1 Bartolomé Ordóñez and Workshop, Tomb of Joanna of Castile and Philip of Burgundy, 1519–1533
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____ 1 Bartolomé Ordóñez and workshop, tomb of Joanna of Castile and Philip of Burgundy, 1519–1533. Granada, Capilla Real CHARLES V, BARTOLOMÉ ORDÓÑEZ, AND THE TOMB OF JOANNA OF CASTILE AND PHILIP OF BURGUNDY IN GRANADA AN ICONOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE OF A MAJOR ROYAL MONUMENT OF RENAISSANCE EUROPE Tommaso Mozzati The tomb of Joanna of Castile (known as ‘the Princesa enamorada sin ser correspondida Mad’) and Philip of Burgundy (known as ‘the Hand- Clavel rojo en un valle profundo y desolado. some’) in the Capilla Real in Granada (Fig. 1)1 has La tumba que te guarda rezuma tu tristeza long been on this path. Not only has the tomb’s im- A través de los ojos que han abierto sobre el mármol. Elegía a Doña Juana agery become obscure to us, it is also difficult to estab- (Federico García Lorca, , 1918) lish what events the tomb echoes. Any monument intended to resist the future speaks Commissioned between 20 November and 21 to the present: inevitably, it reflects the ambitions, ac- December 1518 and carved in Carrara, the monument cidents, and circumstances of the time in which it was was only transported to Spain in 1533 after a series of conceived. As a result, its language and symbols risk circumstances had hindered its execution. The pieces becoming mute with the passage of time. still remained at the port of Cartagena until 1539, 1 Among the contributions largely dedicated to the tomb of Joan- , exh. cat. Pietrasanta 1992, ed. by Amedeo Mercurio, Florence 1994, ’500 na and Philip subsequent to the reprint of the seminal study by Manuel pp. 101–136: 112–118, 134f.; Patrick Lenaghan, “The Arrival of the Ital- Gómez-Moreno, , Madrid 1983 (first ed. ian Renaissance in Spain: The Tombs of Domenico Fancelli and Bartolomé Las águilas del Renacimiento español Madrid 1941), the following titles can be mentioned: María José Redon- Ordóñez”, Ph.D. diss., New York University 1993, pp. 389–396; Miguel do Cantera, “Nuevos datos sobre la realización del sepulcro de Felipe el Ángel León Coloma, “Los mausoleos reales y la cripta”, in: El libro de la Hermoso y Juana la Loca”, in: , ed. by José Manuel Pita Andrade, Granada 1994, pp. 69–95: Boletín del Seminario de Arte y Arqueología de la Capilla Real , XLIX (1983), pp. 325–330; Luciano Migliaccio, 82–93 and 95, notes 16–21; , “Lenguajes plásticos y propaganda dinás- Universidad de Valladolid idem “Carrara e la Spagna nella scultura di primo Cinquecento”, in: tica en la Capilla Real de Granada”, in: , exh. cat. Le vie del Jesucristo y el emperador cristiano Granada 2000, ed. by Francisco Javier Martínez Medina, Córdoba 2000, marmo: aspetti della produzione e della diffusione dei manufatti marmorei tra ’400 e | 175 ____ 2 Bartolomé Ordóñez and workshop, tomb of Joanna of Castile and Philip of Burgundy, back side with Saint John the Baptist (left) and Saint Andrew (right). Granada, Capilla Real pp. 376–393: 379–382; Luciano Migliaccio, “Precisiones sobre la activi- ed. by Letizia Gaeta, Galatina 2007, I, pp. 125–146: 125–132; Patrick dad de Bartolomé Ordóñez en Italia y la recepción del Renacimiento italia- Lenaghan, “ ‘It Shall All Be Roman’: Early Patrons of Italian Renaissance no en la Península Ibérica”, in: Tombs in Spain”, in: , ed. by Sarah Schroth, El modelo italiano en las artes plásticas de la península Art in Spain and the Hispanic World , ed. by María José Redondo Cantera, Valladolid London 2010, pp. 213–234: 225–227; María José Redondo Cantera, “Los ibérica durante el Renacimiento 2004, pp. 377–392; Gisela Noehles-Doerk, “Die Realisation der Grab- sepulcros de la Capilla Real de Granada”, in: Juana I en Tordesillas: su mun- malplanungen der Katholischen Könige”, in: , ed. by Miguel Ángel Zalama, Valladolid 2010, pp. 185–214: Grabkunst und Sepulkralkultur in do, su entorno , ed. by Barbara Borngässer/Henrik Karge/Bruno Klein, 203–214; Miguel Ángel Zalama, Spanien und Portugal Juana I: arte, poder y cultura en torno a una reina Frankfurt on the Main 2006, pp. 379–402: 395–402; María José Redondo , Madrid 2010, pp. 346–349; María José Redondo Cantera, que no gobernó Cantera, “La Capilla Real de Granada como Panteón dinástico durante los “Luci e ombre al ritorno in Spagna di Diego de Siloé e Bartolomé Ordóñez reinados de Carlos V y Felipe II: problemas e indecisiones. Nuevos datos (1517–1527)”, in: Norma e capriccio: spagnoli in Italia agli esordi della “maniera mod- sobre el sepulcro de Felipe el Hermoso y Juana la Loca”, in: , exh. cat., ed. by Antonio Natali/Tommaso Mozzati, Florence 2013, Grabkunst und erna” , pp. 403–418; Luciano Migliaccio, “Uno pp. 181–191: 182f.; Michela Zurla, “Domenico Fancelli, i re di Spagna e la Sepulkralkultur in Spanien und Portugal spagnuolo: Bartolomé Ordóñez sulle rotte mediterranee del marmo”, in: congiuntura carrarese”, , pp. 132–145: 137; Francesco Pastore, “L’ar- ibidem , te di Bartolomé Ordóñez tra Spagna e Italia”, in: La scultura meridionale in età moderna nei suoi rapporti con la circolazione mediterranea Arte y cultura en la Granada 176 | TOMMASO MOZZATI | when they were transferred to the Hospital Real in basement follow an analogous scheme: only the one Granada. There, several decades later, in 1603, the under the heads of the statues of the two monarchs tomb was finally erected at its intended destination is a quartered shield, referring to the conjugal union alongside the sepulchre dedicated to the Catholic of Joanna and Philip (Fig. 4). Significantly, this last is Kings: this operation was executed by the architect oriented toward the central nave of the Capilla Real, Francisco de Mora upon the orders of King Phil- thus emphasizing the dynastic alliance between Bur- ip III.2 The monument is an articulated structure, or- gundy and Spain.5 The imposing socle of the tomb ganized on two levels: the sarcophagus (on which the shows a tondo on each side representing one episode two lie) and a historiated basement below.3 The of the life of Christ (Fig. 5), and twelve niches with figuresgisants of the dead monarchs are associated with a pair allegorical figures are distributed around its perimeter of heraldic animals coiled at their feet – a lion and a (two on the short sides, four on the long ones; Fig. 6). lioness – which are linked to the royal title of the bride This paper examines some well-known archival ev- and groom.4 On the contrary, the saints at the four idence in order to establish a more coherent outline of corners of the high socle should be read according to a the tomb’s conception, overall design, drawn-out pro- bipartite scheme, as references to the two different dy- duction, and political aims. In so doing, it advances a nasties of the king and queen: Saint Andrew and Saint new iconographic reading of the imagery of the mon- Michael are the patrons of Burgundy, Saint John the ument in relation to its political context, especially of Evangelist and Saint John the Baptist the protectors of the four figurative corners that complete the structure Castile (Fig. 2). The widespread use of the imprese of on the edges of the pedestal, at the same time reflecting the two countries follows the same genealogical du- on the reliefs incorporated on the sides of the tomb. ality: in fact, they are rigidly distributed around the Moreover, it explains the sepulchre’s tortuous genesis of Joanna and the effigy of Philip, with the -ar in light of the difficult succession experienced by the rowsgisant and yoke for the former (Fig. 3) and the Golden Spanish crown after the death of Ferdinand of Aragon Fleece and Saint Andrew’s cross for the latter. Predict- and Isabella of Castile, when, during the first quarter ably, even the three heraldic shields placed around the of the sixteenth century, the Iberian monarchy began , ed. by José Policarpo Cruz Cabrera, , Madrid 1608, c. 83v). The erection of the mar- renacentista y barroca: relaciones e influencias güedad y excelencias de Granada Granada 2014, I, pp. 323–345: 338–340. ble tomb of Joanna and Philip is documented by later seventeenth-century 2 Redondo Cantera 1983 (note 1); León Coloma 1994 (note 1), sources: Justino Antolínez de Burgos, , Granada Historia eclesiástica de Granada pp. 82f. and 95, note 17; Redondo Cantera 2010 (note 1), pp. 203–207. 1996 (11623), p. 144; Francisco Henríquez de Jorquera, , Anales de Granada A plan of the building found in the archive of the Capilla Real documents Granada 1987 (11646), I, p. 70. the position of the sepulchre of the Catholic Kings and the provisional 3 An exhaustive description of the monument and its elements is con- tombs of Joanna and Philip before the erection of their monument; cf. Ma- tained in Redondo Cantera 2010 (note 1), pp. 203–214. nuel Reyes Ruiz, “Quinientos años de historia”, in: 4 Philip the Handsome was crowned king of Castile in 1506 by the El libro de la Capilla Real (note 1), pp. 34–47: 36. In 1608 Francisco Bermúdez de Pedraza recorded Cortes de Valladolid after the Concordia de Villafáfila. this placement of the burial tombs in the Capilla Real: “por colaterales ay 5 For the epitaph placed on the short side of the tomb in front of the otros dos tumulos cubiertos de panos de oro, y sobre cada unos dellos una see Manuel Ramírez Sánchez, “La tradición de la epigrafía anti- retablo mayor almohada de brocado, y corona de oro, por los Reyes don Felipe Primero y gua en las inscripciones hispanas de los siglos XV y XVI”, in: , XXIX Veleia doña Juana su muger. Estos tres tumulos estan cercados con una armadura (2012), pp.