Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Voluntary

FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

VOLUNTARY SERFDOM: AN IDEOLOGICAL JOURNEY INTO DUAL-CLASS LABOR CONFLICTS AND POSSIBLE WORKERS' SOLUTIONS *

Ralph G. O'Sullivan Chillicothe, IL

ABSTRACT This article identifies my paradigm shift toward greater acceptance of conflicts and alienation sociologies from Marx and from Seeman. Having never been a follower of their sets of ideas, ample evidence has been found in recreational and sociological literatures, and at work, to support the contention that they are more important that I had previously thought. The conclusion is derived from reviewing a variety of novels, poems, a travelogue, sociological findings on dual and antagonistic-class structures, data about alienation, and putting a theore tical twist to Merton's goals-means model of adaptation. *Originally printed in Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 2002 30(2).

"Nothing like division of labor." nal which encourages creative socio (Harriett Beecher Stowe, logy. Uncle Tom's Cabin, 1984) In spite of these modest suc cesses, I left higher education due the uncertainty of contracts from one term INTRODUCTION to another, where paychecks were unevenly distributed, in pursuit of other I have hardly been a great fan of opportunities. My current employment certain elements of conflict and alien in a privately-owned and non-union ation sociologies because I never real factory, and reflection on my twenty ly felt deprived. When I was young my five-something years as a scholastic family oymed a cartage company in outsider, have enticed me to rethink Chicago and we lived in a historic sub my favorite sociologies, forging a finer urban village. Drafted into the army, I understanding of, and appreciation for, had cozy duty in Texas when other the conflict and alienation perspectives troops when to Viet Nam. In college in sociology as they are related to the my expenses were covered by veter real presence of a dual-class and ans' assistance programs, graduate tension-based bourgeoisie-proletariat and research assistantships and sepa structure with its separate outlook of rate teaching contracts. Without ever "rank has its privileges." The dramatic having a tenurable job, I was pub changes in employment core values lished, sat on M.A. thesis committees, and treatment of workers serve as the was active in sociology associations, basis for this ideological journey. and was an Associate Editor for a jour- Besides the normal library re- 15 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

search for a project like this, there We can eavesdrop on the customers were two related methods of gathering of a restaurant in Chicago's Hyde Park information. The first of these was eth district as they tell each tall tales, nography, "the native's point of view" friendly lies, and solve the world's (Harris 1968 572), which consisted of problems over coffee and food field observations and conversations (Duneier 1992). Finally, we can ride with my fellow workers. This method is with an outlaw motorcycle gang by in agreement with the emic tradition in reading about the experiences of "I, socio-cultural anthropology wherein the biker-journalist" (Thompson 1967). testimony is acquired from a speaker This analytic-experiential and inclusion who uses the voice of the "I" or the method of data gathering is in accord first-person singular. However, since with a famous invitation for the socio the orator is often untrained in con logist to take an unfamiliar look at a textual analysis the research puts the familiar world (Berger 1963)- one idiographic accounts into nomothetic wherein the investigator is first a parti frames of reference as the etic heri cipant in society, who then becomes tage of anthropology allows (Geyer an invigorated spectator whose own 2001; Harris 1968). observations become the objects of The second method of investigation study. for this article was the use of auto-eth There are four facets to this study nography or "reflective observation" which lead to its successful comple (Forsyth and Palmer 1999), an "interi tion. There is a need to identify how or vantage point" (Hummel 1994), and dual-class structures have been pre "opportunities research" (Reimer 1977; sented in the mass and popular me Ronal-Rambo and Ellis 1989). This dia, for two reasons: First, it is through "complete-member-researcher" meth such entertainment outlets that many od (Adler and Adler 1987; Ronai-Ram of the public's perceptions of social bo and Ellis 1989), the joining of the stratification are derived; and second, actor-orientation and the observer-ori those mediated realities lend support entation as the combined voices of the to the arguments made at the end of first- and the third-person singular, al this article. Then, specific sociological lows us to view the world of the "I" and interpretations of class data are reof the "the ... " in a variety of ways We can fered through the writings of scholars walk with my good friend Dick Hummel like Weber (1978) and Edwards (1979) when he engages in, and writes about, with targeted emphases placed on the blood sports as "I, the hunter-scholar." contributions of Marx (1959) and See We can sit in a night club and watch man (1959, 2001) which identify dancers hustle customers as "I, the various dimensions of workers' econo table dancer-sociologist" (Ronai-Ram mic alienation. These debilitating ex bo and Ellis 1989). We can sit in a periences are discussed in detail be room and listen as a sports writer at cause factory workers are subjected to tends weekly meetings with his dying varieties of devaluation and social former sociology professor as "I, the indifference by an owner-managerial reawakened-student" (Alborn 1997). social class. The data about alienation 16 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

are followed by identifying the means read, and then find additional confir by which workers can adjust to a mation in new publications. The illus harsh environment using the assorted trations come from a variety of sour methods of adaptation offered by ces including general thematic novels, Merton (1968). The body of the article poetry, a travelogue, a book about is concluded with summary and cau sports, and several movies and televi tious remarks about the presence and sion shows as they collectively identi outcomes of the tensions between the fy the universality and the diversity of "haves" and the "have-nots." The two-dimensional class structures. So, assembly of arguments begins by pro just who are these storytellers who viding evidence from classical and have the audacity to be sociologists contemporary literatures, as well as sine qua non, and what are the shows visual media, which underline the which have the gumption to teach so contention that there are many and ciology outside the classroom? varied forms of criteria for dual-class Some of the writers who were stratified systems. selected for quotation include such noted Euro-Russian authors as Victor RECREATIONAL SOURCE Hugo of Les Miserables; Fyodor Dos EVIDENCE toyevsky who wrote Crime and Pun ishment; Leo Tolstoy who composed All literature reviews are undertak the short story "Master and Man," and en with the purpose of supporting the the controversial social conscience of author's point of view. With that in Victorian England, Rudyard Kipling, mind, let me remind the reader that who masterminded the poem "The social classes are not just categorical Ballad of East and West." Reliance is differences in lifestyles led by associa also placed on Harriet Beecher tions of people. If that were the case Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, Theodore then the divisions would exist on a Roosevelt's exploits from Through the horizontal plane as simple nominal Brazilian Wilderness, as well as classifications. However, when some Charles Nordhoff and James Norman sort of moral worth or social impor Hall's trilogy of books about the mutiny tance, is assigned to the groupings aboard the H.M.S. Bounty. Unfor they are turned ninety degrees, a verti tunately, only snippets from these vol cal angle to the original plane, now umes can be used because of space existing as ordinal categories- hence limitations, but additional sociology socially stratified. can be found in them. The pieces of work used here do Four thematic novels are also re not represent all possible identifica viewed, and they include Stowe's book tions of social-class systems; instead, again, Alan Paton's Cry the Beloved they were chosen because they offer Country, as well as Alexander examples of bipolar arrangements. Waugh's Island in the Sun, all of which The search for evidence was enter are woven around racial politics. Then taining because I had to locate appro Leon Uris' Trinity is concerned with the priate passages in books I had already politics of religion in strife-torn Ireland. 17 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

Several stanzas from Dr. Seuss' "The I am not blaming him; please Sneetches" are also important, as are don't think that; besides, it's the contents of several movies and old not my business. A special television series, but first I begin with little theory came in, too -a analyses from Hugo's Novel. theory of a sort- dividing Les Miserables is a story with mankind, you see, into ma which I became familiar as a seventh terial and superior persons, grade student. One of my teachers that are persons to whom the had an extra class period with us, and law does not apply owing to during it he would tell us about the ad their superiority, and who ventures and the flights of the hound makes laws for the rest of ed Jean Valjean as he fled from the mankind, the material, that is dogged detective Javert. Later in life I (Dostoyevsky 1950:4 76). decided to read the book, and in my copy of it there is a wonderful line The unequal distribution of legal which depicts the Dickensian lifestyle power endorsed by both Hugo and of the underprivileged poor who were Dostoyevsky is directly reflected in under the heavy-handed control of modern sociology through some writ those people who had social influence ings of Becker (1963) who identifies and who held legal power. the rule creators of society as legis As there is always more lators, and the rule enforcers as po misery at the bottom than lice. Likewise, O'Sullivan (1994) iden there is humanity at the top ... tifies the rule interpreters as jurors (Hugo 1987:8) who determine if laws are correctly or wrongfully applied to allegations of ille According to the French law at the gal behavior, often in an adversarial time of the story, ex-convicts could still contest consisting of the accusers and be relentlessly pursued by the police, the accused- a dualistic legal pro under the assumption that they were ceeding. always criminals. Valjean's continuing, A melding of these contemporary though well-meant, activities automa approaches with thoughts that are tically made him a permanent member worthy of Hugo or Dostoyevsky, or an of a criminal underclass of people- the English legend, is derived from the prosecuted and persecuted poor. history of hunting. The Russian crime story Crime and Hunting and fishing as sports Punishment (Dostoyevsky 1950) also were owned by the European identifies the presence of two social aristocracy and preserved for classes, using a related variable to them by law ... Poachers con separate them- purely legal power, tinually challenged this domi compared to the legal-poverty factor nation by taking game when used by Hugo. Dostoyevsky's Dounia ever and wherever it offered talks about her Raskolnikov's vision of itself. Laws provided draconi social reality in the following passage. an penalties for violators who

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had the misfortune to be following distinctions are made. apprehended. (Hummel Look at the high and the low, 1994:134) all the world over, and it's the Privileges and rights go to those who same story- the lower class own them. es used up, body, and soul, for the good of the upper. So Tolstoy, the other enlightening and it is in England; and so it is informed Russian author, wrote the everywhere; and yet all poignant short story "Master and Man" Christiandom stand aghast, (1977), and the title could stand by with virtuous indignation ... itself as evidence of dichotomous sta (Stowe 1984:211-212) tuses. The tale involves a relationship between an astute and miserly busi Total exploitation of the oppressed nessman, Vasilli Andreich Bekhunov, by the oppressors was institutional and his employee-servant/serf Nikita. ized. Even though the practice was Vasilli Andreich did not pay abhorred by many it was still allowed Nikita the eighty rubles a to exist, thus legitimizing it. This opin workman such as he was ion is further advanced by one of the worth, but only about forty, books more notorious characters, which he paid without any Simon Legree. proper reckoning, a bit at a Legree took silent note of time, and then for the most Tom's availability. He rated part not in money but in him as first-class, and yet goods charged from his store felt a secret dislike to him at a high price (Tolstoy the native antipathy of the 1977:70) good for the bad. (Stowe 1984:349) Although Nikita owed his heart and Legree, of course, considered himself his soul to the company store, he dedi to be the "good" guy because he was cated himself to his master with obedi a white slave owner, whereas he ent and fatal loyalty. That which Tol viewed Tom as a "bad" guy because stoy hcJs successfully done for us, be he was a black slave, even though the yond describing a feudal economy, is story proves otherwise. to show the callous disregard for, and Thus far, the cited findings under the vulgar exploitation of, one social pin the premise that there are two class toward another- the "bread and major social classes in society which butter," the idee fixe of conflict and have caste-like or feudal qualities to alienation sociologies. them. However, they are locally deter The first U.S. novelist in this work is mined, they are commonly called the Stowe via her book Uncle Tom's "haves" and the "have-nots," with their Cabin (1984). Stowe's character St. attendant features and obligations to Clare, a member of New Orleans' gen each other. Still, several questions try, is talking to his northern cousin may be lingering in mid-air, and they Ophelia about local customs when the would include: "Is there to be any 19 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

blending of them or diffusion between These Indians were unlike them?" and "Is it possible for there to any we had seen in the be more than one duality existing at South Sea; they were coal any place or in any point in time?" black, tall and remarkably There are answers to these questions. then, with long skinny legs. With regard to the possible amal Two of the men stood leaning gamation between categories we can on their spears, with one review parts of the poem by Kipling, knee bent, and the sole of visit one of the Bounty books, and the foot pressed against the then return to Stowe for the possible inside of the other thigh- an answer. First, Kipling's "The Ballad of attitude common as it was East and West" clearly identifies the uncouth. (Nordhoff and Hall vision of English colonialism and im 1946:116-117) perialism on this subject. As gaunt, starved, exhausted, and as Oh, East is East, and West is hopeless and as helpless as they West, and never the twain were, they were still able to look a shall meet, skance upon people whose manner Till Earth and Sky stand pre ism were unfamiliar to them- that is, sent at God's great Judgment not Britons, but seen by others as Seat, "foreigners" in their own land. But there is neither East nor A similar sentiment about cultural West, Border, nor Breed nor separation is contained, once again, in Birth, Uncle Tom's Cabin. When two strong men stand Now an aristocrat, you know face to face, tho' they come the world over, has no hu from the ends of the earth! man sympathies, beyond a (Kipling 1900) certain line in society. In Eng This expansionist sentiment is also co land the line is in one place, vered in Nordhoff and Hall's Men in Burmah another, and in Against the Sea (1946), the second America another, but the book about the events surrounding the aristocrat in all of these H.M.S. Bounty. countries never goes over This story recounts the heroic voy the line. (Stowe 1984:224) age of Captain Bligh and eighteen of his loyal seaman who were cast adrift Together, Kipling, Nordhoff and by Fletcher Christian. In their forty-day Hall, and Stowe are telling us that journey, traveling about 3,400 miles cooperation is impossible: Such a across the Pacific Ocean in a launch thought is never even considered in the size of a large family van, the men the tradition of the "haves" for the visited some inhabited islands. The "have-nots." It is evident then that that following lines depict how desperate which creates any dualism and main men, but still Englishmen, look upon tains it is simply ethnocentrism, and the mannerisms of some of the people the ability of one category to exercise who they encountered. complete control over another. 20 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

In answer to the second question, it ments are universal, as is affirmed is possible for several dualisms to co elsewhere. exist. There are hints of this issue in Theodore Roosevelt is known for Hugo's volume, but Stowe's book is his Presidency, his burly anatomy, his used again because of the logical sub robust lifestyle, and for his prolific writ stitutions derived from it, along with ing. His book Through the Brazilian additional bolstering from Roosevelt. Wilderness (1920) is the tale of his tra Stowe writes vels and exploits in South America. It [t]here stood two children, was there that he saw at least two representatives of the two dualisms existing together. One was extremes of society. The fair based on religion, and the other was high-bred child, with her gol founded upon ethnicity. Roman Catho den hair, her deep eyes, her lics were accorded higher social sta spirited, noble brow, and tuses than were members of any other prince-like movement; and religious or spiritual background be her black, keen, subtle cring cause of the strong historic and mis ing, yet acute, neighbor. sionary movements in the area. Then, There stood the representa Europeans, especially Spaniards, tives of their races. The Sax were accorded opportunities not avail on, born of cultivation, com able to others, for the same reason. mand, education, physical Two-tiered classes can be based and moral eminence; the on variables other than ethnicity, eco Afric, born of ages of op nomics, the law, and religion. Mutiny pression, submission, ig on the Bounty, the first of the series, norance, toil, and vice! for example, reveals that sex-gender (Stowe 1984:244) identity can also serve as a basis for social differentiation, depending on lo While Stowe's images are fragrant cal mores, as in Tahiti during the time with the ethnocentric cultural conceit of the story. necessary for her story, we can take [T]he Indians believe that the categories "Saxon" and "Afric" and Man was sky-descended, replac;;e them with multiple substitutes: and that woman was earth Republicans and Democrats, privately born; Men raa, or holy; Wom schooled and publicly-schooled, up en roa, or common. Women per-class and lower-class, full-time fa were not permitted to set culty and part-time faculty, the U.S. forth in the temples of the Senate and the House of Representa great gods, and among all tives, white-collar and blue-collar, mili tary officers and enlisted personnel, as ~ argument could also be made that well as management and labor 1. The Hummel's (1994:44-46) elitist-exclusive sets of labels are real and simultan and democratic-inclusive attitudes to ward sportsmanship fit into an oppos eous, the identifiers being as important ing class system, but that would require as the modifiers, and such arrange- work beyond the current project.

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classes of society it was for complex story on a British-governed bidden -unthinkable in fact island in the West Indies. This novel, for the two sexes to sit down unlike Paton's and like Stowe's, ad together. (Nordhoff and Hall dresses the subtle discrimination 1960:84) toward people of blended heritage in the manner that Stowe looked at the Not only did the Tahitians make fates of the quadroons, the mulattos, earthly distinctions between men and and the Creoles in her story. women, but the division was given Changing direction, Uris' Trinity great credence because the separa (1976) details social-class warfare in tion had a supernatural source. This Ireland at the turn of the 1800s into the division was enacted in daily life as 1900s, but the conflict is between Irish was shown in Pitcairn's Island, the Roman Catholics and British Anglican final book about the mutineers. Having Protestants. Unlike Roosevelt's find landed on that fateful island, Fletcher ings, the story's Roman Catholics are Christian and his followers sat down to the underdogs, the "have-nots," in a eat. land where the political and economic The women, according to institutions are controlled by people Polynesian custom, waited other than themselves- that is, the until the men finished before numerically small but politically greater partaking of the food. Their Anglo-"prots," a conflict which exists hunger satisfied, the men today. Without divulging too much of drew apart and lay in the the stories' plots, it is sufficient to say shade, some sleeping, some that no matter how enlightened, noble talking in desultory fashion. minded, and "modern" the privileged (Nordhoff and Hall 1936:41) classes are, traditions and practices are often resistant to change. The reader may wish to explore be All of the authors presented have yond the meager offerings cited in done their homework well, for they these pieces of literature which con have described societal scenes which tain confirmation of bilateral classes in are valid and are easy to envision. The other general novels, poetry and travel writers can then be justifiably called accounts. Several thematic novels, be sociologists without portfolios because yond Stowe's presentation of slavery they describe societies using readable in the antebellum South, contain simi and entertaining formulae, in much the lar distinctions based on racial politics. same way that many of us can name a Paton's Cry the Beloved Country particular professor who made socio (1948), for example, is concerned with logy, anthropology, or the humanities the existence and the effects of apart come alive for us. heid in South Africa which was the law The print media portion of this of the land for many years until its re review is finalized with a humorous, cent legal demise. Another novel though pointed, poem which is often about racial politics is Waugh's Island considered to be children's literature, in the Sun (1955) which weaves a but really contains a high level of 22 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

social, moral, and adult sophistication. privately, it is now time to turn to soci or. Seuss wrote in "The Sneetches": ological literatures on two-sided class Now, the Star-Belly conflict and worker alienation. Sneetches had bellies with stars. SOCIOLOGICAL EVIDENCE The Plain-Belly Sneetches had none upon thars. Almost any introductory sociology Those stars weren't so big. textbook informs the student that there They were really quite small. are several sets of class structures in You might think such a thing our society. One of these systems wouldn't matter at all. contains three categories being the But, because they had stars, upperclass, the middleclass, and the all the Star-Belly Sneetches working or the lower class. Another would brag, 'We're the best configuration shows either five or six of the Sneetches on the layers- the upper-upper, the lower-up Beaches.' per, the upper-middle, the lower-mid With their snoots in the air, dle, and the upper-lower and the they'd huff and they'd snort lower-lower or the poverty level. Then 'well have nothing to do with the third form, used in this article, con the Plain-Belly sort!' tains just two categories comprised of And whenever they met the enfranchised or the "haves," and some, when they were out the disenfranchised or the "have-nots." walking, So just how many systems are there they'd hike right past them, and of what are they comprised? without even talking All three stratified orders are con (Seuss 1961:3-4) sistent with public opinions formed by No interpretation of meaning is need way of the mass media, making an ed here. absolute definition difficult, just as it is If the works cited had to be called a hard to identify perfect criteria for "population" that was studied, they membership in any of the groupings. would be labeled a combination of pur Further difficulties are posed because, posive ,and convenience samples. depending on the criteria used, and They were chosen because they the purposes to which they are put, we uphold my stance and my change of see multiple and contiguous cate thought, and because they were avail gories. Emphasis here, however, is able to me. They are not meant to placed on the latter arrangement and exhaust the range of evidence in pop the conflicts and the tensions which ular outlets; in fact, more findings can entail between the associations of be seen in such moves as Driving people. Miss Daisy, Dirty Dancing, Ralph Mac Any economic differences between chio's Crossroads, and The Cutting clusters are based on a division of Edge, as well as old television series labor: People are skilled at different like Upstairs, Downstairs and Beacon tasks, and organizations have comple Hill. While such inquiries can be made mentary needs. The existence of a 23 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

bourgeoisie-managerial class is just as more a person has of one, the greater important for business as a proletariat the likelihood the person owns more of worker class. In a perfect world they the others, resulting in variations in work in cooperation for mutual benefit, status assignment. but all too often the former exploits the In keeping with these thoughts, Ed latter, from which tensions emerge, wards has notified us that there are providing antagonisms and preventing two categories of work in which we are concert, and it is in such strain that likely to be engagc:u. Primary labor this article is grounded. markets, on the one hand, are those Social conflict theory is rich in his occupations which have high individu tory, subject matters, interpretations, ality and autonomy of effort, and entail applications, and in possibilities for so great personal satisfaction for work cial reform. We see its presence in completed. Secondary labor markets, pre-Solonic Greece prior to the advent on the other hand, have lower levels of of democracy, and it is evident in the social prestige; do not require exten writing of American, French, and Rus sive education or skill development; sian revolutionaries; it is contained in have routinized, repetitive, and over the writings of such sociologists as seen work; incur fairly low wages; and Weber, as Edwards, as Marx, and as create great boredom for the worker. A Seeman, as well as Becker or O'Sulli comparison of Weber's and Edward's van as earlier shown; and inequality is contributions reifies the thesis that the calling card of class warfare be there are two competitive and often tween Democrats and Republicans. dueling social classes in our society. The following sections of the article Some of the most noted discus offers quick reviews of sociological sions about the sociology of economic presentations from Weber, from Ed life come from Marx and his friend En wards, and from Marx. Attention is gels who covered such diverse topics then focused on illustrating worker as modes of economic exchange, alienation from a Marxian viewpoint, guidelines for economic reform, and and the same is done with alienation analyses of different social classes. from the vision of Seeman, and these While the latter subject contains de discussions begin. scriptions of such groupings as the sa lariat, the landowners, a petite bour Weber, Edwards, and Marx: Briefly geoisie, and the lumpenproletariat, Weber was kind enough to inform most modern sociological and activist us that social-class membership is emphases are placed primarily on the usually a function of the differential bourgeoisie as an owner-managerial distribution of power, prestige, esteem, category, and on the proletariat as a and wealth. That is, the more a person wage-earner division. A very generous has of all of these rewards the higher rendition of the bourgeoisie means the person's status is apt to be. In sim that its members are the monetary and ilar fashion, social-class affiliation is the political high-rollers of an area who also dependent upon a person's in are able to influence or determine how come, occupation, and education- the the economic variables of land, labor, 24 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 and capital are to be used; whereas a Bear, Inc." a Fortune 500 company, similarly liberal interpretation of the whose corporate offices are in nearby proletariat means that its members re "Will it Play Here? City." Woolly Bear present everyone else whose lives are has an international reputation and controlled by the whims of those who market for its earth-moving, mining, are powerful- that is, the pro/es are and farming products, as well as for its the manor lords' vassals. If so, then sturdy diesel engines. That company the "haves" and the "have-nots" are earned the nickname "Big Saffron" genuine, regardless of which specific because of the mellow yellow color of criteria are used for membership, as paint used on its goods, and the com has been shown with ample evidence. pany's sole labor union is the "Unified Another aspect of Marxian socio Horseless-Carriage Workers of Ameri logy is that it looks at the relationship ca." Let us now see how Marxian between the two classes from the per sociology can be applied to IOI as it spective of the less-powerful groups, goes about the business of supplying because is it through them that social parts for Woolly Bear. change will occur. This viewpoint stands in opposition to the recreational Elements of Alienation: Marx pieces offered earlier, because it was One of Woolly Bear's main money there shown that the powerful assem makers is its diesel engine division, blies determine the courses of history which provides the power units for its and local mores. It is widely held in own products as well as for such other conflict theory that the discontent felt commercial uses as the trucking and by the lower classes for the upper maritime industries. An engine block is classes contains the seed for social put on an assembly line carousel for reform -the ability to create history its three-hour journey, along which all and new futures through revolution for needed parts are attached. IOI people significant modification of social insti do the sub-assemblies for almost all of tutions- with which I stand in some the engine's external parts so that disagreement. Woolly Bear's union workers only I would like to reveal through the need to take the assigned parts from corresponding writings of Marx and of racks, kits, or tubs and bolt them to the Seeman, and my fieldwork, the types engine. IOI sub-assemblies are ac of alienation which have been felt by complished in the interests of profita factory workers because they, as bility for Woolly Bear, meaning that members of the proletariat, are disen costs are reduced when IOI does the franchised and devalued due to the work rather than having union mem designs of a company's owners and bers do the same tasks. IOI people their managers. The illustrations are attach hoses and supports to radia derived from my employment and curi tors, connectors to fuel-related parts, osity at "Industrial Development, Inc." drains on oil pans, housings on clut (IOI) which is located in "Lichenville, ches, and so on, for Woolly Bear's IL," where we render outsourced sub products. !Di's workers are thus de assemblies of engine parts for Woolly prived from the feeling of accomplish- 25 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

ment with the final product because for the past year. When I asked her if they usually only work on one type of that was in the report filed to the Inter part in a single bench area, and are nal Revenue Service or in the report almost never allowed entry into Woolly for the company's stockholders, I was Bear's plants due to security reasons. given a blank stare. Profits seem to be Work then is boring and repetitive, and elusive things, which the workers are there is little a person can do except unable to comprehend or need not "grin and bear it," or maybe seek take interest. cloned work at one of Woolly Bear's IOI workers are also alienated from other suppliers where only lateral or themselves since there are virtually no horizontal social mobility is attained, at opportunities for upward social mobili best. ty within the tightly-run, almost man IOI employees are also alienated agerially-incestuous, organization; and from the profit, which the company there are not chances for the worker to earns. Assemblers are paid a wage show individual initiative or creativity. which starts at $7.25 per hour, a work Assembly designs come from Woolly ing poor earning, and have a modal Bear and any variations from them will rate of about $8.00 or $8.50 per hour; result in product errors, subject to fine and a few workers earn as much as by the contracting company. Each en $9.00 to $10.00 per hour. The com gine has a specific configuration and pany does have profit-sharing as its there is no tolerance for variations and "retirement" plan wherein an employee mistakes. Even if a worker knows from is fully vested after five years of em experience that an engineering flaw is ployment. However, only about twenty present, the product must be sent as of the I Di's 250 employees are so situ defined; interestingly then the worker ated because people quit often, relin will be held responsible for the mistake quishing any shares which may have by his or her employers. Repeated been earned. When an employee mishaps can result in a "no questions nears full enrollment in the plan, it is asked" firing and a replacement work common for the personnel director to er will be hired at a lower wage when lower the person's wages, then reas ever possible. sign the employee to a job which is The fourth form of alienation, ac either dirtier, harder, or on another cording to Marx, is separation of the shift, hoping that the worker will quit; workers from themselves to keep them and people have been fired just prior from becoming a collective, conscious, to maturation because all forfeited and conscientious body politic, and monies from voluntary or involuntary such detachment is actively promoted terminations revert to the general fund. in several ways. Since IOI is not a One payday we received our annu union shop fault is quickly found with al earnings statements, and there was any worker who openly discusses a negative entry for my year's total. I unionization or violations of OSHA immediately asked the personnel dir safety regulations. We are constantly ector what that meant, and I was told told that we should spend our days that the company did not earn a profit working ceaselessly, and that we 26 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

should chit-chat among ourselves only them and illustrate them, still using JOI during breaks or lunch periods. Man as the specific setting. agers are famous for finding hiding Seeman's powerlessness is the in places where they can spy on us; and ability to control one's work environ workers whose jobs require move ment, and Hobson and Sullivan (1990: ments through the facilities have been 90) state that this condition is virtually followed by supervisors, foremen, or identical to Marx's alienation from the leads who make notations of the per product because the worker can do son's movements and conversations. I nothing to affect the processes of pro surmise that !DJ's owners and man duction. I would like to go one step fur agers feel that we are a disruptive ca ther and note that powerlessness also bal, actively plotting the demise of the refers to the general managerial disre company; but, there is no evidence to gard for constructive input which the prove that several bomb threats were worker might have. In a weekly safety made by anyone associated with the meeting and a "pep talk", our foreman company, past or present. always reminds us that no one, not As was mentioned at the beginning even himself, knows our individual of this article, I had never been in an work areas as well as we do. Would it employment setting wherein I formed stand to reason then that through such a deep appreciation for the "workers" knowledge, we might have reasonable or the "have-nots." Reflecting on my ideas for the improvement of produc downward occupational and economic tion and safety? "No!" It is their rea mobilities, as well as daily interactions soning that the plant has been de with my working colleagues, I have signed for maximum efficiency and changed my mind about the value of safety, so no changes need to be conflict and alienation sociologies made. stemming from the ideas of Marx, but Our foreman seems to enjoy play since his ideas do not stand alone, I ing a psychological game with his pat turn to the thoughts of Seeman as I tern of praise in one breath and foul continue to share this paradigm shift. berating in the next. His efforts to make us feel as if we are important Elements of Alienation: Seeman people are overridden by the open dis Like Marx before him, Seeman took regard and contempt for us as peers. a humanistic stand in his investiga An example of his true feeling for us tions by looking at workers' viewpoints occurred when he met an employee at about themselves and the places a convenience store on the way to where they work because the employ work and she tried to say "hello" to ee is the focal point, the subject and him. He told her that he did not have the object, of private experiences. Ac to talk to her because they were not at cordingly, Seeman also identifies mat work yet. It would seem that he does ters of economic alienation which are not like her, and he does not like us. valid from the discernment of the My own interactions with the fore worker, and I would like to review man support the same contempt and

27 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

distrust. I had a severe accident at teed, and exists only as long as the work which required long disability company's officials want an employee leaves for healing, therapies, surgery, on-site to do the assigned and rote and more therapies. I stopped at IOI work. So if someone walks to the time with some papers from my doctor and clock at the beginning of a shift and medical bills when the foreman walked finds the timecard missing, then the past me, and instead of inquiring employee has been fired and the com about my health, he asked "When are pany does not need to give advance YOU coming back?" He does not like notice. There are no job assurances, me, but once again he made it obvious and people are fired with stalinistic that he does not like us. efficiency and eldritch glee. Company officials justifiably treat Seeman's notion of social isolation alibi ailments with suspicion. Yet when seems to correspond with Marx's people are truly sick or have been in alienation from others (Hobson and jured on the job they are still treated Sullivan 1990:98). IOI workers perform with unwarranted disdain and wari thousands of assemblies for the union ness- as if infirmities are malingering workers at Woolly Bear, but equal sta or show lack of fealty to IOI. tuses are not assigned to both sets of Seeman's self-estrangement is lik workers. Woolly Bear's workers re ened to alienation from work process ceive much higher wages than we do, es (Hobson and Sullivan 1990:98) be and that company's reputation for qua cause there are few additional material lity is founded upon the union's claims payoffs as incentives beyond actual of superior workmanship through col wages. !Di's retirement plan is built for lective bargaining and training. A brief long-term employees, and there are story indicates the differences of com no bonuses for hourly workers for parative opinion which at least once work well done. The company does IOI worker has about himself and have a quarterly bonus of $100 for others. perfect attendance, but when it is I played golf with some of my bud earned, it is attached to the paycheck dies one day after work, and as we so it becomes taxable income. How drifted into the pro shop, I hailed one ever, if a person is five minutes late for of them by asking, "Hey, don't we work work, or if a person has to leave work together at IOI?" He did not want, un for a doctor's visit or a court appoint der any set of circumstances, not even ment, then the reward is nullified. Pay jokingly, and certainly not in public, to raises are small, rare, and denied to be linked to, or embarrassed by, IOI individuals as punishment. I received and its local reputation. We still play my last raise increase more than three golf together. years ago, and since insurance costs Seeman also talks about normless have risen in that time my next pay ness wherein codes of conduct are ei check is lower than it was then. ther non-existent or anomic (Durkheim An extension of this theme ad 1951 ; Merton 1968 ), or they are so dresses the duration and conditions of fluid in their interpretations and appli employment at IOI: It is not guaran- cations that they may as well be ficti- 28 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

tious. It would seem that Seeman was research are needed before significant almost prescient about IOI and its conclusions can be drawn. Indeed managerial orientations towards be many of IOl's employees are not high havior standards. Safety glasses and ly trained, educated, or apparently in steel-toed shoes are to be worn by terested in outside pursuits, but there everyone on the factory floor- except are exceptions to this rule: "Sam," for it seems by even such managers as example, is president of a local astron our safety officer. No one is supposed omy club and he is the manager of the to smoke or have open beverage con city's celestial observatory and tele tainers on the work floor- except ap scope. While profane lunchroom ban parently by supervisory personnel who ter is an index of disinterested people openly smoke and drink coffee as they who have no desire to expand their wander around keeping their vigil on horizons, it must be remembered that us. No one is supposed to be eating schooled interests require free time, as they assemble- except apparently disposal incomes, and rudimentary managers who eat at their corrals on skills, so many of my colleagues do the floor. Late attendance or absence not have the opportunities, wherewith without just reason results in dismissal al, or the talents to follow artistic, phil without pay, for one day or for three, osophical, ideological, educational, or depending on frequency- except ap linguistic endeavors. parently, for "brown-nosers" for whom This element of disengagement, rules are suspended or bent. Foul along with the absence of a collective language is discouraged, except when identify, is especially consequential for an employee is being reprimanded. the maintenance of a system of ine References to canine ancestry or per quality. The inability of a labor mass to sonal habits are not tolerated, except experiment with alternative ideologies for when a worker gets chastised by a and economic practices due to the ap manager. Laws forbid sexual harass parent absence of opportunity inhibits ment, yet one day a former lead of social change. An individuated class of mine told me that he loved me, and people "in itself' does not mean that it neither my supervisor nor my foreman can be translated into a unified body of took any corrective action for his mis people "for itself' when it lacks skills, deed. In other words, it is difficult to leadership, and resources to do so. predict what will happen from one day The system then perpetuates itself. to the next, except that we work our When I interviewed my subjects, I shift and depart -tired, dirty, smelly, did so with discretion to maintain their and sweaty- leaving deference to ill dignity, trust in me, confidentiality, and tempered managers behind us. to avoid arousing susp1c1on by Finally Seeman acknowledges the company officials. One of the ques condition of cultural disengagement tions on my agenda was, "If you could wherein workers are not in touch with change just one thing about IOI, what dominant ideologies or sets of creative would it be?" The pervasive and plain ideas in society, and it is here, I be tive response was along the lines of lieve, that both caution and additional "Change their [management's) atti- 29 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012 tudes toward us," which seems to much sentiment as a replaced spark summarize and encapsulate the socio plug for a car; and there is a strong logical descriptors we have about feeling of negativity which permeates alienation, but certainly not expressed the worker's psyche. Both sensations so eloquently and as scholarly as aca are actually promoted by manage demicians have done. That descriptive ment, itself, as the following sets of task was left to such people as Marx orientations indicate. or Seeman who objectified the sub jectivity of personal experience and Human Chattel dissatisfaction of workers in place. So, The word "chattel" has several it seems that both Geyer and Harris meanings. Originally, the term meant are correct when they state that it is cattle which are owned, controlled, the analyst who ascribes the labels and herded by ranch owners and and the language of alienation rather ranch hands; they are live property. than the repressed, thus representing Another definition for the word means the best of ethnography's interpretive that it is the owned physical capital of traditions. a person or a business enterprise; it is My understanding of worker conflict non-animate property. Cattle have no and alienation theories is dependent free will over their ownership or their upon the materials I have read, and plight to become T-bone steaks or upon my ability to relate to them and hamburgers, and a machine is just as apply them. It is also underscored incapable of emotions or affecting its from over four years of employment at destiny. Neither definition for the ex IOI, which allows me the opportunity to pression can be credited to IDl's man add several other notations about the agement as they look upon their work surroundings of discontented mem ers as just so many pieces of property bers of a proletariat. which, not who, can be manipulated and replaced for any number of real or OTHER DISHEARTENING imagined reasons; but I want to pro ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS vide a specific example of such a mindset from a conversation I had with In addition to the known elements a manager as evidence of IDl's micro of alienation and exclusion, there are cosmic specimen of bourgeois men two less tangible, and important, fac tality. tors which are associated with being While on a lunch break, I had a economically "kept," and they can chance to talk to a general supervisor either serve as conduits through which about the managerial obligations of all other ideas flow, or they can be our foreman. I acknowledged the fact seen as umbrella covers under which that the man has a formidable task to the others are included. Wage-earning maintain production schedules and factory workers, including myself, my standards, and the general interests of fellows, and the employees of Woolly the company; but many employees Bear, feel as if we are human chattel, feel that his communication skills need to be used and discarded with as improvement. The general supervisor 30 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

appreciated my input, and indicated for any inquiry, as a list of actual that employees' ideas are always valu questions and answers shows: "Can I able and welcome because we are im have a raise?" No. "Can I work another portant assets to the company, at shift?" No. "Can I transfer to another which point he departed. The guys building?" No. "Can I work under with whom I was eating and I con another lead?" No. "Would you please cluded that we are more like resources install an electrical outlet so I can have than pieces of property which offset a fan?" No. "Can I go to Woolly Bear liabilities on accounting balance on the 'hot truck' to see how the line sheets. Words convey meanings and works?" No. "Can I change my the choice of words offers insight into vacation schedule?" No. "Can we open the speaker's vision; and the differ the big doors for better air circulation? ence between an asset and a It's hot in here." No. "How does this resource is a clear index of disparate part work on the engine?" I dunno. points of view. "Will we be laid off when Woolly Bear Such variations in thought are goes on vacation?" I dunno. "Why abundant in recreational reading as can't we open the big doors?" I dunno. shown by the thoughts of, or con "Is Woolly Bear gonna keep this versations between, story characters; product line?" I dunno. "Are we gonna but the authors of such tales have get any new lines from our more literary license than academi competitors?" I dunno. "Why can't cians are allowed, so oftentimes we have an electrical outlet for a fan?" I can only hint at disparagement with dunno. antiseptic language. Like the unwant Someone, somewhere, once said ed, expressed, and undeserved feel that knowledge is power. If that adage ings of inferiority and being totally con is true, then the owners and managers trolled, negativity is as thick on the of IOI work hard to keep us ignorant floor of IOI as are its industrial dirt, and powerless; and, speaking as a grime, forklift truck tire dust, oil slicks, wage earner, it gets old, quickly. Our loose parts and discarded dunnage. foreman's version of positive feedback is to tell us that we had no fines levied Negativity against us by Woolly Bear. There are This term also has several mean other ways to express satisfaction, like ings which include an absence of posi a simple "Atta boy," but that would tive attributes, and responding in a dir seem humane for the company's han ection away from that which is posi dlers who appear well-versed in the tive. In the assembly arena of IOI it history of feudal lord-vassal relation means a condition of entrapment or ships. Maybe they selectively agree slavery wherein nothing the worker with some of Zeitlan's ( 1968) synop does is seen as being worthwhile, and ses of relationships between elites and wherein the employee receives little, if non-elites according to either Pareto, any constructive input from managers. Mosca, or Michels; or perhaps they It also means that the worker almost identify with Tolstoy's Vasilii Andreich, always receives a negative response with Stowe's Simon Legree, or with 31 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

William Bligh as they go about micro rebel may quit spontaneously with managing the daily affairs of the small great fanfare and name-calling, to fiefdom called Industrial Development, which IDl's leaders pay no heed, Inc. except to escort the now-former Much time has been spent discuss employee to the exit; much personal ing the subjugation of workers at IOI, satisfaction is felt, though, because, but little attention has been paid here following the title of Johnny Pay CJ1 elsewhere to identify how workers check's popular song, IOI is told tu might adapt to a non-halcyonic envi "Take This Job and Shove It!"- many ronment. That task is now accom a worker's dream. The IOI worker plished using Merton's well-known retreatist also quits figuring that modes of adaptation with a theoretical working there is just not worth the twist. effort to stay, and may even feel that unemployment insurance pays more A MERTONIAN APPLICATION than IOI does. The IOI worker-innova tor becomes a workers' paladin, or a It is rare in sociology to see the reformer, hoping to make IOI a better writings of conflict and alienation place to work. Managers neither like exemplars joined with the offers of provocateurs nor do they tolerate their someone who is often considered to commentary: they do not want trouble be an archetypical functionalist, and it makers, making it convenient for them is daring to use that person's to look for errors in the worker's habits paradigm in a conflict vein; yet, both as justification for dismissal. Even if are accomplished in this article. Once fired, employees find some solace in used by O'Sullivan (1995) to show the expression "I was looking for a job how people go about the process of when I found this one," but there are religious congregation switching still two alternative choices. resulting from spiritual dissatisfaction, The IOI worker-ritualist realizes en Merton's goals-means model shows trapment, but may have even fewer how !Di's wage earners can cope with options so the employee goes about their loneliness. assigned duties mechanically and The five adaptations can be sorted well, while avoiding company politics into two major groupings. Three of the which could result in trouble. Finally, modes are labeled as belonging to a the IOI worker-conformist is fairly quit-dismissed range of possibilities, content with his or her lot, and en and the remaining two are arranged gages in constructive output for the into a stay-retained cluster. Each set company- assuming new duties vol of outcomes has specific and different untarily and casually which later take benefits to the worker and to the on the aura of assignments; making company. no errors in assembly; talking posi Since many of !Di's workers are tively about the company and its own openly unhappy with their employment er-managers, and so on. The workers milieu, there are several means by ritua/ist and conformist stay because which they can adjust. The IOI worker- work is proximate to their homes; 32 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

because a spouse works there, too; A SHORT DISCUSSION ABOUT because a court requires it; because CHANGES OF VIEW the worker has no real marketable skills so he or she can get by, there; Scholars have long paid attention because the employee likes the com to conflict and alienation studies, dis pany; or, because other life circum cussing the origins of their practices stances affect employment. As we and terminologies, as well as address say, "It's the job I have today," but IOI ing their religious, philosophical, and is only where we work; it does not religious dimensions (Geyer 2001; define who we are. Lichtheim 1968; Seeman 1959, 2001). There is now an interesting theore Because the type of work which a per tical twist centering on these choices. son does and where that person works Yes, the workers who leave and the are often co-indices of a master sta ones who stay are apt to feel reward tus, significant attention has been paid ed in some way- they "win," either mo to the psycho-sociologic-economic as rally or financially. Yet, the company is pects of alienation by looking at work designed for its own "win-win" benefit. ers who are separated from the domi Disruptive employees have left by one nant means of production and the de way or another, while the ones who re termination of economic policies. Em main get paid the lowest wage possi phases have shown the disparities of ble, with full knowledge of their volun rewards and privileges between the tary serfdom plight, earning profits for bourgeoisie controlling class and the people who do not seem give a whit a proletarian subdued class. bout their workers. The conflict-based While my views on this subject division of outcomes identified here, have changed, I do not completely the rules of engagement between the agree with the monotonous chorus of bourgeoisie owner-managers and the universal tension, anxiety, and class proletarian workers, are always main warfare. I do not believe that there can tained by those who are in positions of be all-encompassing macro-level, na privilege. This aspect of Mertonian so tional, or international conspiracies on ciology, then, fits well with other con the parts of the "haves" to control the flict and alienation sociologies accord "have-nots" because ample evidence ing to the connected sayings "Take it has been provided showing diversity or leave it" and "There's the door" of dichotomies to dispel the contention both suggestions being oft-spoken by of collusion. I also do not believe that our bosses. there can be unified efforts on the My appreciation for the differential parts of the "have-nots" to overthrow distribution of power and privilege has the "haves" for the same reason. changed over the past several years. Membership in either a "have" or a However, I am not a complete convert, "have-not" category does not hold true and there is need to identify some of over time and in different locales, as my reservations. the comparison between Roosevelt's observations and the groups in Uris' book clearly showed; and further diffi- 33 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

culty if evident when someone ranks By so doing, the investigator can add high on one status scale, yet low on credence to the discipline, and conti another. nuity can be given to that which has However, once focus is shifted to already been learned, not through re micro-level economies and businesses plication because that would be im like IOI where absentee owners' man possible, but through closely-related agers yield unheralded palatine power studies. over third-estate workers, or to univer For example, the data used by sities which outsource teaching loads Marx and by Seeman are valid by to adjunct faculty members2 . Then the them-selves. While acquiring confir tensions and disparities of power, mation through continued study, those prestige, and privilege become appa findings can assume additional mean rent to even the casual observer. It is ing for the scholar-teacher when the here then that I believe conflict and constancy is affirmed directly and per alienation scholars are more correct in sonally. The teacher-scholar can then their understandings of class struggles say "Marx was right after all, and I can than I had been willing to acknowledge attest to his conclusions because ... " In -the divisions are real and consequen similar fashion, the teacher-scholar tial, although tensions and antagon can debate Goffman's 1961 ideas on isms vary locally. regimentation of life in total institutions by saying "Not all of our soldiers' daily CONCLUSION lives are as strictly ordered as he says they are, and I know that because ... " Personal narrative is a useful re A sense of trust and credibility is al search device for the social scientist most automatically accorded to some because is permits the vision of insight one who can honestly say, "Been via the voice of the first-person singu there, done that." lar research subject. The speaker Sociologists easily become too though may not be qualified to inter comfortable with old notes, and may pret personal thoughts or activities or develop myopia because they treat i be able to put information into a larger deal types as real types; because they intellectual context. Enter then the eth see the world through small openings nographer to accomplish those tasks in their ivy-covered windows; and with visual imagery for appropriate because they only view social actuality audiences. by way of questionnaires whose re Given that the scientist is also a sponses are coded for computer-gen participant in society, and thus has erated statistics. Many college stu- experiences which no one else has had, the analyst can then and should 2Another interesting study would be the use autoethnography to become the investigation of colleges' and universi subject of study, narrating from the ties' out-sourced instruction via tempo actor-observer self, putting that which rary faculty members, but I fear that acquiring sufficient information would has been recounted into appropriate be difficult. frames of reference for scholarly use. 34 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 40, Number 1, Spring 2012

dents are first-generation attendees, Becker, H.S. 1963. Outsiders. NY: and their families know about the "real Free Press. world" because they are police offic Berger, P .L. 1963. An Invitation to ers, military cadre, factory workers, se Sociology. NY: Doubleday. cretaries, truck drivers, prison guards, Dostoyevsky, F. 1950. Crime and Pun dental hygienists, carpenters, are on ishment. NY: Random House. workers' compensation disability, and Duneier, M. 1992. Slim's Table. Chi so on. If an instructor talks "sociolo cago: University of Chicago Press. gese" to students about topics, where Durkheim, E. 1951. Suicide. NY: Free in the student is a practical expert and Press. the teacher is not, then a built-in "B.S. Edwards, R. 1979. Contested Terrain. alarm" will warn that the forthcoming NY: Basic Books. lecture is based less on experience Forsyth, C. and C.E. Palmer. 1999. "A and more on laziness, theory, narrow Typology of Artists Found on Jack and limited observations, and on son Square in New Orleans' crunched numbers. French Quarter." Free Inquiry in Most of us entered the social sci Creative Sociology 27:9-27. ences or the humanities because we Geyer, F. 2001. "Alienation, Sociology felt they were fun, controversial, and of." Pp. 388-392 in N.J. Smelser vital to us and to others. It is time to and P.B. Baites (eds.) International make them so again by allowing us to Encyclopedia of the Social and look knowingly at our surroundings in Behavioral Sciences. NY: Elsevier. several ways. Either before the de Goffman, E. 1961. Asylums. Garden grees plan is finished, or during vaca City, NY: Doubleday. tions and sabbaticals, we should be Harris, M. 1968. The Rise of Anthropo come cops, truck drivers, stevedores, logical Theory. NY: Thomas Y. Cro laborers, roughnecks and roustabouts, well. or teachers in public- or inner-city Hobson, R. and R.A. Sullivan. 1990. schools, thus permitting us the oppor The Social Organization of Work. tunities to use our voices of the first Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. and the third-person singular, the ac Hugo, V. 1987. Les Miserables. NY: tor-observer, to challenge our world New American Library. views, academic truths, and ideal Hummel, R. 1994. Hunting and Fish types, in order to help our peers and ing for Sport. Bowling Green, OH: students evoke theirs. Popular Press. Kipling, R. 1900. The Ballad of East References and West. Selected Works of Rud yard Kipling 3. NY: Peter Fenelon Adler, P.A. and P. Adler. 1987. Mem Collier. bership in Field Research. New Lichtheim, G. 1968. "Alienation." in bury Park, CA: Sage. D.L. Sills (ed.) International Ency Alborn, M. 1997. Tuesdays With Mor clopedia of the Social Sciences 1. rie. NY: Doubleday. NY: MacMillan.

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Marx, K. 1959. The Economic and Seeman, M. 1959. "On the Meaning of Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 Alienation." American Sociological M. Milligan. Moscow: International Review 24:783-791. Publishers. ------. 2001. "Alienation: Psychosocio Merton, R.K. 1968. Social Theory and logical Tradition." Pp. 385-388 in Social Structure. NY: Free Press. NJ Smelser and D. Baltes (eds.) Nordhoff, C. and J.N. Hall. 1936. Pit International Encyclopedia of the cairn's Island. Boston: Little Brown. Social and Behavioral Sciences 1. ------. 1946. Men Against the Sea. NY: NY: Elsevier. Pocket Books. Seuss, Dr. 1961. "The Sneeches." Pp. ------. 1960. Mutiny on the Bounty. 20-25 in The Sneetches and Other Boston: Little Brown. Stories. NY: Random House. O'Sullivan, R.G. 1994. "Moral Entre Stowe, H.B. 1984. Uncle Tom's Cabin. preneurs, Local Morality, and Cutchogue, NY: Buccaneer Books. Labeling Processes." Free Inquiry Thompson, H.S. 1967. Hell's Angels. in Creative Sociology 22: 73-77. NY: Ballantine Books. ------. 1995. "Congregation Switching Tolstoy, L. 1977. "Master and Man." and Religious Revitalization." Free Pp. 67-126 in Master and Man and Inquiry in Creative Sociology 23:39- Other Stories. NY: Penguin Clas 41. sics. Paton, A. 1948. Cry the Beloved Uris, L. 1976. Trinity. NY: Doubleday. Country. NY: Charles Scribner's Waugh, A.R. 1955. Island in the Sun. Sons. NY: Farrar Strauss and Cudahy. Reimer, J.W. 1977. "Varieties of Op Weber, M. 1978. Economy and Socie portunistic Research." Urban Life ty. R. Roth and W. Wittrich. Berke 5:467-477. ley, CA: University of California Ronai-Rambo, C. and C. Ellis. 1989. Press. "Turn-ons for Money: lnteractional Zeitlan, I.M. 1968. Ideology and the Strategies of the Table Dancer." Development of Sociological Theo Journal of Contemporary Ethno ry. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice graphy 18:271-298. Hall. Roosevelt, T. 1920. Through the Bra zilian Wilderness. NY: Charles Scribner's Sons.