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Memorias De Un Revolucionario

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(c) de la edición, Jean Rière y Traficantes de Sueños. (c) de la traducción, herederos de Tomás Segovia. (c) del texto, herederos de Victor Serge. Licencia Creative Commons: Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Queremos agradecer a los editores de Veintisiete Letras la cesión de los trabajos que dieron a término en la excelente edición de esta editorial del año 2011. Primera edición a cargo de Jean Rière del último manuscrito de Víctor Serge: Mémoires d’un révolutionnaire (1901-1941), París, Le Seuil, 1978. Primera edición: mayo de 2019 Título: Memorias de un revolucionario Autor: Víctor Serge Edición: Jean Rière Traducción: del libro, Tomás Segovia; del prólogo y anexos de Jean Rière, Marisa Pérez Colina; del aparato crítico (notas) de Jean Rière, Mariana Pugliese. Maquetación y diseño de cubierta: Traficantes de Sueños Traficantes de Sueños C/ Duque de Alba, 13. 28012, Madrid. Tlf: 915320928. E-mail:[email protected] Impresión: Cofás artes gráficas ISBN: 978-84-949147-8-2 Depósito legal: M-15374-2019 MEMORIAS DE UN REVOLUCIONARIO VICTOR SERGE EDICIÓN, PRÓLOGO Y NOTAS: JEAN RIÈRE TRADUCCIÓN: TOMÁS SEGOVIA traficantes de sueños ÍNDICE Víctor Serge: una voz para el tiempo presente. Jean Rière 9 Nota del editor. Jean Rière 19 1. Mundo sin evasión posible (1906-1912) 25 2. Una razón para vivir: vencer (1912-1919) 81 3. El desaliento y el entusiasmo (1919-1920) 113 4. El peligro está en nosotros (1920-1921) 165 5. Europa en el viraje oscuro (1922-1926) 215 6. La revolución en el callejón sin salida (1926-1928) 275 7. Los años de resistencia (1928-1933) 329 8. Los años de cautiverio (1933-1936) 377 9. La derrota de Occidente (1936-1941) 423 10. Plena espera 485 Mi ruptura con Trotsky. Víctor Serge 499 Víctor Serge (Víctor Lvóvich Kibálchich). Referencias biográficas 503 Génesis de Memorias de un revolucionario (1905-1945). Jean Rière 517 Bibliografía de Víctor Lvóvich Napoleón Kibálchich, conocido como Víctor Serge. Jean Rière 523 Índice onomástico 537 Prólogo VÍCTOR SERGE: UNA VOZ PARA EL TIEMPO PRESENTE JEAN RIÈRE* Lo importante no es lo que han hecho de nosotros, sino lo que nosotros mismos hacemos de lo que han hecho de nosotros. Jean-Paul Sarte, Saint Genêt, comédien et martyr. «Todo lo que no me mata me hace más fuerte.» [Was mich nicht umbringt, macht mich stärker.] Nietzsche, Crepúsculo de los ídolos Götzen Dämmerung La búsqueda de la verdad es un combate por la vida; la verdad, que nunca está hecha, pues está siempre haciéndose, es una con- quista incesante recomenzada con una aproximación más útil, más estimulante, más viva de una verdad ideal tal vez inaccesible. Victor Serge, Carnets No, el destino de Serge no terminó aquella noche funesta y solitaria del 17 de noviembre de 1947 evocada por su viejo amigo y camarada Julián Gorkin quien,1 después de haberlo dejado hacia las 10 de la noche en el centro de México, habría de volver a encontrarlo poco después de media- noche, muerto, en la comisaría a la que lo había llevado el taxista que lo llevaba:2 «En un cuarto desnudo y miserable de paredes grises, [Serge] estaba tendido sobre una vieja mesa de operaciones, mostrando unas suelas * Prefacio inicial de Memorias de un revolucionario 1905-1945 [este libro es la última ver- sión revisada por el propio Serge. Forma parte de los archivos conservados por su hijo Vlady, inventariados y clasificados por nosotros mismos en México, durante el verano de 1975, habiendo permanecido desconocido e ignorado hasta esta fecha]. 1 Julián Gorkin, «Les dernières années de Victor Serge 1941-1947», pp. 377-386 de la edi- ción de Mémoires d’un révolutionnaire (primera versión) preparada por el Club des Éditeurs, París, abril 1957. Datada en «marzo de 1957», este testimonio completa y profundiza el que se publicó en la revista Témoins, Zurich, núm. 21, febrero 1956, pp. 39-41): «Un homme de pensée et d’action au service de la liberté». 2 Serge se dirigía a casa de su hijo Vlady para enseñarle el último poema que había escrito: «Mains». Vlady hizo de él una edición limitada con un grabado que representa las manos 9 10 | Memorias de un revolucionario agujereadas, un traje raído, una camisa de obrero [...] Una venda de tela le tapaba la boca, esa boca que todas las tiranías del siglo no habían podido cerrar. Parecía un vagabundo recogido por caridad. ¿No había sido, en efecto, un eterno vagabundo de la vida y del ideal? Su rostro llevaba toda- vía la huella de una ironía amarga, una expresión de protesta, la última protesta de Victor Serge, de un hombre que se había alzado contra las injusticias durante toda su vida.» Sobre Serge, rara vez los términos son precisos, detallados y matizados, ya sea sobre su apariencia física (su gestualidad, su manera de hablar, de mirar, de escuchar a los otros, etc.), ya sea sobre su personalidad intelectual y militante: sus métodos de pensar y de trabajar, su curiosidad cultural, sus imperativos categóricos y morales, en definitiva, sus maneras de ser y de hacer. Desde esta perspectiva, este texto de Gorkin es uno de los más precisos:3 inspirado y justificado por una larga camaradería (que no excluirá, durante esos años de común exilio, las desavenencias consideradas en los disensos en la interpretación de los acontecimientos o en la práctica militante...), añade a la justicia y a la exactitud de las observaciones, la honestidad inte- lectual de reconocer, a posteriori y públicamente, que de los dos, fue el amigo prematuramente desaparecido, quien fue siempre visto con justicia y generosidad. No es posible citarlo aquí al completo, pero el lector curioso que quiera saber más podrá informarse con gran provecho. Su destino (con o sin mayúscula), lejos de haberse «acabado» en esos años lejanos, tal vez no hacía sino empezar… Y no es la menor de las paradojas y de los méritos de Memorias de un revolucionario el hecho de suscitar entre sus lectores esa impresión espontánea, pronto metamorfo- seada en certidumbre evidente, de encontrarse delante de un gran ser vivo cuya presencia intensa y densa se impone de buenas a primeras. O, como decía Malraux del «Tío Gide», de encontrarse delante de «un contempo- ráneo capital». Muchos autores (y actores) del siglo xx, franceses o extranjeros,4 se han ido alejando de nosotros, o nosotros de ellos, de forma irreversible… ¡Y esto ha sucedido incluso mucho antes de su desaparición «oficial»! Paradójicamente —justicia tardía de la Historia— Serge está, por el contrario, cada vez más presente y su valor real como hombre, como mili- tante revolucionario y, sobre todo y ante todo (al menos desde nuestra de su padre. Figura en nuestra edición de la Obra Poética: Pour un brasier dans un désert, Bassac, Plein Chant, 1998. 3 Cabría añadir el de Léon Werth: sutil y denso, solo se echan de menos algunas líneas en su Prefacio de El caso Tulàyev (París, Club Français du Livre, 1948) —afortunadamente reto- mado por Lux (2010)—, para definir la presencia de Serge y mostrar su forma de relacionarse. 4 Muchos de ellos aparecen en las Memoires de Serge. VÍctor Serge: una voz para el tiempo presente | 11 perspectiva), como escritor esencial, se impone de forma igualmente irrevo- cable, se ha visto y se verá confirmada y ampliamente reconocida, tanto en Francia como en el extranjero. Sus Memorias de un revolucionario no sólo plantean y exponen —des- pués de muchas otras [memorias] ciertamente, pues ese género literario tiene varios siglos de existencia— los problemas existenciales y filosóficos comunes a todo hombre —¿qué hacer con una vida? ¿qué hacer de su vida? ¿qué sentido darle?—, sino que también obligan a reflexionar sobre todo proyecto biográfico: ¿por qué un relato de vida, desu vida? ¿Qué hacer con semejante relato? ¿Un simple testimonio? ¿Un «mensaje»? ¿Una «obra de arte»? También aquí la empresa sergiana, ya lo veremos, impone su dife- rencia, su originalidad. Mientras muchos autores y actores del siglo xx, franceses o extranjeros, han desaparecido irreversiblemente de los anales de la historia y de la memoria, Serge en cambio está cada vez más presente y su valor real en cuanto hombre, militante revolucionario y, sobre todo y ante todo (al menos para nosotros), en cuanto escritor de primera magnitud se impone de manera igualmente irrevocable. Una vida enteramente asumida De acuerdo: toda vida es singular en todas las acepciones del término. Pero las hay que lo son más que otras. Es innegablemente el caso de esta vida que, además, objetivamente, contiene varias otras.5 ¿Qué hay que retener de ella? Esencialmente: que se construye desde la infancia, desde esa infancia. Que se caracteriza por elecciones de valores y de actitudes decididas, por lo tanto, muy pronto: nunca dejarse ir, «mantenerse»: de pie, erecto. ¿Cómo no admirar sin reservas a ese niño/adolescente que, en tiempos de penuria, de escasez, inventó, con los medios de la marginalidad, su propio destino: ascético, riguroso, intransigente, sin medias tintas? Siempre en tensión, sin lugar para la laxitud. Esos años de formación y de firme resolución son capitales. Y decisivos. Y esas elecciones vitales de acción y de pensamiento fueron además mantenidas y esos valores defendidos, independientemente del precio a pagar por ello. Un precio que Serge pagó caro una y otra vez. 5 Lo cual no significa que pretendamos conferirle un carácter altamentenovelesco, ni justi- fica, evidentemente, que difundamos imágenes estereotipadas o fabulaciones desprovistas de fundamento. Para evitar cualquier tipo de malentendido, es preciso zanjar esta cuestión de forma totalmente clara: ¡aquí no hay lugar, ni siquiera como esbozo, para una «Vida de Santo y Mártir», edificante y hagiográfica, a gusto del consumidor! Se trata únicamente de la legítima defensa de un hombre que ha sido calumniado de forma injusta y durante demasiado tiempo.
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    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography <new page>Chapter 15 Met opmaak ‘Streetscape of New Districts Permeated by the Fresh Scent of Cement’:. Brussels, the Avant-Garde, and Internationalism1 La Jeune Belgique (1881–97);, L’Art Moderne (1881–1914);, La Société Nouvelle (1884–97);, Van Nu en Straks (1893–94; 1896– 1901); L’Art Libre (1919–22);, Signaux (1921, early title of Le Disque Vert, 1922–54);, 7 Arts (1922–8);, and Variétés (1928– 30). Francis Mus and Hans Vandevoorde In 1871 Victor Hugo was forced to leave Brussels because he had supported the Communards who had fled there.2 This date could also be seen as symbolisiizing the 1 This chapter has been translated from the Dutch by d’onderkast vof. 2 Marc Quaghebeur, ‘Un pôle littéraire de référence internationale’, in Robert Hoozee (ed.), Bruxelles. Carrefour de cultures (Antwerp: Fonds Mercator, 2000), 95–108. For a brief 553 passing of the baton from the Romantic tradition to modernism, which slowly emerged in the 1870s and went on to reach two high points: Art Nouveau at the end of the nineteenth century and the so-called historical avant-garde movements shortly after World War I. The significance of Brussels as the capital of Art Nouveau is widely acknowledged.3 Its renown stems primarily from its architectural achievements and the exhibitions of the artist collective ‘Les XX’ (1884–93),4 which included James Ensor, Henry Van de Velde, Théo van Rysselberghe, George Minne, and Fernand Khnopff.
  • Biographische Skizzen

    Biographische Skizzen

    BIOGRAPHISCHE SKIZZEN Ottokar Luban (Berlin) Fanny Thomas-Jezierska (18871945) Von Rosa Luxemburg zu Gramsci, Stalin und August Thalheimer Stationen einer internationalen Sozialistin Der Name Fanny Jezierska taucht in den Editionen der Briefe Rosa Luxemburgs sowie Karl Liebknechts und auch Clara Zetkins mehrmals als Adressatin von Schreiben dieser bekannten Sozialistinnen und Sozialisten auf. Doch enthalten diese Publikationen entweder überhaupt keine oder nur wenige und äußerst unvollständige, teilweise sogar unrichtige biographische Angaben zur Person F. Jezierskas.1 Wer war diese Fanny Jezierska, deren Name von drei Ausnahmen2 abgesehen im Laufe ihrer politischen Tätigkeit nie in der Öffentlichkeit auftauchte, die aber mit vielen prominenten Sozialisten und Kommunisten wie Karl Liebknecht, Käte und Hermann Duncker, Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg, Leo Jogiches, James Thomas, Clara Zetkin, Angelo Tasca, Antonio Gramsci, Palmiro Togliatti, Jules Humbert-Droz, Dmitri S. Manuilski, Josef W. Stalin, Nikolai Bucharin, Clara Zetkin, Paul Frölich, August Thalheimer und Heinrich Brandler in Kontakt stand? Eine Frau, mit der C. Zetkin 1931 »in diesen Wochen in Gedanken lange Gespräche« führte und der sie brieflich ihr Herz über ihre eigene schwierige 1 Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Briefe, Bd. 5, hrsg. vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der SED, Leitung der Redaktion: Annelies Laschitza und Günter Radczun. Berlin-Ost 1984 (im folgenden: R. Luxemburg, Ges. Briefe, 5), S. 34, 58, 77, 81, 84, 109, 110, 352, 387, 411 (S. 116, unklar, ob mit Frl. J. auch F. Jezierska gemeint ist). Karl Liebknecht, Gesammelte Reden und Schriften, hrsg. vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus, Bd. VIII, August 1914 bis April 1916, Berlin [Ost] 1966 (im folgenden: Liebknecht, Ges. Reden u.
  • 7 Michelangelo, Tommaso De' Cavalieri and the Agency of the Gift

    7 Michelangelo, Tommaso De' Cavalieri and the Agency of the Gift

    7 Michelangelo, Tommaso de’ Cavalieri and the Agency of the Gift-Drawing Alexander Lee Introduction Shortly after taking up residence in Rome in late August or early September 1532, the 57-year-old Michelangelo met Tommaso de’ Cavalieri for the first time.1 It is possible that they may have been introduced by a mutual friend, Pier Antonio Cecchini;2 but however they made each other’s acquaintance, their path to intimacy was smoothed by the younger man’s artistic temperament. The Cavalieri were noted collectors,3 and despite his youth (he was not yet twenty), Tommaso was a sensitive connoisseur with aspirations of his own.4 Before long, they were inseparable, and a bond was forged that would last until Michelangelo’s death more than thirty years later. The earliest documentary evidence of their burgeoning relationship is provided by three letters written between December 1532 and January 1533. The first is an undated draft written in a state of anxiety. Sometime earlier, Michelangelo had sent Tommaso a (now lost) message, together with a gift of two drawings, but having heard nothing since, he had begun to repent of his rashness and hastily scribbled the note asking to be forgiven for having written inconsideratamente.5 Before he could dispatch it, however, he received a letter of thanks from Tommaso brimming over with affection,6 and to which he then replied – with a palpable sense of relief – on 1 January 1533.7 The two ‘gift-drawings’ that elicited this exchange were the Rape of Ganymede (Cambridge, MA, Fogg Art Museum) – the original of which has been lost – and the Punishment of Tityus (Windsor, Royal Library).8 In both technical and narrative terms, they were ambitious works.