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Journal of Social Archaeology Journal of Social Archaeology http://jsa.sagepub.com/ Cities of Violence : Sacrifice, Power and Urbanization in the Andes Edward R. Swenson Journal of Social Archaeology 2003 3: 256 DOI: 10.1177/1469605303003002006 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jsa.sagepub.com/content/3/2/256 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Journal of Social Archaeology can be found at: Email Alerts: http://jsa.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://jsa.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://jsa.sagepub.com/content/3/2/256.refs.html Downloaded from jsa.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on September 19, 2011 JSA 3-2 06 Swenson (dm/d) 25/4/03 11:46 am Page 256 Journal of Social Archaeology ARTICLE Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications (www.sagepublications.com) Vol 3(2): 256–296 [1469-6053(200306)3:2;256–296;032578] Cities of violence Sacrifice,power and urbanization in the Andes EDWARD R. SWENSON Department of Anthropology,University of Chicago,USA ABSTRACT Sacrifice and related forms of ritual violence were deeply rooted cultural practices in the Andes, fundamental principles of cosmology that framed conceptions of the natural and social world and phenom- ena closely connected to the exercise of power. This article explores the intimate relationship between political power and ritual violence by examining the institutionalization of social inequality and the production of urban landscapes in the Andes, focusing principally on the Moche culture (AD 100–750) and earlier polities of central and northern Peru. Drawing on theories of Maurice Bloch, data from Mesoamerica will then be analyzed to illuminate cross-cultural parallels of the significance of sacralized violence in processes of prehistoric urbanization. Ultimately, a comparative approach affords a stronger analytical perspective in deciphering the striking inter- dependence of power and ritual homicide in the prehistory of American urbanism. KEYWORDS Andes G consumption G dialectics G Mesoamerica G Moche G power G ritual G sacrifice G urbanization G violence 256 Downloaded from jsa.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on September 19, 2011 JSA 3-2 06 Swenson (dm/d) 25/4/03 11:46 am Page 257 Swenson Cities of violence 257 I INTRODUCTION The most prominent monuments of Andean and Mesoamerican cities, such as pyramid temples and ballcourts, were elite arenas of ritual violence (Alva and Donnan, 1993; Carrasco, 1999; Schele and Miller, 1986). Sacred power focused at the center, or axis mundi, of the ritual complex was activated by elite directed rites of consumption deemed crucial for agricultural success and the reproduction of socio-cosmic order. Therefore early cities of the Andes often served as theaters of a highly controlled, socially encapsulated violence (Swenson, 1998). I propose that the intensification of asymmetrical power relations complicit in the development of many Andean cities was linked to the social circumscription and elaboration of consumptive sacrificial rites. I hope to demonstrate this through a brief analysis of architectural and iconographic evidence from central and northern Peru. Although ritual violence existed in many non-hierarchical cultures of South America presumably long before the emergence of socially stratified urban society (Harris, 1977: 151; Redmond, 1994; Viveiros de Castro, 1992), its manipulation provided an important mechanism for both the generation and subsequent insti- tutionalization of social inequality. These processes were fundamental to the emergence of centralized polities. Ultimately, I will show that the production of urban landscapes in the Andes was not only shaped by such ritual and ideological programs, but that these programs often played a critical role in the development of urban power relations more generally. In this article, ‘urbanism’ is employed liberally to refer to the concen- tration of monumental architecture, various economic and religious services, and related social infrastructures (Mumford, 1961). Certainly, urbanism can be defined according to different criteria, and it varied significantly in scale and sociopolitical organization throughout the Americas (and the Andes). Cerro Blanco, the premier Moche urban center near Trujillo (Chapdelaine, 2001; Topic, 1982), was economically and socially more heterogeneous than Cuzco, which, although the seat of an immense empire, was in fact a relatively small bastion of the elite (Kolata, 1997). Urban-hinterland relations also differed considerably in the Andes and were fundamental to historic permutations of urban political organiza- tion (Dillehay, 2001; Isbell, 1977a). Although it is analytically useful to make distinctions between types of centers (see Rowe, 1963), be they econ- omically diverse urban settlements with large populations or the circum- scribed monuments of ‘ceremonial centers’, in this report urban broadly describes differing processes (or products) of socio-spatial centralization (Wheatley, 1971). Such an approach permits an improved understanding of how the construction of monumental space and convergence of differenti- ated and valorized services (religious, political, or economic) articulated Downloaded from jsa.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on September 19, 2011 JSA 3-2 06 Swenson (dm/d) 25/4/03 11:46 am Page 258 258 Journal of Social Archaeology 3(2) with ideological transformations accompanying the development of differ- ent types of centers. In fact, social stratification in the Americas was often inextricably linked to the reconfiguration of space and architectural forms which can be related to hierarchical notions of ‘center’ and ‘periphery’ (Isbell, 1977b; Moore, 1996). It is also important to stress that urbanization in the prehistoric Americas cannot be explained simply by manipulation of ritual violence. In fact, many of the first proto-urban centers in the Pre-ceramic period of coastal Peru (2000–1800 BC), characterized by the construction of monu- mental architecture, appear to have been non-stratified and based on communal kinship structures (Burger, 1992; Moseley, 1975, 1982). More- over, the centrality of ritual violence was not universal and seems to have been lacking or peripheral at several emerging and later urban polities in the Americas. Naturally, few would deny that there were multiple and over- lapping factors driving the development and maintenance of urban society in the ancient Americas (Adams, 1966). Nevertheless, the striking preva- lence of institutionalized ritual violence in both emerging and mature cities throughout the New World has been under-theorized and invites a more probing exploration of the relationship between sacrifice and the urban experience. Coincidence alone fails to explain why centralization and hier- archization were accompanied by conspicuous displays of human sacrifice from Cahokia in North America to the Moche pyramidal cities of the North Coast of Peru. I CONSUMPTIVE-REPRODUCTIVE POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES IN THE ANDES The reciprocal but asymmetrical relationship envisioned between the terrestrial and supernatural realms in many ancient Amerindian cultures seems to have been predicated on a ‘consumptive-reproductive dialectic’, wherein human regeneration, agricultural fertility, and socio-cosmic order necessitated sacrifice, or to use Maurice Bloch’s term, the ‘consumption of vitality’ (Bataille, 1988; Bloch, 1992). In order for people to consume the bounty of earth provided by divine forces, the latter would need vital nourishment in turn, including the consumption of humans themselves (Bawden, 1996; Clendinnen, 1991; Hicks, 1996; Schele and Miller, 1986). Those who could claim the exclusive right to control rituals of consumptive social and cosmic reproduction, who in a sense acted as surrogates of the supernatural and ‘consumed’ vitality and living beings by presiding over sacrificial ritual, were in a formidable position to augment their status and secure both religious and political power. In other words, the asymmetrical relationship of reciprocity linking Downloaded from jsa.sagepub.com at UNIV WASHINGTON LIBRARIES on September 19, 2011 JSA 3-2 06 Swenson (dm/d) 25/4/03 11:46 am Page 259 Swenson Cities of violence 259 humanity and the supernatural was effectively transposed to the terrestrial realm, congealed and formalized in the construction of grandiose cer- emonial centers that the representatives of the divine successfully com- missioned (Wheatley, 1971). Hence social differentiation was intensified by efforts to make political spheres reflect relational dependencies defining the union between the physical and transcendent worlds. Indeed, this theory is far from new and has enjoyed popularity among social scientists of varied theoretical persuasions (Childe, 1946: 48–50, Friedman and Rowlands, 1978: 211; Godelier, 1978; Lowie, 1967: 68, 84: Mumford, 1961: 33, Turner, 1941: 1283; Wheatley, 1971; White, 1959: 314). In re-examining these ideas, I intend not to resurrect theocracy models or promote an exclusively idealist interpretation of historical process (Trigger, 1993); instead my objective is to investigate power relations and the ways in which agents induced structural changes identifiable in the material record. Manipulation of religious practice constituted strategies differen- tially implicated in socioeconomic and political reorganization accompany- ing the formation of hierarchical polities.
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