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Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 C K Kimberley Rock Art waterways and river systems, which once contin- ued onto the now-submerged Sahul Shelf, mean- Sam Harper, Peter Veth and Sven Ouzman ing the Kimberley was almost twice its current Centre for Rock Art Research + Management, size during the Last Glacial Maximum 26–19 University of Western Australia, Perth, thousand years ago. This large geographical area WA, Australia has been continuously occupied by people for over 50,000 years by multiple cultural and lin- guistic groups (Wood et al. 2016; Veth et al. Introduction 2019). The Kimberley is part of the non-Pama- Nyungan language bloc. These ancient and dis- This chapter summarizes the current state of rock tinctive languages cover the Kimberley, Arnhem art research in the Kimberley, Western Australia, Land, a small area of the Gulf of Carpentaria and which is a globally significant corpus of tens of Cape York, and Tasmania (McConvell 1996). thousands of rock art, archaeological, ethno- There are four major language groups across the graphic, and contemporary sites. We present a Kimberley with between two and nine dialects history of rock art research in the region, discuss (AIATSIS 2019): linguistic and cultural diversity, across the Kim- berley, and outline the development of rock art 1. Worrorran: Worara, Wunambal, Gamberre, stylistic sequences and spatial analysis. A new Miwa, Kwini, Ngarinyin, and Worla generation of scientific dating of the art and asso- 2. Jarragan: Yiiji, Kija, Kadjerrong, and ciated excavations is also harmonized. Aboriginal Miriwoong ontologies and recorded ethnography associated 3. Bunaban: Bunaba, and Gooniyandi with the rock art are highlighted. We also present 4. Nyul Nyulan: Bardi, Yawaru, Jabirr, land tenure land management under native title Nimanburu, Warwa, Nyikina, Ungumi, and affiliated ranger groups as heritage manage- Umida, and Unggarangi ment challenges and opportunities. All Kimberley rock art was made by people ancestral to these groups. Kimberley rock art and Definition iconography are well-known, particularly Gwion Gwion (formerly “Bradshaw”) and Wanjina (also The Kimberley is a biogeographical and cultural “Wandjina”) “styles” or “traditions” that were landscape covering 423,517 km2 of northwest produced and maintained by Aboriginal people. Australia. The landscape is marked by massive It is thus both creation and subsequent © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 C. Smith (ed.), Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51726-1_3449-1 2 Kimberley Rock Art Kimberley Rock Art, Fig. 1 Namarali Wandjina: 1930 repainting (left: Love (1930), in Layton (1992)) and 2000 Olympic Games use (right: BBC Mundo, bbc.co.uk); with inset map showing the Kimberley’s location maintenance that are key to understanding this encounter recorded: Crawford 2001:70, 3) and rock art. For example, Layton’s(1992) synthesis likely much longer. Crawford (2001) recorded opens with Love’s image of the Wandjina 16 Macassan sites along the Kimberley coast and Namarali (1930), which was repainted between excavated a selection of these in the 1960s with January and March 1929 by Indamoia and Aboriginal Traditional Owners. New Macassan Wallamurra and was later reproduced for use by sites have just been identified and excavated in Donny Woolagoodja in the 2000 Sydney Olympic 2019 on Sir Graham Moore Island, north of Games Opening Ceremony (Fig. 1). Kalumburu (Paterson, personal communication) Throughout this entry, we use Wanjina and European incursions that document rock art Gwion Gwion rock art traditions as leitmotifs include George Grey in 1837–1838, Alexander that help us better understand the Kimberley’s Forrest in 1879, and Joseph Bradshaw in 1891. many other forms of rock art. These travelers’ inability to reconcile “complex” rock art with people they thought of as “primitive” generated an enduring and mendacious myth of non-Aboriginal authorship of the rock art. For Historical Background example, Grey writes: “It is certain that they may have been very ancient, ... but, whatever The Kimberley was never an isolated human land- may have been the age of these paintings, it is scape, with considerable trade, movement, and scarcely probable that they could have been exe- contact with the outside world for at least the last cuted by a self-taught savage. Their origin there- few hundred years. Prior to European invasion/ fore I think must still be open to conjecture” colonization, Macassans from Island South East (1841: 263). Later, Bradshaw continues this Asia visited the region to harvest bêche-de mer trope by stating “Indeed, looking at some of the (trepang or sea cucumber) along the Kimberley groups [of Gwion paintings], one might almost coast for “at least two hundred years” (1803 Kimberley Rock Art 3 think himself viewing the painted walls of an those found in excavations or known ethnograph- ancient Egyptian temple” (1892: 100). This ically. We explore these before presenting current pathology of British colonialism is entirely with- and new direct dating evidence. out factual basis and has been successfully chal- Two key stylistic chronologies were published lenged by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal almost simultaneously by David Welch (1993)and scholars (e.g., Mangolomara et al. 2019; McNiven Grahame Walsh (1994). Welch classified and 2011). sequenced by technique, namely, cupules, engrav- This “dissociative archaeology” (McNiven ings (petroglyphs), and paintings (pictographs), and 2011) occurred in tandem with dispossession of by iconographic detail, such as, anthropomorphic land for pastoralism from the 1880s as a result of body position (i.e., bent knee or straight parts) and Forrest’s expedition. Aboriginal resistance and attributes (e.g., tassels, material culture), without remoteness combined to make pastoralism largely applying consistent variables between his five unviable until the mid-twentieth century “periods” (Archaic, Tasseled, Bent Knee, Straight (Crawford 2001). Christian missions across the Parts, Wandjina, Contact: Fig. 2). Walsh’s(1994) Kimberley, at Kunmunya, Munja, and Wotjalum chronology included three Epochs (Archaic, Eru- in the West, and Kalumburu and Pago in the East dite, and Aborigine), each with two Periods, namely, (Crawford 2001) brought further disruption. “Pecked Cupule”; “Irregular Infill Animal Period”; However, Europeans also recorded valuable eth- “Bradshaw (Agnes Schulz of the 1938–1939 nography, including the creation and repainting of Frobenius Expedition first labeled Gwion Gwion rock art from at least 1929 until today (cf. Layton as ‘Bradshaws’ in reference to Joseph Bradshaw 1992; Love 1930). publication on the same (1956:45))”; “Clothes Peg”; “Clawed Hand”;and“Wanjina,” some of which has further group subdivisions, each with Key Issues and Current Debates subdivisions (Fig. 3). Walsh’s(1994) tripartite temporal led him to We identify four key issues in Kimberley rock art: hypothesize discontinuity between Epochs, which at that point matched apparent site abandonments 1. Time – Relative sequencing and association, as recorded archaeologically (e.g., O’Connor et al. well as direct dating of rock art traditions 1999) – but which recent micromorphological 2. Space – Spatial distribution of rock art tradi- research has challenged, suggesting continuous tions and their relationship to current linguistic human occupation of the Kimberley (Travers and cultural territories and Ross 2016) albeit with fluctuating intensity. 3. Meaning – using both Aboriginal ontologies He linked the two most recent Periods – Clawed and archaeological/anthropological research Hand and Wanjina – with living Aboriginal cul- 4. Heritage – management of rock art and related ture, but separate from the earlier “Erudite” styles. heritage now and into the future In 1999, Walsh and Mike Morwood co-published the known occupation sequences Time: Relative Sequencing and Association from stratified rock-shelter excavations across While Aboriginal people know rock art to be the Kimberley – covering the last 42,000 years. produced at both many and all times, “western” This data was combined with observed changes in science prefers discrete dates and ranges. It has the art sequence, particularly the superimposition been proposed that Kimberley rock art dates to the of spears, spear-throwers, and other armatures. Pleistocene, even as far back as initial coloniza- For example, early “Tassel Bradshaw” (Gwion tion ~50,000 years ago (Veth et al. 2019). But in Gwion) has short spears depicted with an acute the absence of direct dating of rock art for most of barb at one end, and multiple barbs at the other, the twentieth century, researchers relied on super- with no spear-throwers depicted. In the later impositioning, the construction of “stylistic “Clothes Peg” (Static Polychrome) tradition, sequences” and associating painted motifs with new types of spears are depicted, and spear- 4 Kimberley Rock Art Kimberley Rock Art, Fig. 2 Welch (1993) stylistic sequence throwers are present. This builds on Lewis’s or below painted motifs to determine maximum (1988) key research across Arnhem Land and the and minimum ages. These include conventional Kimberley on style and material culture, and AMS radiocarbon as well as OSL dating of confirming that there are patterned changes in mud-dauber wasp nests and AMS radiocarbon technology across identified styles. At about the dating of beeswax. Uranium-thorium dating of same time, excavation-centric research in the mineral crusts and geomicrobiology are also southern Kimberley produced
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