arc not guaranioed. (just under two years) to the conception of their fmt child.

53 Chmges In the Frequency of Premaritsl Conception Over The

The proportion of births conceived premaritaiiy increased dramatically after the border closed in 1969 (Table 5.1 l),jumping Crom 1 1% in the pre-closun period to 22% of first binhs in the eorly closure cohort. The proportion has remained high ever since, reaching a peak of 28% of fkst births in the eady open period (1985-90). The decrease in the latest cohort begs the question as to whether conceptions outside of wedlock are becoming less common in Gibraltar. The sampiing strategy for this study entailed the exclusion of infants bom out of wedlock. For iliustrative purposes, however. Table 5.12 has been inciuded to show that conceptions out of wedlock are actudy becoming more fiequent over the. with signincant increases in the eudy open and hie open border cohorts. It is important to note that premarital conceivers make up the buik of the extra- maritally conceiving group in Table 5.12. Where Tables 5.1 1 and 5.12 ciiffer, however, is in the inclusion of those couples who chose not to many upon the discovery that they had Tabîe 5.11 Propottio~of Firsi Bir* Premriially Conceived by Cohort

Tsbk 5.12 Proportion of Firsr Births Conceived Outside of Marnage by Cohon

Birth Cdort n fitbirtbs n conceived R(~pmiatof outside of b&hs conceivexi marriage outside of marriage (96) conceived a cWin the latter table. Even though extra-maritai conceptions have become increasing1y more fkquent since the border closed, proportionately leu are being resolved tbrough marriage. It is becoming increasingly more fiequent for a woman who conceives outside of marriage to opt not to marry the infant's father. Whüe this topic merits research unto itseif and falis beyond the scope of this thesis, it is an important observation wtrich must be made. otherwise Table 5.1 1 would give the impression that extra-marital pregnancies are on the decline when. in fact. the y are not.

5.4 Changes in Marital and Childbearing Behaviour Over Tirne: Marital Conceivers snd Premaribi Codveis

Given the sigficant changes in behaviour surroundhg first childbirth in Gibraltar over time, panicularly with respect to the effects of the border closure, it remains to be addressed how marital conceivers and premdtal conceivers compare in tenns of their marital and childbearing bebaviour. This section will also address some of the underlyuig sociodemographic similanties and differences between these two groups of childbearers.

5.4.1 Age at MIvriagc

Temporal trends in rnean age at rnarriage for both mothers (Table 5.13) and fathers fiable 5.15) who conceive wichin mdgefoiiows the general u-shaped pattern detemhed in the previous section. In other words, mean age at rnarrjage is elevated in boa thepn-closuce and &te open cohorts with a significant &op in mean age in the &te cbsure period Both female and male premariial conceivers more or iess confom to the same type of trend over tirne. This impks that premaritai conceivers are responding to mean s.d. mean s.d. mean agc t-test l a&= diffaence significanœ

Table 5.14 WrTfe'sAge ut Maniaxe Wifc's Age Marital Conceivers Remarital Conœivers Tabk 5.15 Futlur's Mean Age ut Marn'uge Birth Marital Ccmccivers Remaria Conccivas

mcan s.d. mean s.d. mean age t-test I a& I dinaence sigaificana:

bl3.24O,df=433.827; mean difference CI (3.08415) t=5.322&=586; mean difference CI (1.2 102.62) 't=5.740,df=530; mean difference CI (1.37-2.80) -.W,df=557; mean differetice CI (1.77-3.46) environmental or contextual cues directing age at mamage, and changes in age at rnarriage over time. in the same mariner as maritally conceiving couples. The one significant dinerence whkh does dinerentiate premarital conceivers. however, is their consistentiy lower mean ages at marriage. with premaritaiiy conceiving females marrying between 2.5 ta 3 years earlier than rnaritally conceiving females, and prernaritaliy conceiving males marrying between 2 to 3.5 years earüer thai their rnanied counterparts.

An examination of Table 5.14 reveals that one of the major factors dampening the mean age at nmbge for premarital conceivers is the greater concentration of women in this group rnarrying under 18 years of age. Premarital conceivers are su bsequently under- represented in each of the older age categories, particularly at 24 years of age and older.

An examination of the distribution of rnxitally-conceiving women under 18 indicates that the number of young women who are choosing to marry, outside of the pressure of a pregnancy, b decreasing over tirne. By the &te open cohon. for example, there is a signiticant excess of women under 18 who are pregnant at the thne of their rnarriage. with a concomitant decline in the number of women marrying because they 'want to'. It is ciear that very young women of the 1990s may be reorganizhg their goals and ambitions. placing les stress on marriage unies, of course, they become pregnant.

Even though premarital conception is much les fiequent in the 18-23 age group, some consideration must be paid to the fact that for every cohort after the predosure cohort, ptemaritai conception becomes more common in this age group. particularly in the edy open period. Since this age group represents women of a highly favoured marriage age (nom the local perspective), it is possible that these women are hahg nonîonjugal sexual intercourse (and some are getting pregnant) because they are in highfy committed relationships that are soon to culminate in mdge. The relative iack of premaritai conceivers in the 18-23 age group in the pn-closure period of the 1960s may be the result of more conservative attitudes with respect Io sexual intercourse outside of marriage. If, at the population level, there were less women having non-conjugal sex, there would have been leu women 'at risk' of getting pregnant.

5.42 Age a$ Firsl Bitîh

In considering mo ther's rnean age ai birth for marital conceivers and premarital conceivers (Table 5.16). it becomes apparent that both groups once again follow the general populationai u-shaped pat tem over time w here the dip in age at fist birth coincides with the border closure years. Premarital conceivers were signincantly younger than marital conceivers at the tirne of their first birth over each of the birth cohorts. In cornparison to Table 5.14, Table 5.17 reveals an even stronger association between matefnal age under 18 years at the time of fust birth and the iikeihood that that pregnancy was prernaritally conceived. With ail of the COhorts combined. over 90% of women are Taie 5.16 Mothet's Mean Age ar Firsr Birtlt Birtb Mari td Cmaivcrs Remarital Cmctivas

mcan s.d. mean s.d. mean age t-test I diff'erena significanot

b16.23OIdh341.Ma; mean différaice CI (3.8 1-4.86) t=l8.645,&3M.8Sj; mean diffiacriœ CI (4.38-5.4 1) 't= 16~90,df=303-033; mean diffaence CI (4.69-5.95) ~15.301,4f=557;mean difference CI (4.79-6.20)

Tabk 5.17 Motlier's Age ut First Birth Matha's Age Mririial Cmceivers Remariiai Conceivers %ss than 18 ywsof age at the tirne of their fust birth conceived that chüd premaritaiiy.

This association is becomuig stronger over tirne such that by the laic open period (1991-

96) ail of the women who bore their fïrst child under 18 years of age becme pregnant

prior to mariage. This fuiding ad& additional weight to the argument that young women

are inaeasingly less likely to choose to becornes wives at very young ages unless ihere is

the added 'incentive' of a child on the way.

Further examination of Table 5.17 reveals that once again the 18-23 age group is

the second most kely age group to yield premaritaly CO nceived pregnancies.

Futhemore. premarital pregnancies in the 18-23 age group are becorning more common in

the more recent binh cohorts. In the eady open and &te open cohorts in particular.

between 36 to 39 percent of pregnancies are predtaiiy conceived. Simüar to the argument made earüer, it is possible that since these women are of a highly favoured marital age. premarital conceptions are iikely occurring within long-term reiationships which were deshed to lead to marriage sooner than later.

As a final note, it is important to point out that temporal shifts in the proportion of piemafitauy-conceiving women of the 24-29 and the 30 and over age groups are not signifiant Whatever forces are intluencing trends in premarital conception over the, tbey appear oniy to be affecthg the behaviour of younger Gibraitarian couples. Whereas premarital conceivers tended to murry an average of 2.5 to 3 years earïier than marital conceivers and there was no visible temporal trend in age differences, it becomes apparent in Table 5.16 that premaital conceivers are becoming increasingly younger than marital conceivers at the the of theirfirst birth. Premvitai conceivers in the pre-closure period, for exampie, bore their tkst children just over three and a half years earlier ihan marital conceivers. By the latest cohort, with marital conceivers averaging 25.5 years at fust childbirth and premarital conceivers averaging 20 years at Iirst childbirth, the differentiiil had widened to a remarkable five and a half years.

Summarg Resulb r The age d&rential between marital conceivers and prenwitd coneeivers at the time of their ûrst birth is widening over tune. Premaritai conceivers are becoming increasingly distinct hmmarital conceivers, no t ody with respect to the inverted sequence of conception, mamitige, and birth, but also the timing, both relative and absohite, of these events.

5.4.3 Interyal Between Matrkge and Concepiion

While it seems quite paradonical that premuital conceivers are not changing relative to marital conceivers with respect io age at marriage over time, but they are with respect to age at fust birth, much of the dixrepancy can be explained by virtue of family planning behaviour. or the interval between rnankge and conception.

Sirnilar to the pattern which was previously idenmed for the whole group, the mean interval between marriage and conception has been steadiiy increasing over tirne for the marital conceivers (Table 5.18). The increases are much more marked than those for Table 5.18 Mean htterval Between Marria~eand LMP (base masure for conception) Buth Maritai Conceivers Remarital Cmceivers

mean t-test interval significance di fference

1960-69 790 10.8484 19.1323 % -4.0074 1.7782 14.8557 p<.OOla 1969-76 564 11.9613 15.0545 155 -3.6070 1.4932 15.5683 p~.~)l~ 1979-85 448 22.7855 21.83 16 140 -3.5 103 1.5730 26.2958 p~.oOl~ 1985-90 382 28.9427 24.5099 150 -3.6322 1.29 13 32.5749 p<.OOld 1991-96 , 428 31.1524 26.4740 131 -3.9530 1.5905 35.1054 p<.OOle a t=2 1 .OSS,df=868.703:mcaa ciifferencc CI ( 1 3.473 1- 16.2384) td4.131 ,df=6Ol.211;mcaa differencc: CI (14.3013-16.8354) t=25.285,df-461.566; mean diffcrcnce CI (24.2521-28.3395) t-25.#85,df=386.356;mcan ciifferencc Ci (XI.1006-35.0492) m27.273.dfi436.93 1; mcan differcnct CI (32.5755-37.6352) the whole population because the opposing infiuence of prernarital conceivers has been removed. The sigdcance of the change in man interval for marital conceivers over time indiCates that significant shifts in family planning behaviour occuned during the hte border closu~eand once the border re-opened (Table 5.19a). In both the pre-claçure cohort and the cady chsure cohort, marital conceivers waited an average of 11 to 12 months to conceive their f~stchild. B y the hte border closure couples were waiting signiocantîy longer. averaging 23 months between marriage and conception. By the time the border opened the behaviour of married couples shifted once again and they were waitmg between 29 to 3 1 months to conceive. Such dramatic and iinearly arranged inmases in interval are most iikely the result of changing contraceptive behaviour.

Premarital conceivers (Table 5.1 8) are represented by negative mean values since, on average. they conceived between 3.5 to 4 months prior to maniage. As opposed to marital conceivers, there has been no signiticant shift in this interval over lime. This is to be expected, however, since its really the timing of the conception which dictates marital behaviow (Table 5.19b). An examination of the difference between the mean interval for marital conceivers and the mean interval for premarital conceivers in Table 5.18 reveals tbat, once again, premarital conceivers are becoming increasingly difTerent with respect to

Wi chitdbearing behaviour relative to marital conceivers. As time unfolds and marital conceivers are dowing for an increasingly longer interval after marriage to conceive. prernarital conceivers (by virtue of king premarital conceivers) continue to have theu first child very quicldy after mrriage. Whiie the daerence was just over a year in the 1960-69 pr~cfosureperiod, marital conceivers in the 1990s are waiting an average of about 3 ye;irs longer to conceive their fïrst child. Tsbk 5.U Interval &tween Mam'age and Lat Menstml Period (LMP)

a) MaAtal Concdven: Interval Beîween Marringe and LM?

Sin. .923 L .O00 ,472

Meas for gmps in homogcaeous subseis are displayed. Ujcs Harmmic Mean Samplc Size = 488.985 b- 'Ik giwp sires arc uncqual. The hannonic mean of rhe gmup sizes is uscd. Type 1 enor levels are not guaranteed.

Subscst for al~ha= .O5 COHORT N 1 1.m % 4.0074

Sig. .O67 Means for wups in homogenws subsels rrc displayal.

~bcgmps*cr ucupcquli.m harrnonic mean of the group sizcs is used. Type 1 error levels are aot guaranteed. nie impkations of this fmding requise some consideration. Whüe already older on average to begin with, marital conceivers are aiiowing increasingly more tirne to begin famüy building. In the interval, couples may adapt to married Me, taking on the roles of husband and wife pior to the roies of mer and mother. Couples have a longer period of the to work without behg the fuianciai burden of a fnst child, enabling them to establish greater economic secunty. By vinue of waiting m&d women do not autornaticaiiy have to give up jobs which they might hold outside of the home. Uniike the earliest cohorts, marriage in contemporary Gibraltar does no t Unpl y imrnediate chiidbearing.

5.4.4 The Nare of the Premari&l Conceiver's Infervol

Using Carmichael's (1996) strategy, merUisight into the social and cultural dimensions of premaritai pregnancy can be drawn by an examination of the length of the intemal between conception and resolution by marriage among premarital conceivers. He suggests that couples who marry very soon alter conception, so that the woman experiences the majority of her pregnancy as a mmied woman, may have either initiated sexual relations in anticipation of a forthcoming mageor simply bumped their marriage plans ahead of schedule. in Gibraitar, of the 672 premaritai conceivers in the sample, 68% marrkd within 3 months of the wornan's last menstrual period (Table 5.20). Of those remaining, 28% ma&d between 4 to 6 months after the wife's 1st menstrual period and only 4% waited until the late stages of pregnancy (7 to 9 months) to marry. This last group is typically perceived as the prototype "shotgun" marriage since after resisting marriage for the majority of the pregnancy, the couple fmally marries to satisfy social nom(Camichael,

1996).

nie notable preference for early marriages remains consistent through time. In other words. Gibraltarian famiües seem to maintain the pattern of quick mdgeto resolve premarital pregnancies consistenily over the. Table 5.21 considers the nature of the interval when materna1 age is taken into account, since pregnancies among women under 18 years of age. who are at earlier stages in their Me course and in less mamageable age groups. may take longer to resolve the issue of an unscheduled pregnancy. This does appear to be the case with an excess of women under 18 waiting 4 to 6 months to many relative to th& older counterparts. By Carmichael's (1996) understanding, this indicates that, unlüre women in the 18 to 23 age group, younger women wait longer because may be les likely to have discussed marital plans with their paruiers prior to the pregnancy and must first agree to many and then phfor the wedding. Table S.2û Intenid Bemn LMP and Marnage: Premarirol Coriceivers Birtb Inmal Berween LMP and Marriage

Total 672 454 67.6 189 28.1 29 4.3 ~2=9.019.~=8.p=.34i

Table 5.21 Intervol Behveen LMP and Marn'age by Matemal Age: Premriral Cmceivers Motha's Interval Between tMP and Maniage Age at Birth 1 - 3 moriths 4 - 6 morirhs 7 - 9 morith~ Sa4a5 Phcc of Mamiage

Prernarital conceivers are signficantly more likely to be married in a religious rather than a civil wedding (Table 5.22a). The type of marriage ceremony, either religious or civil, whicb sokmnizes the union of couples has special meaning in Gibraltar. Viewed as a community where high ievels of religiosity prevail, it is not surprishg that many

Gibraltarians feel that a religious ceremony is the only meaningful expression of a marital union. Civil marriages are fa,nom rare, however. and may be explained by the evolution of a dual mdgesystem in Gibraitar. For many couples who are intending to marry, a civil marriage offers them the opponunity to reap many of the benefits endowed on manied couples such as their addition to the housing waiting iist as a married couple

(confen more points than if they were to apply as 'single' applicants) and, more recentîy, greater scholarship support to &ed women whose economic means are based on their husband's income, as opposed to their father's incorne if they are 'single' students. For couples who use the civil marriage swtegicaîly in this way, the union is viewed as a maniage conuact, with many couples not seeing themselves as wly manied until they TriMe S32a Phof Mamuge (Marital Conceivers and Premarital Conceivers) Bittb Marital Cmccivers Runuital Conceivcrs

% n % n significance ( blig mlig. ML avi. InRelig. Relig. GM. ~ovt.I

Table 5.22b Mean Interval Between Mamage and LMP Among Marital Conceivers: Church Marnage vs. Registry Marnage Birth Cburcb Registry C&m n meaa s.d. n mean s.d. mean t-test interval in terval intenai significance diffaence

1960-69 494 8.187 20.129 296 15.290 16.436 -7.104 p<.OOl4 1969-76 389 9.671 14.458 175 17.053 15.147 7.382 p<.ûûlb 1979-85 223 20.805 20,453 225 24.749 22.995 -3.944 ~.05iS 1985-90 192 27.150 26.408 190 30.754 22.354 -3.604 ~=.l51* 1991-96 166 26.492 24.688 -262 34.105 27.180 -7.613 ~.Wa t=-5.132,&788; mmdiffercncc CI (-9.821 - 4.386) ' t=-S.43O,&32l.632; mean clifferencc CI (-10.057 - 4.707) t=-1.918,dF446; mcan diffcrcna CI (-7.987 - 0.098) t=- 1.439,&380 ' ir-2924.df3426; m~lndiff~re~c~ CI (-12.730 - -2.496) have received a reügious marrjage ceremony. It is O bvious that premarital conceivers are not benefiting hmthis type of strategic planning. Once pregnant. for the most part, they go directly to a church wedding.

This database cannot capture the number of couples who, upon king rnarried civilly went on to have a religious ceremony, since the Governrnent Registry records oniy thefirsr manhge, whether religious or If civil mamages are king used strategicaiiy in this manner, it should foiîow that the interval to first conception wül be greater for those mdedfrst in a civil ceremony since there wili be a time hg to the religious ceremony at which point they truly consider thernselves husband and wife.

Examination of the interval for civilly- and relig iously-married marital conceivers reveals this to be the case (Table 5.22b). Further. by splitting these two groups. a second issue is raised with respect to the changing conception intervais for maritai conceivers.

Though the previous fmding that there is overd increasing trend in the length of the conception interval for marital conceivers remains me. it becomes clear that overd mean intervals for each of the cohorts was somewhat raised by the strategic registry weddings.

As a result, iî is more accurate to use the mean interval based on those manied in the church as a 'tnie' ref'îection for the length of the couples waited to conceive their fust chüd It becomes obvious that large-scale attempts to deiay pregnancy after marriage began in the Me closure cohort (average 20 months after marriage), with pre-chm couples and eady clown couples conceiving within the first year of mrriage (Table 5.22b).

" 'Ibis type of analpis wwld be fmible, however, if a search was carried out oo church records fa al1 tbosc couples who married by civil ceremmy. The labour-intensive nature of tbis type of investigation cieariy falls beyoad the bounds ofthe current study, representing a research project on its own merits. Nothwithstanding the fact that some couples who married by the registry may have couceived a child in between the civil ceremony and the church ceremony, this group stiU represents a differem type of couple relative to prernarital conceivers. Once married in a civil ceremony, couples have elevated theû relationship to stil) more committed levels and it is highly unliLely that they WUseparate, especiaiîy given the fact that they would have to petition for a divorce. Thus, though the civü ceremony may not have complete cultural recognition, it does have full legai recognition and it is not a step entered hto lightly or fkivolously. There may stiU be other cases where the civil ceremony is the oniy ceremony, since it is much less expensive than a church wedding and for those couples with Iower levels of religiosity, it may represent a personaiiy 'valid* wedding. and their conception occurs within a personaiiy recognized maniage.

5.4.6 lndividual Factors: Father's S&&s

There are suggestions in the literature than young women coming from single- parented households are iikely to be exposed to more permissive attitudes with respect to non-conjugal sexual relations (Thornton and Camburn. 1987). As Table 5.23 illusuates. femak premrital conceivers were not over-represented in temof iacking a father relative to marital conceivers. In other words, there is no signifiant dinerence between marital and premarital conceivers with respect to the presence or absence of a father in the household The same principle holds inie for males (Table 5.24).

5.4.7 IndividuaI Factors: Pnvbus Mm9tafSlahrs al Marriage

It was very rare. both for maritai conceivers and premdtai conceivers. that the cohat n n 8 n II % significanct wiîhout without without without fathet father hihet &cher

TaMe 5.24 Groom's Father 's Sttrtus BÙtb Maritai Conceivers Premariial Cmceivefs

signi ticance without without without without fatûer fritber father father wives were previously rn-d (Table 5.25). In addition to the general rarity of this event for women. there was no signüicant difference between marital statu at marriage for marital and premarital conceivers. Arnong men fiable 5.26). the number of men who had previously experienced annuiled marriages. divorces, or the death of their spouse was greater than among fernales. The distribution across tirne shows that it was only in the precbsure cohon thm there was a slight excess of men who were eiiher divorced, widoweô, or coming fiom a previously annuiled marrîage who were involved in a prernaritaiiy conceiving relationship. Otherwise, there is no dif6erence between marital and premarïtal conceivers.

5.4.8 Socw econotnic Milieu: W@'s Occupation

OvesaIl, there is a significant excess of premaritai conceivers who are not working at the iime of their mariage relative to marital conceivers (Table 5.27). The exception to this general finding, is the pre-closure cohort when fernale emplo yment in general was rare and there was no association with either marital or premaritai conception. The specifiE type of occupation held by the wife did not change this association between employment and conception patterns (Table 5.28). Once again. it is those women who are not working or who are students that show excess numbers of prernarital conceivers amongst their ranks The distribution of premaritai conceivers by occupationai group over time demonstrates that not king involved in paid employment became signiticantly associated with premaritai conception in the late ciosure period and has maintained its association ever since (Table 5.29). The excess number of premarital conceivers among students becornes signüîant only afier the border opened and this group remains strongly associated with premarital conceptions weii into the 1990s. Table 5.25 Wifc 's Marital Status ut Mawiage Birtb Maritai Ccmœivers Pranafital Cmceivers Cdim n n single % single n n single % single significance

TaMe 5.26 Husband's Marital Statzts at Marria~e BVtb Marital Conceivers Rernarital Conaivers cohort n n single 96 single n n single % single significance TaMe 5.27 Mother's Occupational Statu at Marriae BW Marital Coadvers Runaritai Conceivers

- - 564 442 78.4 155 103 66.5 x2=9.413&= l .p= .O2 448 418 93.3 140 94 67.1 x2=64.863,df=1.~.001 382 349 91.4 150 LOO 66.7 ~2=4g.aaz.df=i.p<.ool

Table 53% Wifc 's Occuparional Association wilh Premurifal Conception, al1 Cohorts Cotnbined W&'s (kcupa000 n n pmc 96 pmc

high grade professicmal 7 O 0.0 Iow grade pdessiorial 71 7 9.9 higb grade non-rnanual 3 15 42 13.3 low grade non-manual 1744 308 17.7 5illed manual 102 2 1 20.6 unskilled manual 144 35 24.3 studerit 54 24 44.4 na employed 847 235 27.7 ~'=72.945,df=7.~c.ooi Table 5.29 Wve's Occupational Assuciaiion wirli Prernan'tal Conception by Cohort Wift's OGcupatio11 Bittb C&at

high grade professional n n pmc % pnic

higb grade am-manual n n pmc % pmc low grade non-manual n n Pmc % pmc

unskilled man ual n n pmc % pmc 5.4.9 Socioewnomic Müicu: FathergsOccupation

Andysis of the association between father's occupation and premarital conception

indïcates thai manual labourers, and unskilled manuai hbourers in particuhr, show an

excess number of premarital conceivers relative to O ther occupationai grades (Table 5.30).

Whüe this association is somewhat weak in the pre-closure period, it does strengthen over

tirne (Table 5.31). By the lolc open cohon, the previous excess among unsküled manuai

labourers shifts as excess numbers of premaritai conceivers are found among both skilied

and unskilied manual labourers.

5.4.10 Porlner Choh: Husbund / Wve Age DiJJerence

The magnitude of the husband 1 wife age difference is simüar for both marital

conceivers and premarital conceivers (Table 5.32). With the exception of the hte closure

cohort (1979-85), where there was a greater düference in the husband / wife age

dinemtial of premaritally conceiving couples relative to marital conceivers, 0veraf.I these

two groups did not seem to differ behaviourdiy with respect to the choice of theû

partnezs. In other words. premarital conceivers tended to marry partners who were in the

sam age range as their maritally conceiving counterparts; ihey were not marrying men

who were considerably older and, perhaps. more requesting of a sexud relationship.

5-4.1 1 POrfner Choîce: Parent's Bùthpiace

This measure capnires the relationship between premarital conception and a combination of parent's birthpiace into three different categories: both parents are

Gibraharian, oniy the mother is Gibraitarian (father is a foreigner). and oniy the father is TaMe 53Fcuhrr's Occupational Association with Premotital Conception, al1 Cohor~ Contbined Fatha's Occupation n n pmc 96 pmc

bigh grade prd;essimal 73 2 2.7 low grade proféssianal 209 22 10.5 bigb gr& non-manual 672 73 10.9 low grade nori-muai 7 12 133 18.7 salled manual 1076 245 22.8 uaslrilledmanual 542 197 36.3 x2=l53.746.db5.pc.ooi

Table 5.31 Farher's Occupational Associarion with Premoritul Conception by Cohort Father' s Occupation Birth Cdiat

higb grade professicmai n n prnc 96 prnc

high grade nm-manual n P'c % prnc low grade non-mual n npmc % pmc TaHe 5.32 H~(~banîVWi/eMem Age Diference ut Mamuge, Marital und Premarital Conceiwers Birth Marital Conceiven Premariral Conœivers

------mean s.d. rnean s.d. t-test

age diff, age diff. diffwenœ significmœ Ifi I Gibraitarian (mother is a foreigner) (Table 5.33). Pearson chi-square analysis indicates that bath in thepre-cbsure period and in the h&open period there is an excess of premantal conceptions among Gibraltarian mothers who marry foreign men. No other signif~cantciifferences are detected.

5.4.12 Partner Choice: Coitabitalion

Though cohabiting prior to marriage is reiatively rare in Gibraltar. owing to the sbortage of housing and the heavy dependence on parental houses, it is becoming more common, particularly in the blc open cohon (Table 5.34). Cohabitation may increase the

îikeiihood of a premarital pregnancy since couples are apt to be sharing the same bed and having more fiequent and unintempted opponunities for intercourse. The results indicate. however. that premarital conceivers are not more ükely to be cohabiting than marital conceivers. Taôîe 533 Parents' Birthplace, Marituf and Premuntal Concebers BVtb Parents' Birthplaa Cdiat Both Gibraltarian MahaGitnaltarian, Fatha Gitxaitarian, fathet not Gibraltarian mother not Gibral tarian

II npmc %pc n n pmc %pmc n npmc % pmc

Table 534 Frequency of Couples Living Together Prior tu Mamhge, Marital and P remrital Conceivers Birth Marital Cmceivers Remarital Conceivers

ri living % living n n living % living significance l togelher togetber I together togeber I 5.5 Mulff variate Analyds

5.5.1 Ertimoring the Risk fot a Prcinuritcil Pregnancy

Table 5.35 iists aii risk variables added to the multiple logistic regression model preàicting premarital conception, their associated beta and signiticance values. and. for those variables which are signifcant at the .O5 kvel their associated odds ratios. As a multivar'iatz technique, the sig nifmnce of each of these variables is assessed inde penden tly after controlling for the effects of other variables in the model.

In this model mother's age. socioeconomic status. wife's occupational status, husband's prior marital status. parent's birthplace. the husband/wife age difference, and the type of marital ceremony were ail significantly reliited to predicting a premhtal conception. Mothers who were under 18 years of age and, to a lesser extent. mothers who were between 18 and 23 years of age ai the tirne of their infant's birth showed greater odds of king premarital conceivers than older women. The odds ratio of 372.9 for women under 18 clearly indicates the exuemely smaîi possibility that their children were conceived within wedlock. The odds ratio of 14.9 for women aged 18 to 23 demonstrates a greatly reduced possibility that theù pregnancies are conceived out of wedlock, though their odds for a premarital conception remah signircantly higher than is the case for older women. niese results demonstrate that inde pendent of factors üke socioeconomic status and women's employrnent, matemal age, and younger matemat ages in particular. represents one of the strongest predictors for premarital conception.

Family socioeconomic status, defmed by father's occupation, also proves to be a signiocant predictor of prernarital conception with those familes detined by unskiiied manual occupations at signiûcantiy greater risk for a premaritaï conception than other Table 535 Logistic Rrgression Analysis Predicting for Mam'ed/l/nntamèdut Conception

Variable S.E. Sig Exp(B) mother's age under 18 .4443 18-23 .3472 24-29 .3534 30 and over*

SES high professional* low professional ,7839 high non-manual .7547 low non-manual .7516 skilled manual .7485 unskilled manual .7523 birth cohort pre-closure* early closure ,1739 late closure .la86 early open .1860 late open ,1946 husband's marital status previous maxriage .3497 place of marriage religious ,1173 wife's occupational status not employed ,3996 -1352 parents* birthplace both Gibraltarian* mother Gibraltarian .3183 .1388 husband Gibraltarian ,3320 .1505 husband/wife age di f f erence .O178 husband's father's status not presenc .O630 .1653 wife's marital status previous marriage ,9588 .6855 wife*s father's stacus no t present .1686 .1865 Constant -6.2368 .8215 Number of cases included in the analysis: 3284 * referent group; for dichocornous factors referent not displayed -2 Log Likelihood 2320.290 Goodness of Fit 3675.375 Cox b Snell - RA2 .264 Nagelkerke - RA2 .264 Chi-Square df Significance economk groups (OR 5.7). MarginaUy signiticant at the .OS level famiües detüied by father's occupation in skilied manual occupations are aiso at greater risk for a premaritai pregmy (OR 4.2). Though not signifiant (p=.09), the famiiies of lower grade non- manual workers displayed an odds ratio of 3.6. A gradient of socioeconornic status does appear to be associated with the likeiihood of premarital conception. with those families defmd by professional and higher grade non-manual occupations the most dismtly associaîed with the likeiihood of premarital conception. Women who are not employed at the time of mmiage are at greater risk for a premarital conception relative to women who do occupy positions in paid employment outside of the household (OR 1.5).

Aside fkom these age- and occupation-reiated associations with premarital conception. fatbers who were in a previous marital relationship (OR 3.9) and marriages involving either a Gibraitarian woman and a non-Gibraltarian man (OR 1.4) or a

Gibraltarian man and a non-Gibrdtarian woman (OR 1.4) also showed heightened odds of premarital conception. The age difTerence between parmers in a mamage is characterized by a negative relationship with respect to premarital conception such that as the age dinerence between partners increased, the odds of premarital pregnancy decreased (OR

0.9). Rernaritaily conceiving couples are characterized by a greater odds for a church wedding than a govemrnent wedding (OR 2.3).

Fiy,the tegression mode1 shows a signiticant cohort effect as the odds of premrîtai conception increase over tirne. Once again there appears to be a gradient effect where, relative to the preçlosure cohort. and controlling for age-, econornic-. and parmer- rehted effects. the odds for a piemarital conception continued to increased over birth cohorts, reaching a peak in the iate open cohon (1991-96)(0R. 4.3). This increasing cohort effects demonstrates the both the power and insight of a multivariate statistkai

analysis quite nicely.

Recail that in the univariate analysis the overaii proportion of births premmitally

conceived actuaiiy peaked in the eariy open period (1985-90) and dropped in the late open

period (1991-96)(Table 5.1 1). While the regression results indicating that the risk of

premarital conception is actually highest in the hie open period may seem contradictory to

tbese earlier hdings, the odds ratios are evaluated relative to and tempered by the

underlying nature of the "population at risk" in each of the cohorts. In other words,

because there are actuaiiy les women under 18 giving birth in the late open period (Table

5.9) and the proportion of premarital conceptions only dropped by 5% since the early

open period, the actual odds of a prernarital conception is greater in the late open period.

Mother's previous rnarriage and whether the husband or wife's father was present

for the marriage ceremony were not significantly associated with the odds of a premarital

pregnancy. The overail regression mode 1 is sig niticant (x2=1 ûû8.059,(ir=2 1,P<.OO 1) and

explains 26.4 percent of the variance in predicting for prernarital conception; the mode1 is

therefore notably robust in capturing several of the factors whifh influence the risL of

premarital conception.

This regression mode1 also indicates that statistical aRalysis of the effects of marital status on conception, which wiü be evaluated in the next section, must adequately control for several important factors which are kno wn to be associated with premarital conception. such as matemal age and socioeconomic status. If these factors were excluded from mode1 building and marital status was isolated as a signincant predictor for heallh outcomes it would be impossible to de temine if it was actuaiiy age- and status- reîated factors which were underpinning the association and not marital status in and of itseK

5.5.2 Metkodobgical Shift

Prior to examining multivariate models assessing the impact of marital status at conception on health and behaviourd outcomes, severai methodological shifts in the construction of these modeis must be noted. Fist. the construction of age in these subsequent models has shifted from a factord design (uncier 18, 18 to 23.24 to 29, 30 and over) to a linear covariate. Furthemore. foliowing the suggestion of Kramer (1987). age has been constructed as a quadratic factor (age4). Age was considered as a fategorical variable in the previous andysis predic ting premarital conception since it was reasoned that the decision to engage in exvarnarital sexual intercourse and the risks of that decision in tem of the abiîity to protect oneseiffiom a conception out of weciiock would be influenced by the individuai's stage in the Me-cycle. In other words, women who are school-age (under 18) are les like ly to be married w hen they engage in sexual relations and owing to community factors they are less likely to have access to I less likely to use contraceptive techniques efficiently (an older woman can get access to the PU, whereas a very young women would largely depend on condoms, if that).

There is no reason to assume that a factor which has been smctured to satisfy social underpinnings wiîi hinction adequately in other models, particularly those considering biological outcomes. To sath@ this criterion, a categorical classifîcation of age would have to have underlying biological merit. In the current study, information was not available. for example, on ages at iirst menstruation, a potential causal factor ünked to an assessrnent of 'biological age' as opposed to 'chronological age'. To simply apply a socially-grounded age classincation on a biologicai outcome may either force an association where one does not tnily exist or negate a relationship where one does exist.

A second point which must be made with respect to the models which foilo w is the exclusion of some of the factors which were significant in the prediction of marital status at conception Though husband's previous marital status. place of mmiage. parent's biplace. and husband I wife age differential were signiticant predictors of premarital conception, they were excluded from the health and behavioural models since interpretation of these variables (if signifiant) would be somewhat meaningless. These factors mainly serve as proxies for 0thsocial factors, and what they would therefore mean to something iike low binhweight is hard to define. Nonethekss. the models that fobw do conuol for several sigrifkant background factors including maternai age. socioeconomk siatus. women's employment. infant sex and gestational age.

53.3 HealrlC and Behavioural Outcornes

Tables 5.36 through 5.38 also employ logûtic regression to =ss risk factors for low birthweight, prernaturity, and the choice to adopt anifcial feeding. Similar to the p~ciplesoutlined above. the effects of each variable entered into the model is assessed

ïndependently whik controllhg for the effects of other variables in the model.

5.5.3.1 Lo w Bi& weight

For aü infants who were bom hom 37 week's gestational age onward. the logistic regression mode1 indicates that after conuoliing for the effects of gestational age, sex of the infant, matenal age, socioeconornic status. wile's employment, and cohon. prernarital conception is not a statisticaily signircant risk factor for low birthweight caused by hua- uterine growth retardation (p=.849)(see Table 5.36). Aside lrom the lack of a marital status effect. infants born closer to 37 weeks gestation (OR .5340), femaie infants (OR

1.5). and uifants born to manual labouring socioeconomic status famüies (OR 1.2) are at greater Nkfor low birthweight. Though the overall birth cohort intluence was not signihcant. there is a lowered Nk of low binhweight in the early open cohort. Matemal age and wZe's employment status are not significant risks for low birthweight. The overaii regression model is signficant (~~=73.0a7,df=io,~.o01)and predicts for 9.5 percent of the variance in predicting cases of low bùthweight.

5.5.3.2 Premahrrity

Mer controlling for the effects of infant sex, matemal age, socioeconornic status, wile's employment. and cohort. premarital conception is a statisticaliy significant risk factor for premature births, or infants born at gestational ages les than 37 weeks (OR 1.9)

(see Table 5.37). Of the other factors included in the model increasing maternai age is also associated with a heightened risk of premature binh (OR 1.0). The odds of a premature birth arnong femaie infants (relative to male infants) is signiucantly lower (OR

.6368). Infants of manual labourhg classes and unemployed mothers are not associated with greater risk for prematunty and there is no birth cohon effect imphging on the risks of prematurity over tirne. The overail regression model was signifcant

(~~=24.977.df=9,~=.003)and explained 3 percent of the variance in predicting cases of prematurity. A large proportion of the variance in explaining the risks of premature births remains unexplained; the resistance of prematurity to explanation remains problematic, 133

Tabk 536 LogLFtic Regrcssion Analysis: The Effectof Marital Starus ut Conception And Other Factors on tau Birthweight

Variable B S.E. df Sig age4 2.60E-08 3.2376-07 1 ,9361 marital status at conception unmarried - .O518 .a492 SES non-manual/professional* manual labourer .2206 ,0174 wife's occupational status not employed ,2805 -2426 sex of the infant f male .O501

birth cohort .1980 1960-69. 1969-76 .4 053 1979-85 .O676 1985-90 ,0332 1991-96 .1728 ges tational age - ,6273 .O000 Constant 20.6191 .O000

Number of cases included in the analvsis: 3118 referenc group; for dichotomous factors referent not displayed

-2 Log Likelihood 798.036 Goodness of Fit 3777.340 Cox & Snell - R"2 .O23 Nagelkerke - Ra2 .O95 Chi-Square dfsignificance ToMe 5.37 Logistic Regression Analysis: The Eflect of Man'tal Statu ut Coliception and Other Factors on Infruit Prematun'ty

Variable B S.E. di Sig Exp (BI

marital status at conception unmarried .6535 ,2383 1 .O061 1,9222 SES non-manual/professional* manual labourer .O238 .O803 1 .7668 1.0241 wife8 s occupational status not employed -. 1342 .2405 1 .5769 .87 44 sex of the infant f male -.4513 .2015 1 .O251 ,6368 birth cohort 1960-69* 1969-76 1979-85 1985-90 1991-96 Cons tant -3.6170 -4222 1 .O000

Number of cases included in the analysis: 3284 referent group; for dichotomous factors referent not dispiayed

-2 Log Likelihood 938.491 Goodness of Fit 3307.683 Cox & Snell - RA2 .O08 Nagelkerke - RA2 .O30 Chi-Square df Significance both fkom a research as weii as a cliriica.1 perspective (Kramer, 1987). This lack of power m terms of explauied variance is consistent with other studies examaiing the effects of socMy- and behaviourdy- defmed factors. such as marital status, on biological ou (cornes

(see Tumer et aL, 1990).

5.53.3 Artifhl Feeding

In addition to the standard variables which have ken applied in each of the prior two regression models in the 'health indicators' section, three new variables have been added in this anaiysis: prematurity, low birthweight, and type of delivery (see Table 5.38). niese variables must be included when modeling infant feeding practices since each may either irnpinge on a rnother's access to her infant (if premature or low birthweight infants are in an incubator. for example) or a moiher's general mobility based on the type of delivery she experienced (for example, an uncompiicated vaginal versus caesarean delivery) and therefore discourage the initiation of breast-feeding.

After controllining for the effects of infant sex, matemal age, socioeconomic status, wife' s employment, cohort. type of deiivery, prematurity, and low binhweig ht , premaritai conception is a statisticdiy sigrMcant risk factor for choosing to feed artifcially (OR 1S).

Additional factors which impinged on a decision to artficiai feed included being of a manoal hb~~~gsocioeconomic status (OR 1.1). having a low birthweight infant (OR

2.3), and having experienced a caesarean delivery (OR 1.5). There is. in addition, a very strong cohort effect with respect to the choice of artifïcialfeeding, with the odds of choosing this feeding method over breast-feeding increasing substantially after the border closed (OR 6.3). When compared with the precbsure cohort, favour for artificial feeding Tibk 5.38 Logistic Regressim Analysis: The E#èci of Marital Status ut Conception And Other Factors on Anificial Feeding

Variable B S.E. df Sig Exp (BI marital status at conception unmarried .3848 .IO87 1 .O004 1.4694

SES non-manua 1 /prof ess iona 1 manual labourer ,1363 .O338 1 .O001 1.1460 wife's occupational status no t employed ,0625 .IO60 1 .5556 1.0645 sex of the infant female - .O066 ,0026 1 .9363 ,9934 birth cohort 1960-69* 1969-76 1979-85 1985-90 1991-96 infant gestational age prema ture ,4960 .2955 1 ,0933 1.6422 infant birthweight low birthweight .8213 .2392 1 ,0006 2.2734 type of delivery 2 .O031 vaginal+ caesarean ,3732 .llSO 1 .O012 1.4524 forceps/ventouse .2003 .1209 1 .O977 1.2218 Constant -2.1766 .2001 1 .O000

Number of cases included in the analysis: 2822 ) referent group; for dichotomous factors referent not displayed

-2 Log Likelihood 3429.241 Goodness of Fit 2829.337 Cox & Snell - RA2 .IO5 Nagelkerke - Rn2 .IO5 Chi-Square df Signif icance has remained eievated in aii subsequent cohorts. Though the comparative iikelihood of choosing to artifïcial feed has fluctuated over tirne. it never regained the preference it attained in the cohort imrnediately foiiowing the border closure.

Though the influences of prematurity and forcepdventouse deliveries are not signüicant. theù rejection at the .O9 ievel sumarks their effects as interesting as both are also associated with a heightened risk of artifi~ialfeeding (OR 1.6 and OR 1.2, respectively). Since 'low birthweight ' in rhis analysis is characterized by aii infants faiiing on either side of the 2500 gram cut-off, regardles of gestational age, the results seem to indicate chat a mother's decision to artificiai feed is more strongly influenced by her infant's physical development (proxied through size) at birth rather than whether the infant was prernature or not.

Mother's age. mother's employment status at marriage, and the sex of the infant are not significant factors infîuencing the decision to artificial feed. The overail mode1 is signifiant (x2=3 13.~.df=13,P<.~l) and explains 10.5 percent of the variance in predicting for artincial feeding. Chapter 6 Discussion

6.1 Inlmduction

It appears that marital and premarital conceivers are responding to environrnentai and social cues underlying marrîage and childbeahg choices over time in a similar fashion. When Gibraltar was cut off hmthe rest of Europe, both marital and premarital conceivers responded by entering into maniage and motherhood at younger ages.

Sawchuk (1992:89) suggests that ''the lirnited size and space of Gibraltar as weU as the iack of cultural and recreational facüities on the Rock.. .dampened the prospects for any activities other Chan mhgeand fdyformation" after the border closed.

Once the border re-opened, however, there were new incentives for delaying marriage and childbearing. The dramatic increase in tourism after the border opened, and the reviving effect it brought for the local economy, probably stimulated the Gibraltar

Govement's major land reclarnation projects and CO mmitment to increase hinding docated to scholarships. These new opportunities caused Gibraltarian women and men to reevaluate and re-defme the 'ideai' ages for marriage and chiidbirth.

General trends aside, there are significant differences which emerge when comparing maritally-conceiving and prernaritally-conceiving wo men. particularly with respect to the timing of childbearing or theu starting behaviour. This section fist draws on Gibraltarian discourse to dehe what environrnentai and personai characteristics guide individuals towards sex and potential pregnancy outside of marriage. It then evaiuates what factors may motivate women to place thernselves in sexual situations while exposed to pregnancy. FUlSLUy. in light of the empirical results, plausibk routes of impact for premantal conception on adverse infant outcomes and mothe~gbehaviour will be discosseci. nie section concludes with a hypothetical assessrnent of the long-term effects of premafital conception and the evolu tion of extramarital childbearing in Gibraltar.

62 Unleashing the (PremarItai ) Sexual Urge

It is evident from the results on premarital conception that sexual relations out of wedlock are occurrîng in Gibraltar and judging by the sharp increase in the number of premarital conceptions. Gibraltar's 'sexual revolution' began after the border gates closed in 1969. Schlege! (1991) believes that the tendency to see a direct association between

'sexuaî revolution' and the availabüity of contraception and abortion is necessarily simplistic. The hdings of the current study tend to support her arguments. Judging by the short intemals to conception among rnmied couples during the early border closure, paired with an increasing number of premarital pregnancies, it does nor foiiow thai improved access to contraception could be the causal link enjoining couples to participate in non-conjugal semal intercourse.

la his research on marital patterns in Gibraltar, Sawchuk (1992) iden-d a significant decrease in the mean age at marriage once the border between Spain and

Gibraltar closed in 1969. This research confhns the association between marriage panems and the border closure, but also goes a step merto speculate on the impact of the closed border on sexual relationships. In an ecologkal interpretation of what caused the downturn in marital age, Sawchuk suggests that a loss of extramarital sexual oppominities for males prior to mariage may have been at least one of the causai factors leading u> the decline in age at marriage. Prior to the border closure 'hieans of sexual grafithtion outside rnarriage were available in the nearby ~ampo'~area and this type of behavïour for unmdd males was. generaiiy speaking. acceptable" (Sawchuk, 1992: 86).

As the border gates closed and Gibraltar became 'islandized', Gibraltarian men lost their once-abundant pool of Spanish sexual consorts, girlfriends. and brides. With the large increase in premzital conceptions at this point. it appears that thei.sexual energies turned inward. re-directed at Gibraliarian women both before and after maniage. Given

Sawchuk's hdings that Gibraitarians rationalized theû earlier entry into marriage by the simple fat that "there was littie else to do". it is also iikely that the interest in non- conjugal sexual relations was heightened by the same climate of boredom.

nie hinction of 'community moniioring ' in cunaüllig the sexual behaviour of young women, particularly in communities with fimily established noms discouraging semal activity among the young, is clearly not impacting on the behaviour of unrnarried women in Gibraltar. Despite the fact that Gibraltar remains a highly insuîar community where privacy is very difficult to achieve, young couples are finding the seclusion neeessary for intimate relations. Thomton and Carnburn (1987) suggest that women's rnovement into the workforce. with the household left unattended at specific times of the day. may give young couples the opponunity to engage in sex. The rapid increase in premantal conceptions after the border closure, when women did move into the workforce in large numbers, seems compiimentary to this suggestion, though the existence of multi- generationai households would seem to offset any 'opponunity.' The relationship, therefore, remains interesting but unqualifkd. What is known, however. is that iiving

36 Ail areas of the Spanish hinterland proximal UI Gibraltar. together prior to marriage, a situation which would encourage fkequent sexual relations, is rare in GibraItar and if not over-represented arnong premarital conceivers. It is highiy unlürely, therefore. that predtal conceivers are simply cohabiting partners that coiwîidated their union in marriage once a pregnancy occurred.

6.3 Committed CourWiip: "Hou con you Say 'noyûyou've been togeüior for yed'

One of the main factors which probably predisposes Gibraltarian couples to initiate premarital sexual relations is the fact that relationships between males and females tend to begin early in Me and very quickly progress to lasting commitments destined for mariage

(see Martens. 1987, for example). Courtship, or noviotgo, in Gibraltar can begin as ear'y as 13 or 14 years of age with great pressure put on fernale teenagers to hdthemselves a

The tradition used to be that when they were about 13 or 14 probabiy they met a boy and that boy was then their future husband and indeed when they were about 16 or 17, they would talk about 'My mother-in-kw' and 'My father-in-law' although they weren't marrkd.. .and it was not done at aü for girls to have more than one boyfYiend, it was seen to be a bit suspect ...now, perhaps, they are having a few more boyfkiends but. no, not a lot.

As a young teenager. there is some degree of peer pressure with respect to getting a

Have you ever gone outside the girls comprehensive at lunch-the or 2:00? You'll see [the boys] aü lined up waiting for girlfriends. you'll see the girls who do not have a boy waiting for them outside.. .they think they're weird.. .these are 14 or 15 years old we're talking about ...that's SUthere. ..if you haven't got a man by the îime you're 15 there's something wrong with you, you can't be totaily nght, you know. if you haven't had a boy waiting for you. But as the teenager grows oider, and if she remains unattached. parents and friends of the famiy may become concerned about her prospects. A few years back. ifa woman did not have a serious relationship by the tirne she was eighteen, she was pretty much '%fi on the sheK" Though recognizably sexist in principle, a broken courtship can have serious implications for a wornan's prospect to hdanother mate. though this may not be as serious as it was in the past. One women. upon recalling her courtship in the 1960s. described ber boyfriend's reaction to the fact that she had had a boyfriend prior to him.

He was a bit jealous about it, but he had to accept it. At that time having a boytkknd, having had a boyfend before was a big thing. you know. it's not like toda y that you have three or four bo yfriends and it doesn' t matter. ..boys don' t mind that now but before they were very, very conservative and they had to make sure that they manied sorne girl who was a vugin, you know, she'd never been with anybody else before.. .guys were dinerent, they had the liberty to do whatever they wanted, it was difKerent for them. it was one-sided.

Similar to the choreographed courtships found in Southern Spain (see Brandes,

1976. 1985; Collier. 1986; Price and Price. 1966; Schlegel 199 1). Gibraltarian courtships

üike on a signifiant degree of formality once one of the couple has entered the other's parental house. This is known as noviazgo yu entrado (inside the house) in Spanish courtship traditions and signifies the transition of the relationship to a 'formal' status

(Price and Price, 1966). In Gibraltar, a boyfiiend would nodygo and speak with his girlt$iend's fatber before he was aiiowed hto the house, thus formaiizing their relationship and rnarking its eventual progression to an engagement. This hst step of enteMg the house represents the famiiy's accep tance of the relationship. Teenage wornen would constantly be &g one another. 'Has your boyfriend corne into your bouse yet?' While this tradition may no longer be me in common practice. it has only been very recentiy that it has started ta fade away. Som of the younger women who were intenriewed confessed that thzy invite their male aiends into their house all the the, rather than 'hanging around' outside of iî. Parents may think that this syrnbolizes formafity and this. in tum. amuses the younger generation. Som felt that it was only among lower workhg class Gibraitarians that the stages of courtship formality remain the most closely monitored and respected.

One of the women hterviewed recalled that many years ago, upon 'declaring' her boyIrienâ, she wusomewhat relieved of the heavy burden of restncted libenies that her parents had irnposed on her. It seems that once parents realized that their daughters had boyfriencb, they were a Utle more generous in the amount of fieedom they gave to the couple. One woman fondly remembered that a 'big' concession on her parent's part in the

1960s was aliowing her to attend the late 9:30 show at the cinema, rather than the 6:30 show. with the man who was at that point herfioncé. What nobody realized was that it was a 3-hour nIm and by the tirne they began walking back home they met her father-in- hw on his way to fmd them. distressed that they had not yet retumed. This, she beiieved. war typicai of the strictness with which Gibraliarian women were treated until very recentiy.

The issue of sexual relationships outside of marriage has foiiowed a simüar evolution fkom restriction to liberty. Whereas a Gibraitarian woman in the 1960s was cautious about not getting caught by her parents holding hands with an undeciared boyfkknd, the Gibraltarian woman of the 1990s appears to have sigmcantly more liberty and on a much more intimate leveL Weone woman felt that people might not think extramarital sexual relationships would exirt to any great degree in such a religious community, she could not think of one individual in her cohort who was actually a Wgin upon marriage. She herself felt that there was nothing wrong with a premarital semai relationship so long as it occurs in relationships that are setious and cornmitted. Besicles. she argues,

You can't say '1 won't' if you are 3 years with a guy.. .the problem is not hahg a sexual relationship with a person you are quite close with and king shared together.. .the problem is when you go off with a guy one night. and another on another one. that's when you get the bad name.

Many parents seem to be accepting the fact that their daughters are getting involved in sexual relationships prior to maniage. It seems to be tolerated so long as the woman does not get pregnant, at which point it is felt that she has brought great dishonour to the

My. As this woman puts it,

Mothers want their daughters to go to the alter dressed in white. even if they know they've been up and down Main Street ... [my mother] says to me, and my mother's very open-minded, 'if you get pregnant, forget it, because you wiU reaiiy disappoint me' ...that's the attitude. ..do what you have to do, but don? get pregnant because that would be a very big dishonour on the fmily...it's stiu a very big -bue here in Gibraltar.

Though close comrnunity monitoring does not appear to be dampening the prospect of sexual relations outside of wedlock, it does play a rob if women get pregnant outside of manhge. In order not to dishonour the family, conceiving couples are strongly motivated to matry. Wh& the single mother would be 'lost' in a larger and more impersonal urban center, in Gibraltar, especiaiiy during the border closure, she would be identifled as "the single mothert,' and more specificaiïy, "so-and-so's daughter. the single mo cher."

6.4 Contxaception: Coaxing the Genie Out of the ~ottd'

" han Midiael Murphy's (1993:239) contention rbat the post-Wald War II bby ôamn and subsequent baby Rist in Britaia canna be explaincd by ecmonic fmm alme. Insuad, he argues, fatility patterns no longer fluctuate according to eamomic patterns ever sinœ "the genie of efficient contraception bas beta let out of the btle and canna be reinserted." When contraception. the PiU in particular, began to be promoted around the world in the 1960s. public reaction was ambivalent (Carmichael, 1996). For feminists. contraception offered a way to prevent early pregnancy, one of the main factors leading women away &om education and employrnent and. therefore, th& prospects for autonomy. Thus. with the introduction of contraception. women could engage in sexual intercourse without the risk of changing the direction that theu lives would talce forever after.

While the Catholic Church in Gibraltar probably had svong opposition to the introduction of the Pi11 in Gibraltar in the 1960s. a cartoon which appeared in the Gibraltar

Chronicie, one of Gibraltar 's most widely read and acclairned newspapers, in 1969 clearly teils another story (Figure 6.1). The Gibraltarian woman on the Pili is transfomed into a warrior wonm. in fbii amour and protected by her Pi11 shield whüe controlling the smd clownish-looking man by her side, presumably as her sexud Puppet. This was clearly a very powerhil message that the Pîii was perceived, at lest by some, as a risk to male control over sexual rnatters.

6.4.1 Cbnbuteptiion Among Mam0edWomen: Thhgtht Dcsue to ''Sentî for the Baby"

One marrkd woman indicated that she had wanted to go on the Pili in the early

' 1970s but was somewhat taken aback by her husband's reaction to the suggestion.

I was supposed to be produce chiidren on a yearly basis because my husband's idea of a wife was barefoot and pregnant in the kitchen.. .if I had thought about contraceptives at the time.. .I mean in the beginning I was quite young so you don't rebel agaiast it. it's only when it gets to a stage where 1 had [a number ofj FIGURE6.1: Wandor Woman Protected by the Pm

Source: Gi6mIhr Chruni&, Wednesday, January 22,1%9, page 3 chilchen.. .that I tumed mund and 1said 'Right, I'm going on the Piii' at which point 1 was called aprostilute, a whore. every single beauiihil word you can think of because nke decent women did not take precautions.. .and he wasn't going to Wear any.. .and I said I'm sorry since he wasn't gohg to Wear any, I didn't case what he called me, 1 wasn' t having another baby.. .and that was it, that's just because 1 rebelled. if l hadn' t 1 pro bably would have had a dozen more. (emp hasis added)

'Ihe social disapproval against the PU in Gibraltar in the 1960s and 1970s is probably what motivated the very short intervals between marriage and conception among marital conceivers in the pre-elosure and eculy closure cohorts. But it was no t Ore Gibraltarians were victirns to the lack of contraception, indeed there was a very strong motivation for having chiîdren. One woman who. owing to her circurnstance, had to put off childbearing

1 thought that being four years without having a child, it was a lot of sacrifice on rny part.. .very long by Gibraltatian standards because before you just got married and had children [right away] ...because you didn't plan.. .Ue nowadays they get rnarried and say 'Oh. no. 1 need to pay my mortgage first' or '1 need to get rny car' or '1 need to go on hoiiday, I want to go on holiday first ' .. . before, no, they didn' t thinL about that ...they got bored and they had children and then. you know, it was something to keep them going.

This sentiment was echoed by another woman,

Everybody was getting rn-d very, very early. reaiiy, because the only thing to 'plan for,' material-wise 1mean, not planning their lives, was the wedding because they didn't have any [homes] to buy, they didn't have anythmg to finish, everyone had a job, so people got dedand immediately had a baby.. .had their famüies because why wait? There wasn't any reason to wait.

Indirect evidence for more wide-sale use of effective methods of contraception is provided by the lengthening intervals between marriage and conception of the lorc closurc, eorlg open, and &te open cohons. In other words. it is apparent that the Pü1 and other forms of contraception gained acceptance in the early 1980s. Though women are more wiliing to postpone childbirth to achieve new goais. such as extended education and career-type employment, they are less enchanted by the prospect of postponing rnarriage.

Here if you're going to get a career, you have to go away. 1 did have ideas that even though 1 wanted a career.. .I wanted rnarriage and 1wanted them both as soon as possible. 1 married young because it was either going away on my own [at 181 and leaving the man who was already my fiance or getting married and going together. I remember saying to him 'If you can't corne with me, then I'm not going and I'iî forget the career. but 1 don't want to forget the maniage.' I'm sure 1 would have regretted it so I'm very glad that he didn' t take me up on the offei. 1 tried desperately not to get pregnant in the fist two years. because then 1 cenainly wouldn' t have a career.

The attraction to rnarried life is a strong one in Gibraltar and it is generdy not desirable to delay maniage for an extended period of time. Couples who marry are now likely to adopt reliable contraceptive techniques to postpone pregnancy. While waiting rnay allow them greater flexibility to garner fmancial resources for housing and the support of their future ofbpring, it also aiiows them a longer period of time to enjoy their new marital parmenhip. As couples are more Eely to plan luxurious honeymoon vacations. maniage is no longer solely about having children,

Girls now have to look around and say 'Righi, where are we going to live.. .we have to save for this,' as everybody does, so that having got married, having got thei. homes, they 're also wanting to have some the together .. . then they wiil have their baby.. .so many of these babies [no w] are planned. the fïrst ones... they have an expression here because it's been translated fkom the SpSUIiSh and it is 'We wili send for a baby.'

Furthemore. the concept of being 'Iocked into' a house and mortgage is redefhg the flexibility Gibraltarians see in terms of their chïidbearing behaviour,

They're thinking more about themselves. They think now I've got a house. I've just spent a fortune getting my house for example. I've got three rooms, which is one for each of the children and one for rnyself so we dehitely have no more room for any more children. we can' t afford to go and buy ourselves ano ther house.. .so we're going to have to opt for this. this is the two.

While the goal of home ownership appeals to many middle-class Gibraltarians and tends to infhence their decisions surroundhg chüdbearing. lower class Gibraltarians have fewer reasons to delay childbearing since it is unlücely that they WUever have the opponunity to purchase th& own home.

6.4.2 Contmception Among Unnam*ed Women

niough contraceptives have achieved social acceptability arnong marrieci wornen, many younger, umarried Gibraltarian women admitted that for various reasons their accessibility to contraceptives rem- lunited and even discouraged. Young unmarried women are reputedly very unükely to see a medical practitioner to go on the Pili.

Although condoms are widely available in pharmacies and other iarger grocery stores such as Safeway, many young Gibraltarians find the prospect of going to buy them pahhliy embarrassing. Whether one has to asL for them (because some stores still keep contraceptives under the counter), take them through the checkout, or even if there are simply other people in the store, the chances are very high of being "caught by" a neighbour, a relative, or an acquaintance in the process. Both Indian shops and vending machines in the toilets of some of the larger local bars appear to be the best bet for anonymity. And yet. regardles of these last two options, one woman indicated that

"'sane of our young people are very indifferent" to the issue of birth control (let abne sexuaiiy transmitted diseases). Perbaps part of the expianation for this indifference cm be gamered from a

consideration of the fact that Gibraltar is a largely religious cornrnunity, where children

attend religious schoois. As can weJi be irnagined, there is a signifiant bias in terms of

wbat stu&nts are taught about contraception. One woman recalls her recent formal

introduction into contraceptive education, focusing on the rhythm rnethod, and her views

When 1was in my futh year [of school]. that means when I was seventeen. two Cathok women came to the school to taüc about contraception using your period.. .and 1 was ihinlting my God, what about the coil?, what about the Pa?, what about.. .nothhg Iüce that.. .maybe now it's changed. 1 don't know, but when I was there we were told about.. .they even had a calendar. 'Let's give you an example. ..Mary when was your last period.. .', and 1 was thinking ihis is such bullshit when you know that all of us in this bloody school are probably having sex.

Cooksey, Fündfuss. and Guilkey (1996) have found that among groups, such as religious

groups which teach youths to delay intercourse, or to abstain until marriage. there is a

signifiant increase in the Lüreiihood that youths wül practice unprotected sex at the tirne

of their fnst intercourse. They explain this by the fact that sex education tends to take an

eitberlor perspective where either abstinence or pro tected sex wili be focused on. Those

students who receive abstinence training are more likely to put themselves at risk the fmt time they have intercourse, either in tenns of po tential pregnancy or po tential sexuaily- transnrirted disease. This may explain in part why Gibraltarian youchs are 'indserent' to contraceptives even when they are now more accessible in a more private setting. The difncuity accessing contraceptives or the indinerence to contraceptives clearly heightens the implications of sexual activity in ternis of the possibility of pregnancy. 6.5 The Night-Life of Unmarriecl Woman: Diseos, Drinks, and Dmgs

To the extent that Luster and SmaU (1994) believe that sexual risk taking among young fernales may be rclated to frequent aicohol consumption. the social Me of unmamed women must be addressed. The 'social Me' of young unmanied Gibraltarians outside of sfhool typicaliyrefers to their 'night-Me'. An ideal night out is to go to a pub at rnidnight, staying there for a couple of hours. and then moving on to a nightclub since,

'unfortunately'. the atrnosphere at most nightclubs does not start until about one o'clock in the morning. It is not uncornmon to arrive back home in the early hours of the momhg and then sleep until afternoon, especiaiiy during the summer months. Gibraitarians tend to go to specific pubs and nightclubs which restrict the access of tourists and Services personnel through membership cards requested at the door. While the drinking age should be 18. one woman did not think that it reaiiy 'applied' in Gibraltar.

On top of the regular drinking and cigarette smoking typicai of any pub or nightclub, mothers are becoming increasing concemed over the availabiüty of harder dnigs, such as hash, which are increasingly offered to women in the toilets of these establishments. One concemed parent womes that "girls are getting so much kedom now that it's beginning to get a bit dangerous."

Some women feel that girls in Gibraltar do not really have a chance to be kids, that they quickly progress from "toddlers to teenagers to wornen." Much of this perception is fueled by the very prominent local concern over appearance and, among women, the desire to attract a boyfitend. As a result,

From the age of seven and eight they've already got these Spice Ciris looks, you know, the Little hipsters and the crop tops and the nose rings and the beiIy button rings and the tattoo...at eight ... and twelve year olds, and thirteen year olds, and you see them dom the Street and they look iike women.. .they look Wre eighteen year olds.. .girls nowadays aren' t girls.. .they're women.

But the critique of, or concem over, Gibraltar's current teenagers does not stop there.

Many feel that this new generation is much less family-centered than Gibraltarian families of the pas Sunday, a iraditional family day in Gibraltar, sees a number of youths going off toge* for a day at the beach, choosing instead to socialize with the* fnends.

Cigarette-smoking, drugs and. to a lesser extent. aicohol also mark signif'îcant concerns with respect to this younger cohort. While alcohol, drugs, and greater strides for independence nom the family may represent risk factors in the present. and thus impact on the increased odds of premarital conception after the border opened. it is unükely that they acted to any great extent during the time of the border closure when premuital conception

6.6 Rifflng Self at Risk for a Premarltal Conception: Who is Most Likely

The risk of extramarital relations resulting in a prernarital conception is both age- reiated and class-related. While the odds of premarital conception are particuiarly high for young womn under 18 years of age, and to a lesser extent women 18 to 23 years of age. women coming nom unskilled manual labourhg classes are aiso at increased risk, indepeudent of age. Premarital sexuaI pannerships tend to be drawn among couples who are closely-related in age. and ihis suggests that they are more &ely to be a closer sexual match than. say. an older and more sexually-experienced male and a younger. more

'virginal' and impressionable lemaie. Womn who do not hold paid employment outside of the home show increased odds of pnmarital conception. The increased risk of prernarital conception among unemployed women rulu the gamut fiom the time of the eady closum, when women were just beginnmg to enter the workforce, to the &te open cohort, when women's employment is both cornmonplace and desirable. Prernariial conceivers are clearly a subgroup among wham employment is either not vaiued or attainable. independent of any age-reIated association with the pro babiüty of em plo yrnent.

The tesuifs show that women who are with men who are presumatily sexuaUy experienced by virtue of coming to the union Born another rnaniage (that either ended in deatb, divorce or annulment) are also at greater risk for a premarital pregnancy. The smaii number of men in this category. however. reduces the possibüity that this factor had any suûstaniial impact on the overall occurrence of premarital pregnancies. The univariate anaiysis indicates that men who corne from previous relationships were more likely to be involved in a premarital conception in the 1960s. This may indicate that. relative to bacbebrs m that cohort. they were a little more sexuaiîy precocious, at least with respect to tbe general trend of Gibraltar's 'sexual revolution' not catching on until after the border closed.

The discovery that Gibraltarians w ho marry exogamously (Le.. a Gibraltarian wornan with a non-Gibraltarian man, or vice versa) are at greater ri& for conceiving premaritaly nnds support with Stack's (1994) research. He argues that migrants rnay have pater propensities towards predtal sexual relations owing to factors such as kreased loneliness and the need to make co~ectionsin a new environment. 6.7 Limâtcd Opportunity and Motherly Ambitions

While lsck of access or indifference to reiiable contraceptives may explain why

pregnancy is more Iürely to occur among sexuaiiy active partners, it does not explain the

under1ying nason for wornen proceeding with sexual relations when they know that they

are not pro tected Nor does it explain the increasing risk for prernaritai conception in the

birth cohorîs of the 1980s and 1990s when, relative to earlier cohorts, contraceptives

would have ken more readiiy avaüable. Som alternative possibilities are offered by the

concepts of 'limited opportunities' and 'motherly ambitions'

67.1 Wno We Are & Who We Anund Tluii's Not Coing îo Change

As tightly-knit as Gibraltar is, there are sorne unrnentioned though stringently-

defined boundaries to social intercourse. Gibraltar has long been charactexised as a class- conschus saciety. According to Sawchuk (1992:82), "social stratification in Gibraltar is simply and openly accepteci not only because it is so obvious but because it is so much a part of the military which was readiiy seen by all Gibraliarians throughout their Ne." One woman admitted that,

[It] stin reaïîy fiustrate[s] me.. .what famiiy background you corne fiorn.. .names, family aames in Gibraltar go back a long way, very important.. . 'Who's your hîher?. that U stiü a big part of Gibraltar, 'Who is your father'.

Educationai opportunities tend to be defined by an individuai's position in the social hierarchy. üitimately the type of education received determines the type of occupation tbai an individual would be adequately trained to hold. It is through this type of 'Mcious circle' mechanism that class düferentiols have ken fostered in Gibraltar for such a long lime. Breakhg out of the circle is dmcult, as one woman indicated.

1 corne fiom nEddle class family, right, a very hard-working rniddle chfamily.. .my father bas had a lot of respect always. you know. no scandais, always respected, but middle class. and in a way it's hard because you don't fit there nor there and because you're in the middle you always have to work very hard.

Even hnguage, one of the most basic elements of social interaction. has class-related underpinnings. Though English is the mother tongue of aU Gibraltarians, Gibraltar is nonetheiess a büingual community and most Gibraltarians also leam to speak and write

Spanish As language becomes a reflection for ciass, however. those who preferentially speak Spanish in the workpiace are imrnediately perceived as lower working class. Those of a very high class may actually have problems with Spanish since they were brought up speaLing English in the home and at schooL

It is probable that Gibraltar's ngid class structure conveys a perception of limited opportunilies for seKimprovernent or upward mobiüty, particularly among lower class youth Ifhigher education is clearly beyond famiiy means, there may be Little incentive to excel at schooL Manual labouring class parents who have grown up in the system may devalue extended education. It is true that a nurnber of individuals interviewed indicated uiat bw class Gibraharians tend to be the most traditional in the sense of ciinging to social fomialities which higher class Gibraitarians have shmgged oc it is possible that this dinerential emerges as lower class families tend to be less 'worldly ' than other

Gi'braltarianS Conversely, by maintabhg more conse~ativeviewpoints with respect to social formalities. lower class famüw possess at kat one means by w hich they cm preserve statu in the community. Nonetheless. class buriers which are currently in place may give rise to a sense of apathy regarding the svuggle for education and 'success'.

Lower cl.Gibraitarians may re-defme 'success' by the achievement of a cornfortable existence and being sunounded by family.

6.7.2 Setling OwSights on Wnol We Want: Educatîon

6.7.21 Higher Edueutwn: Should I s&y or should I go?

With the opportunity for extended education more widely avaüable than it was in the pas& at kast for middle-class Gibraltarians with relatively successful Comprehensive results. the trend towards higher education is clearly catching on. Only a few years back one young womrecails that,

Whm 1 went to study for my A levels only five of us went.. .out of two hundred women, only 5 of us went abroad to study.. .l6 dropped out of school got pregnant. had kids, went into Govemment secretaria1 jobs. Now things are changing to the point chat at this moment in tirne there are 60 girls studying for their A ievek

Though the number of Gibraltarian women pursing universit y education has risen dramaiically in the last few years, the majo rity still remain in Gibraltar and begin ''very simple mamkd lives." The hesitation, as one woman sees it, is ingrained in what women perceive that they need or what they would accomplish by going away,

Some [female students] feel 'You'll make it. what's the point, you've got everything here' ... so they think that haWig the sun and the clothes .A's nice that you can walk down the Street and feel safe and you go to the beach during the day, but that jsn't a whole Me.. .you want the cultural aspect and just going out and seeing dinerent phces and they don't have the incentive to do that. Furtbermore. not di people see marriage, children, education and careers as linked prospects One woman who was particuiarly focused on her studies and her ambition to go abroad found that people had a lot to say about her choice.

A few years back there was a lot of üke 'Oh, my daughter's got a boyffiend.. .hasn't your daughter got a boyfriend yet?', or 'What is she going to do?'. .. 'In any case you wiii want to have children and you can't leave your children whilst you go to work, you have to attend to your children'. .. 'What's the point in studying if in any case you're goiag to be a mother and you're going to be a housewife*... 'Why don't you go into the bar&. there's this really nke littie job in the Governent section and you cm get a nice pay and be cornfortable for üfe' .. . Wre I've seen most of rny Wnds do. nie woman who chooses to go away when she is in a comrnitted relationship is even more singled ouf

The problem is that when 1decided to go to study, king engaged. that was when the probiem of people talking happened. They were really, sony for the word, but bitchy towards me.. .they said 'How cm you go?'. ..I was a bad person and [my boyf?iend] was a good person.. .I was bad for going away and leaving him behind but what they didn't think about was that 1 was doing it for the best of both of us.

The real problem in this case, as the woman later admitted, was that people feared that she would forget about her cornmitment in Gibraltar by gohg abroad and meeting other

A number of women are forced to corne to tenns with what they want the rnost and an almost se~sacrificingtheme developed in the interviews. If at any point it became ckar that going abroad would jeopardize a relationship women tended not to go or at least questioaed the merits of going. Some have gone so far as to cdthis 'self-de facing * behaviour since many women repct the potentials and the opponunities to which they are so cleariy predisposed Som believe that these unfulfi0ed ambitions would ody hurt them and the qualùy of theu rehtionship in the bng mn if they were leh feeling unsatisfied with their chosen We. Some students who go abroad and corne back for school hoiidays sense thai they are somewhat remted by their pers who remained behind since "their Life is already so pianned. everyday they've got the same routine. whereas our life changes every minute."

The abiüty to pursue higher education abroad is pro bably responsible for the community's shifts in the timing of maniage and parenthood. Since this is a relatively recent innovation, however, it does no t explain the high rise in permital conceptions after the border closed when very few women went on in school past the minimum leaving age. It is more likely. therefore, that educational associations with premarital sexual risk taking are exerted at an earkr level, whik women are in their early years of comprehensive education.

6.7.2.2 Comprehensive school: Do I reaily need to ba here?

Many of the Gibraitarians interviewed felt that a lack of academic ambition fiom a very young age probably Uuluenced the behaviour of the majority of teenage premarital

A lot of [teenage] pregnancies in Gibraltar are due to that iack of encouragement to look outside the world.. .they just think 'Oh,I'm going to stay here so why not go have sex with my boyfhend and then get pregnant at 14 or 15' and that's a lot of what's happening.. .they see the boy6.iends getting rnoney and cars," so why should they go to school and work.

" Though anscateù by this individual, namally when young mm possessed large sums of mmey and fiashy cars it inbicated their involvement in illegal cigarette smuggling !km Gibraltar inio Spain. Within the last couple of years, authorities on both sides of the border have effectively curbed this lucrative source of employma~t fa ywng men. Oae matcomprehensive school graduate felt that the decision to put oneseîf at risk for a pregnancy by engaging in sexual relations with a boyfhend had a lot to do with ultimate

Me go& and what was required to meet those goals,

I found that a lot of people in school. especially the son of typical Gibraltarian who has no intentions of going out [of Gibraltar to study in Enghd] anyway, thought we& what else is there for me to do.. .I don? want to stay in school.. .I think in a way it's ail sorts of excuses.. .of staying with a boyfnend. getting out of school in some cases moving out of your house.. .some people [have sex] just to get pregnant.

The dissociation between education and chiidbearing is very reai in Gibraltar. AU femaie

Gibraltaxian students know that if they get pregnant. they get expeiîed, permanently. By raking ihe rjsk, female students are clearly and luiowingly compromising their hiture educational opportunities. even the abiüty to graduate from cornprehensive schooL As one wornan explained it,

The [teenagers] who get pregnant didn't really want to be in school anyway. I think possibîy the ones who were a bit brighter, in order to stay in school. may have taken precautions.. . but certainly the girls who get pregnant tended not to want to stay in school anyway.

And yet. despite the cohsequences of pregnancy, another woman learned that schoolgiris pkingly maire bets as to "Who w% get pregnant next."

6.73 YOU, Me, and the Baby Muke Th:The Value Phecd on Motherhod

It is possible that according to Cooksey's (1990) suggestion, either younger women without me educational interest, or Iow socioeconomiç status women who see the& opportunities for success limited. may perceive pregnancy and motherhood as one means to improve their status or adopt the webrespected roie as wife and mother in the community. Babies after marriage are highly regarded and strongly encouraged in

Gibraltar. When asked what would happen if a Gibraltarian woman chose not to have children one woman actually laughed,

Her life is made impossible.. .you have to have the character, very few people could stand up to the pressure of two Gibraltarian families.. .very few people have got the character. The pressure is 'Have your started a family yet?', 'Oh, you've been manied two years, nothing happen yet?', 'Do you want to have a family or is it you can't have one?', and 'It cannot be my son. my son is perfectly healthy, it must be your fault, it's not my son's fault.'

Most Gibraltarians think of Gibraltar as a "child-friendly society" where children are truly cherished. unlike England were they believe children are just tolerated. Outside the home

Gibraltar is perceived as a very safe place for children and there are rarely reports of child abuse occurring inside the home.

Because of the value placed on children and the esteem paid to women with children, some female university students report that when they return to Gibraltar for vacations it onSy takes a couple of days for them to become 'broody', that is wishing for their own children. These feelings then disappear once they return to England and devote themselves to their studies. It is possible, therefore, that younger and lower socioeconomic status women have weighed their options, trading in the pressures to get that 'great' education, that 'great' job, or their own house, goals which may be virtually unattainable. opting instead for an 'O.K.' job, a government-rented flat, and a husband and 6.8 Breaking the ClPss Globe: The Changing Cimmptence of hemaritai Coaaplion

Though premaritaf conception arose as a significant feature of Me in Gibraltar aiter the border closed in 1969, it did so within a unique setting. Existing as an 'island' community for some 15 years. marital patterns adapted to the distinctive social and economk climate which ensued Age at mafriage dropped because Gibraltarians saw

SITUbenefits to delay (Sawchuk. 1992). When the border closed and Gibraltar suffered a major labour shortage owing to the complete withdrawal of aii Spanish ernployees, it was not bard for young Gibraltariaas to hdemployrnent, even if they did not have a strong educatlonal background. Wano homes avaüable for ownership, there was no real reason to be concemed about saWig, instead Gibraltarians derived pleasure out of manying and childbearing to escape thmonotony of Me on an 'island' .

Premarital conceivers did not differ greatly from their married counterpans during the tim of the border cbsure. other than begin~gtheir married and family lives a Little sooner. ûnce the border opened. the differentid widened as life in Gibraltar began to change rapicüy. Scholatships becarne more widely available for students to study abroad, while those who stayed behind for the jobs requiring les formal training were now expsed to direct cornpetition fiom Spaniards who retumed to Gibraltar seeking employment Gibraltar is no longer the community that it was during the border closure, and a lack of education in a community with daüy increasing leveis of unemployment and a heavily critiqued welfare system wül no longer suffice. Famüies are hahg to lem how to plan. noi oniy to go after the golden egg of home ownership, but aiso to meet basic needs. It is now. since the border opened, that GibraItarians perceive benefits in postponhg manîage to later aga, but more imponantly postponing the birth of the first oflkpkg in the maritpl union.

It is almost as though premantal conceivers are caught in a dinerent sort of

'material' hop where marriage and childbearing is given higher priority over these other ambirions and young womn see no reason to exert themselves over employment or even edufation. Wdh tbe recent rise in a 'new' type of Gibraitarian teenager showkg deneased mterest m famiiy involvement and greater attraction to the hgculture. one carmot nile out the possibüity that some of the prenwital conception of the present may have less to do witb motherly ambitions. and more to do with an apathy over future

~pporiunity~

Fernale premarital conceivers are now 5.5 years younger than their maritaüy- conceiving counterparts. While premarital conception and having a child at a young age may not have had a tremendous impact on famiy well-king during the 'de' days of the border cbsm. however, tbere WUbe social and econornic implications in the cornpetitive worM of the open fionlier. The financial and social coping suategies of these young famïiies should be addressed.

6.9 Healtb and Behavioural Impücations of Premarftal Concepîion

Despite the observation that premzital concep lions tended to be resolved in maniage very mon akrthe pregnancy was discovered, a fïnâing which Camkhael

(1996) would explain by couples instigating sexual relations and unprotected sexuai relations in the anticipation of rnarriage, premarital conceivers are nonetheles found to be at increased risk for some adverse outcomes rehtive to marital conceivers. Given the fact that the multivariate analyses control for the effecu of potential confounding factors, such

as age, socioeconomic status. and women's employment, we know that the effects of premarital conception are exerted independent of these other factors. WMe the logistic regression models indicate an association between premarital conception and some adverse outcomes. the exact causal mechanisrns underlying the observed reiaiionships remain unluiown, A discussion of several possible hypotheses is therefore offered.

6.9.1 Low Bitîh weight und Preniaturily

After controlling for relevant background factors and factors kno wn to be associated with premarital conception, such as matemal age and socioeconomic status. logistic regression results indicate that king unmmied at conception exerts an independent and signifcant effect on the Nk for premature birth but not on the risk for low birthweight According to Kramer's (1987) meta-analysis, there are two factors, cigarette smoking during pregnancy and materna1 pre-pregnancy weight, which have been causally linked to an increased risk for both low birthweight and premature deliveries.

Smce this study indicates that premarital conception is a signiticant risk factor only for prematurity, and not for low birthweight. it is unlikely that the behavioural or social factor underlying the rislr of being unmarried is rehted to either of these two factors. If cigarette smoking behaviour or pre-pregnancy weight dinered in any significant way between marital and premaritai conceivers. the effect should impact on the risk of both Iow binhweight and premaiuity. One mtrïguing explanation for the results lies in the potential dinerential exposure

of premarital conceivers to stress and anxiety, which have kenidentified as Nk factors

for premature delivery by a number of independent studies (Berkowitz and ECasl, 1983;

Newton et al. 1979; Norbeck and Tiiden, 1983; Pritchard and Teo Mfphm, 1994). Stress

and anxjety are also reasonable factors since the y are no t Wrely to impact on the 10 w

birthweight Studies which have found an effect suffer fkom a broad operation~tionof

low binhweight, lhat is considering aii infants under 2500 gram 'low birthweight' with no

gestationai age requirernents (e.g.. Pritchard and Teo Mfphm, 1994). It is no t suiprishg

that these studies find an effect of psychosocial factors on both premature delivery as wel

as 'bw birthweight' since th& samples wîii overlap somewhat in the sense that a number

of 'low birthweight' infants are premature infants.

According to Kramer (1987:684). who only accepted studies specifcally treating

low biribweight infants of at Ieast 37 weeks' gestational age as separate fiom ail births

under 2500 gram into his meta-analysis,

Data fiom developed countrks show no iink between mated psychological factors and mtraute~egrowth but a possible effect on pre-term delivery, although mean gestational duration does no t appear to be affected. This suggests that stress and etymay provoke pre-tem labour in some susceptible women; however, finn conclusions about such an effect, as weil as its magnitude. must await further investigation.

The pfoposed causai relationship linking psychologically-compromising influences such as

stressfùî Iifeîbange events, anxiety, and unwanted pregnancy to the biological event of a premature delivery is an "anxiety-mediated change in catecholamule or hormonal balance"

whicb provokes pre-tenn labour. Theare several possible pathways through which a premarital conceiver in

Gibraltar may be exposed to higher levels of stress and anxiety relative to a marîtal conceiver. and these are not rnutuaiiy exclusive possibilities. First, Gibraltar is a highly religious community when conservative viewpoints with respect to the sanctity of chiidbath within wedlock remain in place. Second. many Gibralarians continue to embrace a Mediterranean code of honour and shame (see Brandes, 1976; Gilmore, 1987;

Goddard, 1989. 1994: Schneider, 1971). A number of individu& interviewed felt, however, thai the tenets of this code are more widely embraced and enforced by the lower social cksses who tend to ciing to traditional values with greater conservatism than

Gitarians of O ther social classes.

Essentiany the homur I shame principle holds that family honow is either manuained or 10a through the behaviour of fernales in the household. For the purposes of this study, shame is incurred when a female engages in sexuai relations outside of marrîage. or worse. becomes pregnant out of wedlock. This is a very strict reading of the meanuig of honour and shame, however, and more likely, owing to the lengthy character of couriships in Mediterranean communities, there is a strong likelihood that sexual relations win normally begin at some point before mdge. In her work in Naples,

Goddard (1989). for example, argues that fidi sexuai activity if permitted arnong committed couples stice this is a right which the couple wiii attain upon their rnhge anyway. If a pregnancy occurs, it is assumed that the couple wili go ahead and many,

îhough at times considerable parental pressure is requued.

In the case of Gibraltar, if the transition to mamkge is not an easy one. or if the couple has not been courting for a long period of time, women may be exposed to some psychosocial distress early on in their pregnancies as bo th the couple and their families

negotiate mariage preparatiow. According to some of the individu& interviewed, there

is a stronger likeiihood that women in lower social class households wiii be shamed for

disrespecthg the family by becorning pregnant outside of marriage. The lower working

claîs in Gibraltar is widely perceived as the repository of traditional views, while the

middle and upper classes are adopting increasingly more liberal views on rnatters of

extramarital sexuaüty and pregnancy. As a result. premafitaliy conceiving women of

lower socioeconornic status may be more îikely to experience higher levels of stress- and

anxiety-inducing feedback from their families.

A Uiird major route by w hich feeiings of stress and anxiet y may reach the

premarital conceiver is if the pregnancy was vuly unwanted. There is cunently no

abortion service in Gibraltar. nor has one ever ken provided. With an open border

Gibraltarian women could opt to cross into Spain and arrange for an abortion there.

When the border closed. however, wornen were effectively isoiated hmany option for an

abortioa Though more rernote possibilities were available, such as flying to Engiand, the

high cos& both for the procedure as well as vavel expenses would have effectively

removed this possibiiity for lower socioeconornic women. Even if accessibiiity was not an

issue, however. women would stiiï have to rationalize this option to themselves and / or the'= faniiües. a prospect made very ûiffïcult by the high bels of religiosity in the

community. Infants are rarely put up for adoption in Gibraltar, presumably because of the

smd size of the community and the inability on the part of the mother to distance herseif

from her child and the adoptive parents. As a result, as unwanted as a pregnancy may be, more often than not a woman wül be unable to prevent the ultirnate birth and her role as a

Fdy. one last and very intriguing possibility for raising stress and anxie ty levek among premarital corïceivers relates to the typical home life for the majority of

Gi'braltarians. Owing to the housing shortage whic h has prevailed untii very recentiy, femaie Gibraltarians and their husbands typicaîiy began their rnarried lives by moWig into the homes of theif parents or in-laws. It has only been very recently that independent houhg opportunities opened up through home ownership. though it is unlü

Wliile for the most part lhis situation of extended famüy living is not overly problematic for newly married couples, the foilowing 'confessions' do reveal some underlying tensions,

We weren't under-housed or anything, we had enough room and our own room. ..but there's always pressure. 1 mean, I got on quite weil with my mother-in- law, 1 don't want to sound as if 1 didn't. but obviously she did things dinerent fkom what I did and we were two generations apart. not one, so I was always a Utle girl for her and that's always ben a problem.

1 didn't lïke disapprovai. I stiü don't. I'm always tryir~gto please and I used to sense when [my mother-in-law] was disapproving of something, but it could be anything, it could be 'you don? hang shirts by the coiiar, you hang them by the shirt-Us.' or vice va..ît could have been an ything .

We used ta live with our in-hws and that led to problerns.. .I don't know whether that's the reason why some people didn't get on, because relationships got strained living with somebody eise in a smd house, because you've noticed houses here are not tbat big.

You didn't have the privacy that you would have in your own house.. .hawig your owa home, you cm do whatever you want. when you want, and where you want, whereas ia those days, you always had people looking over you and that's why we had so many bmken marriages in those days.. .I mean relations must have been strained ta the lima. ..you didn't get on with your mother-in-law and you stin had to lump it because you didn't have anywhere else to go. just imagine that.

Some womaa avoided the situation altogether, with one woman extending her courtship a fuil eight years because she felt living with parents or in-laws.

ms a mistale. Once you do that it's very dflicut to get out of that because, then. 'Why are you baWig? Why do you want to move out? Are you not happy here? What have 1 done?. ..so it's best to avoid that if you cm.

Maritaly-conceiving women are at somewhat of an advantage with respect to the pitfalls of extended family Mgby virtue of the fact that by the time theu hst child has mived, they would have had a longer period of time to establish and adapt to their position within the household dyaamic. The marital conceiver enters the household first as a wife. deiines her role within that household, and then becornes pregnant.

'Rie premarital conceiver is ai a disadvantage since if she either moves Uito her in- law's home or her husband moves into her parentai home, there is the potential for tension as the aew couple tries to define their position and role within the househo~d.~~The premarîtally-conceiving woman is already pregnant at the the she and her husband enter mto these dekate inter-personai negotiations. It is here that the work of Pritchard and

Teo Mfphm (1994) is particuiarly Uisightful as they concluded that psychosocial d~culty in the household role represents a significant risk factor associated with premature delivery. In pariicular. they found that the level of perceived difficulties in the household role of women, including problerns with their social foie, hstrated expectations. and

- - 'P Indeed, bis peraqtiaa is reinfœced by early 1970s medical opinim: ''Sochi and marital pmMems cmtipuc to hcrcase so too does the number d young girls who marry busetbey are pregnant. They 169 demands and diffu:uliies at 20 to 30 weeh gestation increased the risk for preterm deiivery.

As premarital conceivers. who may not have ken couning for long, move intc one of the parental households as a married couple with or without additionai personaiiy- perceived burdens of having dkhonoured the& famiües, it is possible that establishing themselves in the household may be fraught with dficulty. Ir seerns plausible that the stress which a premaritaiiy-conceiving wornan may face adapling to her new status as wife and future mother, coupied with the fact that she rnight be iiving in a 'foreign' household where her role in that household is not clearly defmed, could place her at greater risk for stress- and anxiety-induced premature labour.

The nature of housing in Gibraltar itseif should not be forgotten in considering the possible stress faced by prernaritaily-conceivhg wo men in nego tiathg their househo ld position. Seguin et al. (1995) found that housing density, rneaswed by the number of rooms per person, posed a signifcant risk for depression among pregnant wornen. High density living is ingrained in Gibraltar, not only at the level of the neighbourhood, but also within individual households. One of the major factors boosting a famüy's position on the housing waiting list is the ievel of overcrowding within the household. In 1951, for exampie, 230 families on the waiting list had less than 30 square feet of iiving space per person (classikd as 'gossly overcrowded ') (ARH, 195 1).

Estimates of overcrowding, taken at each of Gibraltar's census points, indicate that even though high density living is becoming iess common, it still remains a problem in the comrnunity (Table 6.1). Being les prepared for the eventuality of mafige and

live with in-laws and most of these marriages are under pressure from the start. It is unusual to visit a Table 6.1 Percent of Families in Gibraltar Accornmodated in I or 2 Room Census Year % of Faniilies % of Families in 1 Room in 2 Rooms 1951 17.59 24.4 1 1970 6.68 16.01 1981 4.6 f 13.78 1991 3.89 12.73 childbearing, the prernaritdiy-conceiving couple moving into the parental home may fmci conditions less than ideal. oniy increasing the difficulty of a smooth transition. Homes are described by one Gibraltarian as "very smaU, very cramped.. .maybe you just had one bedroom and you had to get married and Live with your parents, it meant that maybe you had to sleep on the sofa or something." While theoretically interesting, the association between 'negotiating a household role' and coping with 'high density living' and the risks of prematurity calls for more research in this comm~nit~~~

Though the focus of this research is on the impact of marital status, this section on

Iow birthweight and prematurity should not be closed without pohting out other potentially modcnble risk factors that emerged in analyses which rnay be of clinical signïficance. Low socioeconomic status women of manual labourhg fdesshow heightened odds of delivering a fun-term low birthweight baby. Given the fact that smoking does not appear to transhte as a risk across low birthweight and prernaturity, it may be that other factors. such as maternai nutrition, place these wornen at greater risk.

Increasing matemal age seems to heighten the risk of a prernature deiivery among

Gibraltarian mothers. It is possible that older women are more prone to factors such as kst baby wbose parents have a home of tlieir own" (AR DMIIS, 1974:26). ul Future researcb will adopt a mebiologidly-enuenched approach to test for hamonal differences among women according io their self-reportcd household situation and th& ultimate pregnancy outcornes (gestational age of ia fmt inht prematwity). hyperteasiori, a ri& factor for premature delivery, though this causal link cannot be

evaluated in the piesent analysis.

The bene& of breast feeding in tenns of reducing infant morbidity and

encouraging a unique bond between mother and infant have long ken known (Hull and

Simpson, 1985; Jelliffe and Jelliffe, 1972; Lozoff et ai., 1977; Stuart-Macadam and

Deawyler, 1995). Despite the fac t that local midw ives ac tively encourage breast-feeding

among new mothers, it is ultimately left to the mother's decision how she chooses to

féecl'' Premantally-conceiving women show heightened odds of selecting artincial

feeding relative to their rnaritally-conceiving counierpans. It is possible that the degree of

mk attachent to the matemal role, pmicularly among very young premaritai conceivers,

may play a role since accordhg to one local wornan,

A lot of the people who have to get med,that's the terni we use, you 'have to get married,' if they're very young and they 'have to get married.' their cMdren are mainly brought up by their parents and, in fact. in a lot of the cases 1 aiways think it's wrong because the children.. .they cany on with their lives, going out to discos, and diey are the mothers, you know, and their children are king raised by the grand parents.

- - 41 Sane mothers Chase not to brwfeed because they hnd it inconvenient. There are véry few Iocatims m Cibratar airsidc of tbe home wi~erea motha can stop and breast-feed wiib sune degree of privacy. Ttic oaly laatiai in tbe downtorm me, faexample, is in the toilets of a small shopping plaza. Oiher mothas find it reassuring to artificial feed sina bey can acturilly set bow much of a btleof farmula th& babiae are cmsuming; sane motbers smpped keast-feedîng because they feared their child was not gettiag proptr ~OlPjsboient. Stiii der mdenprefd to &are fePrling tasks witb the ûaby's Gafher, witb one woman maitiming ibai the laie-aight f&gs her husband gave to Ibeir chiid wae partinilarly important to th& early bonding. In ha study on 9ifant feeding practices among women in the United States. Mohrer (1979) found that young women iiving in parental homes were less likely to breast feed owing to the ktthat they were more iikely to share child-rearing tasks with th& mo thers.

It is possible that since the piemanial conceiver in Gibraltar did not plan her pregnancy, she rnay be in greater need of extended family support and therefore view the child less as her own independent responsibility. extending to matters of feeding style.

Altematively, some Gibraltarian grandmothers have been describeci as "overwhelming" and since they wül be playing a hger role in the iives in premaritally-conceivhg mothers, they may aciuaily prefer that the baby's mother does not establish an exclusive bond with the infant Since the decision to anficial feed was not age-related in this study. the findings support the view that artificial feeding represents more of a p tential context- rehted dependency rather than an age-refared dependency on the extended family.

Aside hmmarital status, socioeconomic status atso emerged as a significant risk factor predkting for artificiai feeding. This is a fmding which is iargely supported in the literature (Mohrer, 1979; Rassin et ai., 1984) and may refkct an education bias. where the perceived benefits of breast-feeding for the infant are outweighed by the benefits experienced by the mother of not breast-feeding. Lower socioeconomic status women may also be more Muenced by the behavioural shiAs which are occurrîng in the larger community since there are distinct changes in the frequency of artificiai feeding by cohort.

Leseducated women. lured by the perceived starus quo on matters of infant feeding. are probably less lJrely to occupy the position of 'innovators' in the community. instead fonowing the general trend set by the larger group of Gibraitarian women. The findhg

îhat obstetric procedures. such as caesarean section. and infant factors, such as low Viweight, contributed to a decreased iikeiihood of breast feeding is supponed in the literature (Raja. 1994): Mothers and infants in these categories may need more support and attention to initiate breast feeding and reap iu greater benefits.

The porential benefds of breast feeding operate not oniy in the short-tem, but also

wiih respect to an infant's longer-term development. Drawing on the database provided by this thesip. recent work by Sawchuk et aL (1998) has identified a signifcant association between infant-feeding practices and cognitive develo prnent. The mateTnaYinfant records of 451 infmts in this sarnple born between 1980 and 1987 were

Wdto standardized school-age reading scores measured by the Department of

Education at 8 years of age. mer conuolling for signüicant confounding factors. multiple regtession results indicate that there is a 2-point advantage in reading proficiency at 8 years of age among children who were breast-fed as infants. Further analysis indicates

haî it is only amortg children of unsküled manuai labourers that a signikant differential

emerges with respect to type of feeding exposure as an infant. Future research will be examining aspects of the 'parenthg hypothesis' (e.g., nature of the home environment, parental behaviour) (Gale and Manp 1996; Pollock, 1989) to explain these socioeconomic 'risk' clifferences.

I'm so shocked ut having a baby and whot it entails...it 's been such a trauma, you kmw, just rhc shock, I mem...wfint one perceives it's going to be like and then if's rotaMy not like thot...th, you know, the disilhion I had and dream of a massive famroty,buking cakes, you know, and singing, you bw,Sound of Music in the a lantitively. any posa-partum situation wtiere either the maher a infmt require speciai care and attention may influence the mortrer to adopt the mae mvenient (i.e., bottle) feeding melhod. 43 Similarly, tbe robust nature of this &t;ibase has led to ics application in otber researcb questions (Burke, 1% 1997). background. At's ubsolutely mt how it is ut dl...if's mo having a nervous breakduwn, oh. dut's more like it.

Judging by the facl that this comment was uttered by a happiiy nwrkd. &taily- conceiving wornan. one can only imagine the Me-change experienced by premarital collceivers in the pst-birth period. If premaritai conceivers are young. they wüi have to cope with some degree of isolation. as their niends go off to school and other family membeis are working. There are no Govemment nurseries in Gibraltar which accept babies so mothers would have to be able to absorb the costs of a private nursery if they are to woh In addition, they have to corne to tenns with the demands of being a mother and the fut tbat "these thesettk things that look Wre doils are no longer doiiy-me. [and] they are doing thhgs that aren't very doîiy-me."

A number of Gibraltarh women did not feel that maniages motivated by pregmdes would ktin the long nin. With the recent rise in the nurnber of divor~es~in

Gibrattar. premaritai conceivers may be at additional risk for marriage faüure as one womindicated that "of the girls in my school year who did 'have to ge t married' .I should thinlr 90 percent of thern have either separated or divorced by now. easily." And with respect to the possibility that a healthy and happy relationship could be established between young piemaritaî conceivers. another woman had her doubts,

You see many beautifhl women over hefe who are 15, 16, or 17 and redy beautifid, you know, and really full of Me.. .and 1 see them now and they've put on a tremendous amount of weig ht, they've let themselves to taiiy go in appearance, some of the children are really straggly and. you know, it's not that they don't love their

@ Sina Briuin's revision of a 'no fault' Di- Act in 1969, and the msuing changes in Giàalor's policy. divuces are inacasing. Between 1970 to 1979 and 1979 to 1984.5.996 and 9.6% of marriages tesuitcd in divœce, respectively. Sinœ the border opened in 1985, the proportjori has risea to 13.2% of marriages. Aside kasi the inaeasing frequency of divorce, the number of petitioas fil4 by women bas also inadsinœ ihe 1%9 policy revision (Sawchuk, perscmal canmunication). kids... but because of the pressure that they've m-d so young. they haven't had a youth, they haven't seen the world. they've just ken in Gibraltar. not gone anywhere else.. .and then at the age of 21, they've got 2 children.. .their husbands are looking around because in Gibraltariari culture maies tend to alra be very, how would 1 say it, there's a Spanish word for it. males here tend to be very coquetos, you know, Iüre peacocks, you know, like the peacock tries to stride and look.. .you would be surprised about the amount of marital infidelity in Gibraltar.

6.11 Marriage and Motherhood: On the Wane?

Despiie tbe long-estabiished culturally mo tivated pressure to marry to legitimize a

premarital conception, attitudes appear to be changing in Gibraltar. One older wornan

received a telephone cail from a relative of hers, distraught that one of the umanied

teenage giris m the household had become pregnant. When asked for her advice the

woman instructed the calier to Ieave the girl alone, that even though there was a baby on

the way, there was no reason to force her to marry and to ''wrap her Me up in a littie

parcel and put a bow on it" And this general feeling that a pregnancy should not mark

the end of a young girl's life is on the rise.

Some suggested that the rising leveis of maritai separation. divorce, and femaïe-

headed households have challenged the Gibraltarian perception about the necessary Link

between motherhood and marriage, certainly this view is supported in the literature

(Cooksey, 1990). Others bekve that the increasing cultural acceptance of binh out of

wedlock is limited to certain social classes,

The pressure to many de pends on the social class of the person.. .if the y' re fairly low social class, then parents wili push them to marriage, whereas if they're fairly more educated then they'll tell hem 'Look, stand back away corn it. give yourseif some the to thinlr about il, wait und the baby is born, and then wait until you're of a decent age that you cm decide for youtseif with maturity'. ..that is certainly a better option, 1 think.

This 'new' type of Gibraitarian mother merits considention in her own right. Chapter 7 Conclusion and Implications

7.1 Conclusions

Preniaritai conception increased substantially after the border closed between

Spain and Gibraltar in 1969. This increase is associated with a local 'sexual revolution' in

Gibrahar and was supported by the 'hiand'-type of existence to which Gibraltarians adapted. The border closure was a time when employment was readily available and, as a result, couples could marry earîier than in the previous pre-closure cohon. A probable comôïnation of heightened family values and low access to contraceptives led couples into chiidbearing very quickiy after marriage. Though prernarital conceivers reversed the timing of marriage and pregnancy, and tended to marry and have their tint chiid ahead of the maritally-conceiving group of wornen, their focus on family building at young ages was not at odds with the ambitions of other wornen at the tirne.

Prernaritai conceivers did begin to Mer from marital conceivers by the late border closure. when maritaiiy-conceiwlg women started io wait longer to have their fhtchild.

This cohort marks the beginning of a trend which has gradually amplified up to today, whae premarital conceivers are some 5.5 pars younger ihan marital conceivers at the time of their &st birth Marital conceivers reason that the increasing delay to fîrst pregnancy can be atmuted to greater financial planning and a focus on strengthening the marital union prior to addhg chiidren to the family.

The fînding that very young women. women in manuai labouring social classes, and women who do not hold positions in paid employment are at increased risk for premarital conception indicates that placing themselves in a position for pregnancy may be related to a sense of apathy that going beyond the roie of wife and mother is an attainable goal. From th& perspective this may not represent a compromise of any sorts since the dual rok of both wife and mother remains an honourable undertaking in Gibraltar.

Though this decision may be satisfactory in the short- tem, however. there are longer-term sacrinces which are made in negothting this decision.

'Ihe odds of a prem;lrital pregnancy occuning has become increasingly higher since the large-sale establishment of this phenomenon in the early closwe period. Wh& the premarital conceivers of the border closute could rely on somewhat stable job prospects, the removal of the border restrictions in 1985 by Spanish Authorities drarnaticaily changed the nature of life in Gibraltar. Whiie the traditionai mainstays of the economy, such as the dockyard and employment in the Ministry of Defense are on the decline. and jobs in the fiimcial sector become more prominent. there may now be iess opportunity for the minimally educated Gibraltarian than there was in the pst. This has panicular signifcance for prernarital conceivers since they tend to be younger at first pregnancy and of lower socioeconomic status. As times change, so too do teenagers change and in Gibraltar there is an emerging tendency for youths to be less family-oriented and possibly attracted to a pwing dnig culture in the community. It is shifts such as these which may be accounting for th increased risk of premarital conception in the 1990s.

Premarjraf conception does appear to represent a signiûcant risk factor for infants m utero and matemd pst-partum feeding behaviour. Ahhough premarital conception does not innuence the risk of low binhweight outcornes. it is associated with a higher odds of premature KiIt is possible that stress and anxiety during pregnancy deriving fkom a number of diffetent sources may be accounting for the increased risk associated with premaritally coaceMng mo thers. In particular. violations of famüy honour, unwanted

pngnancy, and negotiating one's role and place within a multi-generational home are

offmd as possible explanations. hemaritalîy conceiving mothers are more likely to adopt

artificial infant-feeding rnethods and it i hypothesized that this may be related to the

nature of the relationship they estabüsh with their infants in concert with members of the

extended family.

7.2 Implications

Remarital conception is a global phenornenon. The potential impact of premarital

conception on a mother's pregnancy experience, however, may Vary according to the

cultural and temporal milieu in which it takes place. The hding that premarital conceivers

m Gibraltar are at greater risk for premature deiivery may be of clinicai significance in the

local setting. If a disproportionate amount of stress and anxiety are causing this greater

rifk among premarital conceivers. there is a suong case for helping wornen cope with these potentiaiiy moditiable hazards by positive intervention before and during pregnancy.

Remantal conceivers, the majority of whom are young and of low socioeconomic

suindmg. may need additional guidance in coming to tem with their pregnancies and in negotiathg tbeir roles as household members, wives, and mothers-to-be.

Aside ftom premarital conception. the resuits of th& study aiso indicate that inaeasing matemai age is associated with greater odds for a premature delivery. Whether

this is the resuh of pater bio logical or behaviourai risk factors is unkno wn at this point.

In addition, piegnant women from manual labouring classes should be carefuliy monitored over the course of th& pregnancies owing to their heightened risks for a full-tenn low biïweight hht, Since smoking does not seem to be a logical risk factor. it rnay mean that bw SES women are in greater need of attention in other areas. such as nutrition counseling.

in order to encourage breast-feeding, there are a number of women who could poenriany benefit fkom increased guidance during their stay in the matemity ward.

Premafital conceivefi and women from manual iabouring classes may need additional encouragement if they are to see the benefits of breast-feeding, including the more favourable long-tem cognitive development of their children. Wherever medicaily feasiile, mothers with low binhweight infants and, to a lesser extent, premature infants, rnay need assistance in establishing breast-feeding with their special iiirants. Along the same iines, a woman who has had a caesarem delivery and, to a lesser extent, a forceps or ventouse delivery, win also need individual assistance ifshe is to attempt to establish breast-feeding with her infant.

ûne final note should aiso be made with respect to public health issues. It is clear uiat young women in Gibraltar. as in so many other countries of the world, will place themselves in sexual situations which expose them to the Nk of pregnancy. The generai kiki among Gibraltarians is bat cultural noms focusing these relations within the comext of a cornrnitted reiationship are on the wane, probably as issues of sexuality and mamhge are becoming more unstructured in the comrnunity as a result of increasing divorce, cohabitation, and extra-&ta1 biah rates. This finding could have serious hpkations for young women if they are exposing themselves to multiple sexual partners outside of any concem for protection, either from pregnancy or fiom any of the multitude of sexually transmitted diseases It may now be the tirne in Gibraltar to begin addressing issues of contraception and protection from sexuaiiy transrnitted diseases. before the biological rislrs catch up with the be havioural shiCts. especiaIly since the 'glu globe' of

'isîand' life has ken lifted.

APPENDIXI Govemment of Gibraltar Housing Allocation Scheme (Revised 1987) (source: the Housing Department, City Hail, Gibraltar)

1. Housr~cALLOCATION COMMIT~E (a) 'Rie Haising Allocation Committee was estiblished by Section 3 of the Hausing (Special Powers) ûdinance 1972. (b) the tmns of refereace of this cornmittee are:- (a) to admiaister my scheme on the allocation of Govenment Housing approved by the Govemment: (b) when so required by the Goverment, to make such recommendations on the most equitable and effective use of Govanmeni haising as it thinks appropriate; and (c) to exergse the powen conferreci upon it by the Housing (Special Powers) Ordinance.

2. HOUS~NGADWSORY COMMIITEE (a) Tenns of reference (1) To recommend and advise the Housing Allocation Conmittee on the allocation of pre- war accommodrition on social grounds, (2)To advise on any other mtter refmed to it by the Housing Aliocation Committee. (b) Composition@) A member of the Hausing Allocation Committee who will be the diairman A me& of the Fady Care Unit The Housing Offica of the Housing Department The Executive Onicer (Housing) as Secretary

3. MEDICALADYISORY BOARD (a) Temof reference (1) To examine medical evidence presented by applicants and to (i) award medicai points to a maximum of 100 points on any application or raommend the pladng of tk applicant on a Medicd Category List. (2) To advise the Housing Allocation Committee on the allocation of flats to Medical Categmy List applicants under UE Medical Categœy perceotage. (3) To rec~mmendcm any other matters referrecî to it by the Haising Allocation Cornmittee.

(b) Composition nie Board will comist of three specillist doctas The Hausing Officer of the Housing Department The Executive Offices (Housing) as Secretary

4. &3SONS EUCIBLETO APPLY FOR GovEIWME~U?HOUSING (a) Persans who have been registered in the Register of Gibraltarians (b) Persos who are mt registered Gibraltuians but who at the üme of appiication have a righr of penmnent residrnce (c) Persor who are Dependcnt Territories British Subjects Waugh their mmecticm with Gibraltar as &fined by the British Nationality Act.

5. QUALIFICA~ONS (1) An applicant mst apply on the appropoiate fam - Appendix 'A' (2) An appiicant must be:- (a) 18 Years of age or over (b) permanentiy resident in Gibraltar (c) in need of re-accommodation (Le. m application Will be considered if at Ihe time of applying the requiremeni for re-haising is the same as that being enjoyed and the dwelluig is of the same basic standard as Government post-war accommodation) (3) No application wili be accepted fiom a person who oms residential property a lus a material interest in a Company owning residential property equivalent to his requirmnt which coutd be available to adequateîy accommodate him. (4) A tenant of Government-owned accommodation who emigrates fiom Gibraltar and mbsequently retums. mw later than 12 months fmm the date of deparnire, WUbe considered fa accommodatioa simiïar to that given up, at the discretion of the Haising AUocation cornmittee provided bat the fdlowing conditions are satisfied:- (a) The tenancy was terminated within three mnillis of deparme from Giôcaitar and the acco~tionwas teturned vacant to the Government (b) meis no indebtness with Government (c) notification is given to the Housing Manager of the person's intention to rem to Gibraltar.

6. AWARDOFPO~AGE (1) Gibraltarian Status An appUcant who produces evidence of registration in the Regista of Gibraltarim. in respect of himself a his wife wüi be awarded 300 points.

(2) Residence An applicant who produces evidence. in respect of hiniself or his wife, if skis registered in the Register of Gibraltariam. of having been continuously raident in Gibraltar fa a period of 5 years pior to tk date of application, wiii be awarded 50 points.

(3) Persorral Poiiits (a) to uie appiiant ...... 10 points (b) to the wife ...... 10 points (c) to each unmamiecl son or &ughter ova 5 years of age ...... 10 points (d) to each son a daughter under the age of 5 ...... 5- (e) to any ocher member of the applicant's famüy (net included in any other application) who is residing with the applicant aod is to be iocluded in the appücation requirement ...... IO points Note: if under the age of 5 ...... 5 points (f) an applicant who is shYing accommodation with aie or mefamily units wiU be awarded ...... 25 points nie provision at Ciause 3(e) also applies to this Clause. 7. OvEaCRoWDINC Rie number of points which wiïl be awardeâ to an applicant in respect of overcrowding wiU be anived at by deduchg tk nimba of square feet of the total standard space allowance ad pllowing 5 points pa square feet of the resulting figure. The calculalion of the standard space allowaace b as fdl0ws:-

60sqftfa*rchpasoninthehouse 25 sqfi fœ each chiid under 5 years of age 60 sqft whae thae is m kitchen 40 s

Note: (a) In dngthe area of the space amilable to an appücant and his famiiy in the existing accomnaodati~a,the areas of corridors, landings, toilets, bathrooms and kitchens will be excluded (b) Rovided that in the case where the household circumstluices are altered by the amval of a pason or persm (if the advent is not due to namal causes. e.g. to the bhth of a chüd, a the niarriage of a member of that househdd) ud if the pointage of an applicant Born ik hausehoid were to increase as a result of the application of this Clause, then the hypothetical aew pointage will not be taken into account. a MIXINCOFSEXES (1) Wbere two pnsof different sexes (ochn than husband and wife) have to sleq in the same rwm, due to the layout of the dwelling, both being over the age of five and OIE or boch over the age of 10.20 points will be awarded. (2) If bah are over the age of ten, and one or both over the age of fibnan additional 30 points wiil be awarded. (3) Whae Iwo personû of the same sex, being over the age of fifteen sleep in the same rmm. there king a dispwity of ages between them of 45 years a over, then 30 points wiU be awarded The proviso of Clause 7(b) applies to this section.

9. WAITING nME 100 paiots wiïi be awarded to an applicant on completion of each year of waiting time.

10. SAMTARY AND OTHERCONDITIONS (a) Dam- sligbt ...... 20points Medium ...... 30points Heaq ...... 50 points (b) Inadequate natural lighting and veniilation ...... 20 points (c) Lack of individual WC facilities at the time of application...... 30 points (d) Lack of battrmm ...... 20 points (e) Lack of water supply at time of application...... 50points (f') (a) K the dwelling is a semi-basement...... 10 points (b) If the dweIling is a basemwt ...... 20points Note: Maximum points unda Uiis Clouse is 190 points. (g) Rovided htan applicant on lûû or more points under this clause, be awarded: (i) On cornpietion of 4" yeu of waiting time a furtha 75 points (ü) On completion of 8" y= of waiting time a hirther 100 points (üi) On completion of 12L" year of waiting üme a hiruier 3 10 points.

11. APPEAL PROCEDURE Any appîicant who may be aggrieved by the assessrnent of his application and 1 or by the points awarded may apply in writing listing the rcasons therefore, to the Housing Nocation Cornmittee.

12. CANCE~LATIONOF APPLICATION (a) No offa of se-accommodation wiii be ma& and the application canceled if due to change of cùcumstances the principles of Clause 5.2(c) were to apply. (b) Any application which due to changes of circumstazlces cornes within Uie provisions of Clause 5.2(c) WUbe automaticaiiy canceled and the applicant infcmned

13. BREAKUP OF MARRIACES In the event of a break up of a martiage, wkther legai or otherwise, the pointage value of the application win be retained by the partner retaining custody of the children, even if the application was originally ma& by the ocher partner. In the case of a childless marriage the waiting time points will be eqally divided between both partners and the applications re-assessed from the new permanént addresses.

14. PENALTIES (a) For False Infocmation An appicant who knowingl y and willfully gives incorrect infamation or makes misIeading statements and / ur subsequently as and when they occur fails to ndify any material changes affecting his original application may:- (i) be deprived of his position on the waiting List. oc (ii) be debarred from a place on the waiting list for Govemment owneâ accommodation for a maximum period of ten years. (b) For Rejection of Offers An applicant who rejects offers of post wuaccommodation on two occasions which in the opinion of the Haising Anacation Committee was not justified, will have his appücation automaticaüy canceled This will not deprive such applicant from re-applying for re-accommodation but such application will be subject to Lhe principles of the Housing AUocation Scheme (fevised 1987). An applicant may appeal to the Housing Aiîocation Committee. The appeai must be in writing and within four weeks of the notification of the canceiïation of his application (c) Withchwal of Offer of re-accomrnodatioa nie Hausing Aïlocation Committee may wiihdnw an offer of accommOdatio11, even if an acceptame form has been signed by the applicant. if it has reason to beiieve that false or misleading information has ben suppliai by the applicant or the circurnstances which lead to the offer being made have cbnged and the applicant hs not infwmed the Housing Manager, as so declared by him in his application fwm

15. DISCRE~ONARYPROVISIONS ln the special circumstance of any case the Housing AUocation Committee may at its discretion:- (a) award discretionary points to an applicmt up io a maximum of 100 points: (b) in thc case of a Caurt Order declarîng the! piemises as "unfit fahuman habitation" Pnd l or a Prohibition Ordm has been made award poins additional to his / her enütlmient as an applicant under the Scheme to a maximum of 100 points; (c) Ihc provisiori of (b) wiiî dso apply if the Directa of Medical & Health Services catifies chat, in his opinion, in the cjrcumstances of any pYticular case. the premises would be declared ''unfit for human habitation" by a Court aad / a a Prohibition ûr&~would be made in respect of tk prernises. (d) In very exceptional citcumstances recommend that the applicant shodd be aliocated accommodation abthe Haising Mvisory Cornmittee and / or the Medicai Advisory Board has been consulted if the reason for the exceptionai circumstances are attributable to either social and / or medical grounds. (e) In vay exceptionaï citFumstances tk Cornmittee may make avaüable accoaunodation outside the Medical Category Percentage to the Medical Advisœy Board faallocation to Medicai List Category applicants. (f) In tk pbiic interest aiid / a to estabbsh a mare rationaï use of the Housing stock allow the fransfer of points between appticants forming part of the same househoid, a approve the ailocation of accommodation to one or mae of the otber family uni& farming part of the same household. Reterences Cited

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