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Home , Alonso Berruguete, Andrea del Castagno, Angelo Caroselli, Antonello Gagini, Barberini ivory, Borghese collection

JOURNAL 08 MARCH 2021 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE

Stijn Alsteens International Head of Drawings, Patrick Lenaghan Curator of Prints and Photographs, The Hispanic Society of America, Christie’s. New York. Jaynie Anderson Professor Emeritus in , The Patrice Marandel Former Chief Curator/Department Head of European and JOURNAL 08 University of . , Los Angeles County of Art. Avery Art Historian specializing in European Jennifer Montagu Art Historian specializing in Italian . Sculpture, particularly Italian, French and English. Scott Nethersole Senior Lecturer in Italian Art, The Courtauld Institute of Art, . Andrea Bacchi Director, Federico Zeri Foundation, Bologna. Larry Nichols William Hutton Senior Curator, European and American Painting and Colnaghi Studies Journal is produced biannually by the Colnaghi Foundation. Its purpose is to publish texts on significant Colin Bailey Director, Morgan Library and Museum, New York. Sculpture before 1900, Toledo Museum of Art, Ohio. pre-twentieth-century artworks in the European tradition that have recently come to light or about which new research is Piers Baker-Bates Visiting Honorary Associate in Art History, Tom Nickson Senior Lecturer in and Architecture, Courtauld Institute of Art, underway, as well as on the history of their collection. Texts about artworks should place them within the broader context The Open University. London. of the artist’s oeuvre, provide visual analysis and comparative images. Francesca Baldassari Professor, Università degli Studi di Padova. Gianni Papi Art Historian specializing in . Bonaventura Bassegoda Catedràtic, Universitat Autònoma de Edward Payne Assistant Professor in Art History, Aarhus University. Manuscripts may be sent at any time and will be reviewed by members of the journal’s Editorial Committee, composed of Barcelona. Martin Postle Deputy Director for Grants and Publications, The Paul Mellon Centre for specialists on painting, sculpture, architecture, conservation, decorative arts, and the history of collecting, covering a wide Till-Holger Borchert Director, Musea Brugge. Studies in British Art, London. range of periods and geographical areas. Texts should be between 1000 and 10,000 words (including endnotes) and include Antonia Boström Keeper of European Sculpture, and Xavier F. Salomon Peter Jay Sharp Chief Curator, The Frick Collection, New York. high resolution, comparative images. Albert Museum, London. Salvador Salort-Pons Director, President & CEO, Detroit Institute of Arts. Bruce Boucher Director, Sir ’s Museum, London. Timothy Schroder Art Historian specializing in European silver and ’ work. The Colnaghi Foundation is a platform for realizing a variety of projects in collaboration with scholars, , and Edgar Peters Bowron Former Curator Museum of Fine Arts Houston. Manfred Sellink Director, Museum voor Schone Kunsten, . educational institutions worldwide. These include organizing exhibitions and other educational events, supporting Amanda Bradley Art Historian specializing in European Painting. Pippa Shirley Head of Collections, . scholarly research, and publishing Colnaghi Studies Journal as well as monographs, conference proceedings, and catalogues. Xavier Bray Director, The , London. Jack Soultanian Conservator, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Xanthe Brooke Former Curator of Continental European Art, John Spike Curator and Art Historian specializing in Baroque . The Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool. Nicola Spinosa Former Director of Museo di Capodimonte, . Christopher Brown Art Historian specializing in Dutch and Carl Strehlke Adjunct Emeritus, Philadelphia Museum of Art. Flemish Seventeenth-Century Art, former Director, Ashmolean Luke Syson Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. 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Paul Joannides Emeritus Professor of Art History, University of Please provide a list of all bibliographic citations that includes, In a separate Word file, please indicate the figure number, the Cambridge. Designer: Laura Eguiluz de la Rica for each title: full name(s) of author or authors; title and subtitle picture’s orientation, and any instructions for cropping. Kirstin Kennedy Curator of Silverwork, Metalwork, Victoria & Project coordinator and picture research: Sarah Gallagher of book or article and periodical; place, publisher, and date Albert Museum, London. Editorial assistance: Anna Koopstra of publication; volume number, if any; and page, plate, and/ The author of each article is responsible for obtaining all Alastair Laing Former Curator of Pictures and Sculpture at the Published by the Colnaghi Foundation or figure number(s). For citations in notes, please cite the full photographic material and reproduction rights. National Trust. Copyright Colnaghi Foundation Barbara Lasic ‎Lecturer, and Design, Sotheby's Institute of Art. Please direct all subscription enquiries and back issue requests to: The Colnaghi Foundation, 26 Bury Street, London SW1Y 6AL Riccardo Lattuada Full Professor of Art History of the Modern Age, Università degli studi della “Luigi Vanvitelli”, Naples. For more information about the Colnaghi Foundation and the Colnaghi Studies Journal please contact [email protected]. JOURNAL 08 MARCH 2021 CONTENTS

Articles in Honour of Charles Avery

A Tribute to Charles Avery New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 8 PAUL JOANNIDES 114 JEREMY WARREN

The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 14 EKSERDJIAN 148 MARJORIE TRUSTED

Alonso Berruguete and Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great 30 PAUL JOANNIDES 162 of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos SERGEI ANDROSOV The Marcello Inkstand: personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan 48 Renaissance workshop ALISON LUCHS

A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti Varia 56 PETA MOTTURE A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Supper at Emmaus A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 176 revisited 74 TIMOTHY CLIFFORD JOHN GASH Family matters: ’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s from 88 in San Salvador, 192 the Hours of Louis XII VICTORIA AVERY AND EMMA JONES NICHOLAS HERMAN 8 9

I first encountered Charles in 1967, when, as a Cambridge undergraduate I attended his lectures on A Tribute to Charles Avery Florentine sculpture, lectures that he developed into his first book, which, half a century PAUL JOANNIDES later, remains in print, solid both in outline and detail. Charles, who had graduated from the same school only a few years earlier and was then at the V&A, had been invited to lecture by its founder and head Jaffé. Michael is probably now best remembered as a great connoisseur, but he was a superb teacher and an acute talent-spotter, It is hard to accept that Charles Avery has just turned Charles’s studies, often written late at night and at who – unlike so many academics – delighted in 80. The years have left him unchanged, and he is what weekends without the benefit of academic sabbaticals welcoming scholars from other institutions to speak he has always been: passionate about works of art – with and grants, are astonishingly wide-ranging. His to his students. I still remember Charles’s ease at the and , naturally, in publications stretch from monographs on sculptors lectern, his clarity, verbal fluency and command first place – deeply committed to scholarship of the most of the highest level – , , and of his subject: even then he had an intellectual generous kind, alert to new ideas when they have value, Bernini, for example, through lesser ones such as maturity running in tandem with his youthful and a rigorous but kindly critic when they do not. And, Andrea Bresciano, David Le Marchand, and Francesco enthusiasm. I remember too the kindness with when off-duty, vivacious and enlightening company with, Bertos – to analyses of medals, plaquettes, mortars, and which, after his lectures, he would answer questions as they say in contact ads, a GSOH, amplified by his wife apparently minor decorative or functional objects, all and respond to observations, no matter how Mary who, likewise, remains as warm, welcoming and of which he treats with undiminished seriousness and unkempt or ill-informed, without ever making his (occasionally irreverently) witty as ever. Charles is ageless as concentration. Charles has published on patronage, unkempt or ill-informed interlocutors feel small. He a personality and his omniscience seems only to increase: provenance, and collecting; he has also written about retains that generosity: his encouragement of others does anyone know more about, or have greater first-hand technique, taking carving and modelling classes to and his respectful treatment of views with which he experience of, European sculpture of the post-medieval learn first-hand how materials feel and respond. does not necessarily agree are impeccable. period? Has anyone thought more profoundly about it? And, as countless catalogue entries demonstrate, his connoisseurship is hors pair. His career, from a young Keeper at the V&A to a senior expert and Director at Christie’s, to We shall leave it to the reader to estimate the quality independent scholar in constant demand from of the contributions to this Festschrift, made by those museums, collectors, dealers and auction houses, as who love and respect Charles; but we can claim well as academic institutions, is remarkable. And for it one secure value: an up-to-date list of his it is worth noting that he has always been alert to publications. Even those who think they know his the national interest: in 1981 he was instrumental work well will find pieces – sometimes substantial in securing ’s Hercules and Antaeus ones – of which they were unaware. For Charles – reproduced here – for the National Museum has never refused to hide his lights under bushels of Scotland. Charles’s experience has given him and has often presented major scholarship in minor a reach that, I think, no-one alive can match. publications – no scholar could be less vain about his Charles may have entered his ninth decade but, work. And, in addition to lectures and publications, with energy and intellectual curiosity undiminished, Charles has also vetted scrupulously at international his production continues apace, and we have much art fairs, and worked on several exhibitions, including more to come from him. Long may he continue to the ground-breaking Arts Council Giambologna: guide, enlighten and inspire us. Sculptor to the Medici touring exhibition of 1978, which earned him the prestigious title Cavaliere dell’Ordine al Merito della Repubblica Italiana. 10 A Tribute to Charles Avery A Tribute to Charles Avery 11

APPENDIX OF CHARLES AVERY’S PUBLICATIONS

Books 2010 . The Risen Christ: The Model for Peter’s (: Altomani & Sons). 1991 “European Ivories” and “European Bronzes,” in The Illustrated History of Antiques, ed. Huon 2001 “The Bronze Statuettes of Caspar Gras,” in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), Mallalieu (Philadelphia: Courage Books/Running Press), pp. 236-237, 240-245. pp. 431-472. 1966 Michelangelo, I Maestri della Scultura, 2 vols. (Milan: Fabbri). 2011 Francesco Fanelli: King Charles I, A unique bronze statuette (Milan: Altomani & Sons). 1991 Selected entries in Francis Russell, The Loyd Collection of Paintings, Drawings and 2001 “The in Renaissance Florence: An Overview,” in Early Renaissance Reliefs, ed. Andrew 1968 Michelangelo e la scultura del Cinquecento (Milan: Fabbri). 2012 Giambologna: An Angel Alighting from the Certosa Monastery of Florence (Milan: Altomani & Sons). (Lockinge), pp. 51-66. Butterfield, exh. cat. (New York: Salander-O’Reilly Galleries), pp. 11-13. 1970 Florentine Renaissance Sculpture (London/New York: J. Murray/Harper & Row). 2016 de Levis & Company: Renaissance Bronze-founders in (London: Philip Wilson Publishers). 1992 “Reflections on Pajou’s Bust of his Wife: Sculptors’ Images of themselves and their Near and 2001 “Giovanni Bologna, Cristo Morto,” in MMI / Hall & Knight (London/New York: Hall & 1974 Sculpture from Troyes, in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Brochure 4) (London: Victoria and Albert 2020 Il Bresciano: Bronze-caster in Renaissance Venice (London: Philip Wilson Publishers). Dear,” Recent Acquisitions 1992, exh. cat. (London: Partridge Fine Arts, PLC). Knight Ltd.), pp. 94-101. Museum). [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 103-144] 1992 “Michelangelo’s Samson Slaying Two Philistines,” The Genius of the Sculptor in Michelangelo’s Work, 2002 “The History of Bernini’s of the Moor,” in Bernini: The Modello for the Fountain of the 1975 Florentine Baroque Bronzes and Other Objects of Art, exh. cat. (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum). Catalogue Essays exh. cat. (Montreal Museum of Fine Arts), no. 72, pp. 264-265. Moor, ed. Andrew Butterfield, exh. cat. (New York: Salander-O’Reilly Galleries), pp. 9-28. 1978 (with Anthony Radcliffe) Giambologna, 1529-1608: Sculptor to the Medici, exh. cat. (Edinburgh: 1976 Selected entries in Sculptures from the H. Kress Collection European Schools XIV-XIX Century, ed. 1993 “Medals and Bronzes for Milordi: Soldani, Selvi and the English,” in Pittura Toscana e Pittura 2002 “ Christi, Follower of Cellini, possibly Niccolo Pippi d’Arras,” and “Wall-fountain Royal Scottish Museum; London: Victoria and Albert Museum; : Kunsthistorisches Museum). Ulrich Middeldorf (London: Phaidon). Europea nel Secolo dei Lumi. Atti del Convegno di Studi (: S.P.E.S), pp. 90-98, pls. 104-120 [reprinted of Cupid on a Dolphin, attrib. to Rafaello da Montelupo,” in Italian Sculpture from the Gothic to the 1979 Giambologna’s Samson and a Philistine, Victoria and Albert Museum Masterpieces (Sheet 18) 1976 “Soldani’s Small Bronze Statuettes after Old Master Sculptures in Florence,” in Kunst des Barock in The Medal 24 (1994): pp. 10-20] Baroque, ed. Andrew Butterfield, exh. cat. (New York: Salander-O’Reilly Galleries). (London: Victoria and Albert Museum). in der Toskana. Studien zur Kunst unter den letzten Medici (: Bruckmann), pp. 165-172. [reprinted in 1992 “Bathsheba (Psyche?),” in Katz 1968-1993: A Catalogue Celebrating Twenty-five Years of 2002 Selected entries in Catalogue of Italian Sculpture in the Detroit Institute of Arts, eds. Alan P. Darr, 1981 (with Susanna Barbaglia) L�Opera completa del Cellini (Milan: Rizzoli). Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 122-132] Dealing in European Sculpture and Works of Art, ed. Peter Laverack (London: Daniel Katz), pp. 22-25. Peter Barnet, and Antonia Boström, 2 vols. (London: Harvey Miller). [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 308-314] 1981 (with Alastair Laing) Fingerprints of the Artist: European Terra-cotta Sculpture from the Arthur M. 1976 “Architecture and Sculpture in the United Provinces during the Seventeenth Century,” in Art in 2002 Selected entries in Icons or Portraits? Images of and Mary from the Collection of Michael Hall, Sackler Collection (New York and Washington, DC: The Arthur M. Sackler Foundation and The Seventeenth Century Holland, exh. cat. (London: National Gallery), pp. 9-12. 1993 “Giambologna’s Horse and Rider,” in Società Metallurgica Italiana: Review (English ed., July), ed. Ena G. Heller, exh. cat. (New York: The Gallery at the American Bible Society). Fogg Art Museum). [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 4-18] pp. 19-27. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 229-253] 1976 “Donatello’s Chellini ,” in Victoria and Albert Museum Masterpieces (London: Victoria and 2002 “‘Sculpture Gone Wild’: Bernini and the English,” in Le Bernin et l�Europe. Du Baroque triomphant 1981 Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s). Albert Museum). 1994 “Giovanni Bandini (1540-1599) Reconsidered,” in Antologia di Belle Arti, La Scultura: Studi in à l�âge romantique, eds. Chantal Grell and Milovan Stanic (Congrès international organisé par onore di Andrew S. Ciechanowiecki (New Series, 48-51), pp. 16-27. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture l’Université de Versailles-St-Quentin et l’Université de -Sorbonne, Paris IV, l’Istituto Italiano di 1985 Plaquettes, Medals and Reliefs from the Collection ‘L’ (London: Christie’s). 1977 “The Patronage of the Medici,” in The Triumph of Humanism: A Visual Survey of the Decorative Arts (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 201-228] cultura, Paris, 6-7 November 1998) (Paris: Presses Universitaires de la Sorbonne), pp. 161-178. 1986 L�invenzione dell�umano: introduzione a Donatello (Florence: La casa Usher). of the Renaissance, exh. cat. (San Francisco: Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco), pp. 17-25. 1994 “Donatello’s Marble Narrative Reliefs,” in Atti della Giornata di studio: Le Vie del Marmo: Aspetti 2003 “The Atrium of the Four Winds at Lainate: Aeolus and a Companion Rediscovered,” in Large 1987 Giambologna: The Complete Sculpture (Oxford: Phaidon) [short-listed for the NACF Award, 1977 “Bernardo Vecchietti and the wax Models of Giambologna,” in Atti del I congresso internazionale della produzione e della diffusione dei manufatti marmorei tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento. Centro Culturale L. Bronzes in the Renaissance. Studies in the History of Art 64, ed. Peta Motture (Washington, DC: National 1988] sulla Ceroplastica nella Scienza e nell’Arte (Firenze, 3-7 giugno 1975) (Biblioteca della ‘Rivista di Storia delle Russo, Pietrasanta, 3 ottobre 1992, ed. Severina Russo (Florence: Giunti), pp. 7-16. [reprinted in Studies Gallery of Art), pp. 191-201. 1988 Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s). Scienze Medici e Naturali’ XX) (Florence: Olschki), pp. 461-476. in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 61-88] 2003 “The Duke of Marlborough as a Collector and Patron of Sculpture,” in The Evolution of 1977 “Gregorio Pagani (1558-1605) as a wax-modeller,” in Atti del I congresso internazionale sulla 1988 The Ian and Margaret Ross Collection: Baroque Sculpture and Medals (Toronto: ). 1995 “The Early Medici and Donatello,” in The Early Medici and their Artists, ed. Francis Ames- English Collecting: The Reception of Italian Art in the Tudor and Stuart periods (Studies in British Art 12), Ceroplastica nella Scienza e nell’Arte (Firenze, 3-7 giugno 1975) (Biblioteca della ‘Rivista di Storia delle 1991 Donatello: Catalogo completo (I Gigli dell�Arte 22) (Florence: Cantini). Lewis (London: Birkbeck College, University of London), pp. 71-105, pls. 14-24. [reprinted in ed. Edward Chaney (New Haven/London: Yale University Press), pp. 427-464. Scienze Medici e Naturali’ XX) (Florence: Olschki), pp. 477-488. [reprinted in Studies in European Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 89-138] 2003/2004 Selected entries in In the Light of : Italian Renaissance and Greece, ed. Mina Gregori, 2 1993 Giambologna: the complete sculpture (London: Phaidon). [paperback edition of Giambologna: the Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 114-121] complete sculpture (Oxford: Phaidon, 1987)] 1995 “Pierino da Vinci’s ‘Lost’ Bronze Relief of ‘The Death by Starvation of Count Ugolino della vols., exh. cat. (: National Gallery and Alexander Soutzos Museum). 1978 “An Appendix of Italian Sculpture in the National Gallery of Scotland,” in Hugh Brigstocke, Gherardesca and his Sons’ Rediscovered at Chatsworth” and “The Flagellation of Christ: A Clarification 2004 Selected entries in The Encyclopedia of Sculpture, ed. Antonia Boström (New York: Fitzroy 1993 Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes in the Frick Art Museum (Pittsburgh: Frick Art & Historical Center). Italian and Spanish Paintings in the National Gallery of Scotland (Edinburgh: Trustees of the National of the Identity of the Reliefs by Pierino da Vinci and Vincenzo Danti,” in Pierino da Vinci. Atti della Giornata Dearborn). 1994 Donatello: An Introduction (New York: Harper Collins). Galleries of Scotland), pp. 199-205. di Studio, Vinci, Biblioteca Leonardiana, 26 maggio 1990, ed. Marco Cianchi (Florence: Becocci), pp. 57- 2004 “Rearing Horse by Francesco di Virgilio Fanelli,” in In ’s Footsteps, ed. Helen Fioratti, 1995 Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes from the of Alexis Gregory Collection, exh. cat. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard 1981 Selected entries in A Concise Encyclopaedia of the Italian Renaissance, ed. John R. Hale (London: 65. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 167-190, 191-200] exh. cat. (New York: L’Antiquaire & The Connoisseur), pp. 52-53. University Art Museums). [appeared as a special issue of The Fogg Art Museum Bulletin 4] Thames & Hudson). 1995 Entries in Peter C. Sutton, The William Appleton Coolidge Collection (Boston, MA: Museum of 2004 “Introduction,” Platon-Alexis Hadjimichalis, Magic Structured Obsessive Compulsive Organic Surfaces, 1996 La Sculpture Florentine de la Renaissance (Paris: Le Livre de Poche). [French translation of second 1983 (with Anthony Radcliffe) “Severo Calzetta da : New Discoveries,” in Studien zum Fine Arts), pp. 112-115. exh. cat. (London: Derek Johns Gallery). edition of Florentine Renaissance Sculpture (London/New York: J. Murray/Harper & Row, 1970] europäischen Kunsthandwerk: Festschrift Yvonne Hackenbroch (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann), pp. 107- 1995 “Le Sueur’s Gilt Bronze Bust of King Charles I,” in Death, Passion and Politics: Van Dyck’s 2006 “Ein halbes Jahrhundert Giambolognaforschung,” in Giambologna – Triumph des Körpers, ed. 1996 David Le Marchand (1674-1726): ‘An Ingenious Man for Carving in Ivory’, exh. cat. (Edinburgh: 122. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 50-61] Portraits of Venetia Stanley and George Digby, ed. Ann Sumner, exh. cat. (London: Dulwich College Art Wilfried Seipel, exh. cat. (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches Museum), pp. 20-33. National Gallery of Scotland; London: ; Leeds: Leeds City Art Gallery). 1983 “Medicean Medals,” in Firenze e la Toscana dei Medici nell’Europa del ‘500. Atti del Convegno Gallery), no. 10, pp. 86-87. 2006 “Giambologna e la Francia,” in Giambologna, gli dei, gli eroi, eds. Beatrice Paolozzi Strozzi and 1997 Bernini: Genius of the Baroque (London/New York: Thames & Hudson/Bullfinch). internazionale di studi (Florence: Olschki), pp. 885-897. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II 1996 Selected entries in Jane Turner, The Dictionary of Art (London: Macmillan). Dimitrios Ziko, exh. cat. (Florence: Museo Nazionale del Bargello), pp. 142-151. (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 62-73] 1998 La Spezia, Museo Civico Amedeo Lia: Sculture - bronzetti, placchette, medaglie (I cataloghi del Museo 1998 Selected entries in Effigies and Ecstasies: Roman Baroque Sculpture and Design in the Age of Bernini, eds. 2006 “Giambologna versus Michelangelo: Skulptur im Zeitalter des Manierismus,” in Giambologna Civico Amadeo Lia, 4) (Milan: Amilcare Pizzi). 1983 “Sculpture,” in A History of Art, ed. Lawrence Gowing (London: Macmillan). Aidan Weston-Lewis and Timothy Clifford, exh. cat. (Edinburgh: National Gallery of Scotland). in , Die Geschenke der Medici, eds. Dirk Syndram, Moritz Woelk, and Martina Minning, exh. 1998 Giambologna: An Exhibition of Sculpture by the Master and his Followers from the Collection of Michael Hall, 1987 “Soldani’s Models for Medals and His Training,” in Italian Medals. Studies in the History of Art 1998 “Lord Burlington and the Florentine Baroque Bronze Sculptor Soldani: New cat. (Dresden: Staatliche Kunstsammlungen), pp. 54-64. Esq., exh. cat. (New York: Salander-O’Reilly Galleries). 21 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art). Documentation on the Anglo-Florentine Art Trade in the Age of the ,” in Lord 2007 Catalogue entries in Encompassing the Globe, and the World in the 16th and 17th centuries, Burlington - the Man and his Politics: Questions of Loyalty (Studies in British History 48), ed. Edward 1999 Giambologna (1529-1608): ‘Comment s’attacher l’âme d’un prince’. La Sculpture du Maître et de ses 1987/88 Selected entries in Encyclopaedia of the Renaissance, eds. Thomas G. Bergin and Jennifer ed. Jay Leveson, exh cat. (Washington, DC: The Arthur M. Sackler Gallery of the Smithsonian Corp (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen), pp. 27-49, figs. 2-15. successeurs. Collection de Michael Hall. Essais et catalogue, exh. cat. (Paris: Galerie Piltzer; Chambéry: Musée Speake (New York: Facts on File). Institution), pp. 38-41. 1998 “Form and Space: Sculpture 1527-1600,” in The Oxford Illustrated History of Western Art, ed. des Beaux-Arts de Chambéry; : Musée de la Chartreuse). 1989 “Fontainebleau, Milan or Rome? A Mannerist Bronze Lock-plate and Hasp”, Italian 2008 Selected entries in Scultura, exh. cat. (New York: Tomasso Brothers Fine Art). Plaquettes. Studies in the History of Art 22 (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art), pp. 291-305. Martin Kemp (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 184-191. 2000 Jean Bologne: La Belle endormie, exh. cat. (Paris: Galerie Piltzer). 2008 “The Elephant in Italian Sculpture – Romanesque to Renaissance,” in La scultura meridionale [reprinted, with “Supplement,” in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 339-386] 1999 “American Collectors of Early European Decorative Arts,” in Laurie Winters with Joseph R. 2001 Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar). in età moderna nei suoi rapporti con la circolazione mediterranea (Atti del Convegno internazionale di Studi, Lecce, Bliss, A Renaissance Treasury: The Flagg Collection of European Decorative Arts and Sculpture, exh. cat. (New 1989 “Donatello’s Madonnas Revisited,” Donatello-Studien (Italienische Forschungen, 9-11 June 2004), ed. Letizia Gaeta, 2 vols. (Galatina: Mario Congedo), pp. 297-329. 2005 The Medici Piamontini (London: Christie’s). York: Hudson Hills Press, with the Milwaukee Art Museum), pp. 19-23. Kunsthistorisches Instituts in Florenz, 3rd ser., 16) (Munich: Bruckmann), pp. 219-234. [reprinted 2005 A Painted Relief of The with by Donatello, exh. cat. (New York: Salander-O’Reilly 2009 Selected entries in Scultura II, exh. cat. (New York: Tomasso Brothers Fine Art). in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 21-60] 1999 “Dio come uomo e l’uomo come Dio; L’ideale del nudo nella scultura,” in Il Nudo: Eros. Galleries). Natura. Artificio, ed. Gloria Fossi (Florence: Giunti), pp. 170-187. 2009 “Andrea di Bartolomeo di Alessandri, detto Il Bresciano “lavorator di gettar cose di Bronzo”: 1989 “Giambologna’s : The Rediscovery of a Masterpiece,” Art and Tradition: candelabri, satiri e battenti,” in L’industria artistica del bronzo del rinascimento a Venezia e nell’Italia 2006 Bernini: Genius of the Baroque (London: Thames & Hudson). [paperback edition of Bernini: Genius 2000 “Giambologna’s Horses: Questions and Hypotheses,” in Giambologna tra Firenze e l'Europa. Atti Masterpieces of Important Provenances, exh. cat. (Munich: Bernheimer), no. 20, pp. 46-65, 108-109. settentrionale. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Venezia, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, 23 e 24 ottobre 2007, of the Baroque (London/New York: Thames & Hudson/Bullfinch, 1997)] del Convegno internazionale. Istituto Universitario Olandese di Storia dell’Arte, Firenze (Florence: Centro Di), [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 277-297] eds. Matteo Ceriana and Victoria Avery (Trento: Scripta), pp. 233-252. 2007 (with Andrea Ciaroni) Dai Medici al Bargello, vol. II: I Bronzi del Rinascimento: Il Quattrocento (Milan: pp. 11-28. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 254-276] 1989 Selected entries on the De Levis foundry in Verona in Vivian B. Mann, Gardens and Ghettos: The Altomani and Sons). 2010 Selected entries in Scultura III, exh. cat. (New York: Tomasso Brothers Fine Art). Art of Jewish Life in , exh. cat. (New York: The Jewish Museum). 2000 “Roman Mannerist Bronze Lock-plates and Hasps off Traveling Chests,” in Tempting Pandora: 2008 The Triumph of Motion: Francesco Bertos (1678-1741) and the Art of Sculpture (: Allemandi). A Selection of European Boxes, 1200-1800, exh. cat. (New York: L’Antiquaire & The Connoisseur 2011 “Zwei Kleinbronzen in der Sammlung der Grafen der Schulenburg-Wolfsburg,” in 1991 “The ‘Garden called Bubley’: Foreign Impressions of Florentine Gardens; and a new Feldmarschall und Kunstsammler. Matthias Johann von der Schulenburg (1661-1747): Ein unbekannter Bestand 2009 A School of Dolphins (London: Thames & Hudson). Inc.), pp. 78-81. Discovery Relating to Pratolino,” in Boboli 90: Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi per la salvaguardia von Kunstwerken aus seiner Sammlung im Besitz der Grafen von der Schulenburg-Wolfsburg, ed. Heiner Krellig 2001 “Cristofano Stati of Bracciano, and Giambologna: New Discoveries,” in Studies in Italian 2009 (with Claudio Pizzorusso) Un busto di Cristo Redentore di Giambologna (Florence: Giovanni Pratesi e la valorizzazione del giardino (Florence: Edifir), pp. 147-154. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (Wolfsburger Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte 4), pp. 71-74. Antiquario). (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 411-424] Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 315-338. 12 A Tribute to Charles Avery A Tribute to Charles Avery 13

2011 “David Le Marchand (1674-1726): Addenda to the Catalogue,” in Barocke Kunststücke: Connoisseur 193: pp. 186-195. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 25-34] 1990 “When is a ‘Giambologna’ not a ‘Giambologna’?,” Apollo 131: pp. 391-400. 2006/07 “Cellini’s Silver Statues of the Gods for Fontainebleau,” Studies in the Decorative Arts 14 Festschrift für Christian Theuerkauff. Sculpture Studies in Honour of Christian Theuerkauff, eds. Regine Marth 1977 “Giuseppe de Levis of Verona, a Bronze Founder and Sculptor of the Late Sixteenth Century: 1990 “‘Boboli 90’: The Restoration of a Sixteenth-Century Garden,” Apollo 132: pp. 331-332. (The Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design, and Culture, New York): and Marjorie Trusted (Munich: Hirmer), pp. 149-155. pp. 2-18. Bells and Mortar, Figure Style,” The Connoisseur 194, pp. 114-121. [reprinted in Studies in European 1991 “Treasures in Relief,” The Antique Collector (July/August): pp. 46-49. [reprinted in Studies in 2012 “’s Relationship with Michelangelo,” in Guglielmo della Porta: A Counter- Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 45-78] Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 411-424] 2007 “Bernardo Vecchietti – der erste Auftraggeber von Giambologna,” Dresdner Kunstblätter 1: pp. Reformation Sculptor, eds. Rosario Coppel and Charles Avery, exh. cat. (Madrid: Coll & Cortés), pp. 16-25. 1977 “Antwerp, August, 1577 – The Spanish Fury and the Liberation of the Citadel, a Series of 1992 “Giuseppe de Levis (1552-1611/14) and his Relatives in the Bronze Casting Industry in 114-137. Bronze Plaquettes after Martin de Vos,” The Connoisseur 195: pp. 252-263. [reprinted in Studies in Verona,” Verona Illustrata; Rivista del Museo di Castelvecchio 5: pp 45-52, pls. 15-33. 2008 “Crying in the Wilderness: A Bronze St. from the circle of Piero the Gouty 2013 “The Herculean Efforts of Stefano Maderno,” in Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes in and around European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp.133-147] de’Medici,” Apollo 167: pp. 42-45. 1995 “Who was Antonio Selvi? New Documentary Data on the Production of Medals in Soldani�s the Peter Marino Collection, ed. Jeremy Warren (London: Paul Holberton), pp. 28-43. 1978 “’s Bronze Bust of Bindo Altoviti,” The Connoisseur 198: pp. 3-11. Worshop,” The Medal 26: pp. 26-41. 2010 “ and in the Victoria and Albert Museum: ‘Reckon[e]d Bernini’s Greatest 2013 “Seventeenth-Century Sculpture at ,” in Ham House: Four Hundred Years of Collecting Work’,” The Sculpture Journal 19.2: pp. 223-228. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 35-44] 1995 “The Pedestals, Frames, Mounts and Presentation of Massimiliano Soldani-Benzi’s Bronze and Patronage, ed. Christopher Rowell (New Haven and London: Yale University Press published for 1978 “Giambologna’s Sketch-Models and his Sculptural Technique,” The Connoisseur 199: pp. 3-11. Statuettes and Reliefs,” Furniture History 31: pp. 1-16. 2013 “Relabel, Rebuke or Reject. Museum experts help vet the TEFAF Maastricht Fair Strictly,” the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art and the National Trust), pp. 158-177. The Art Newspaper 244: p. 17. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 79-86] 1996 “Mercury – A Flight of The Renaissance Imagination,” Sculpture Review 44: pp. 15-17. 2015 “From Cathedral Bell to Equestrian Monument to Revolutionary Cannon: Serpotta’s Brass 1978 “Giambologna, Sculptor to the Medici: His Style and its Sources,” Apollo 108: pp. 174-181. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 298-307] 2014/15 “A Machiavellian Connection,” Rivista. The Journal of the British-Italian Society 397: pp. Statue and two Statuettes of King II of and the Two Sicilies,” in The Eternal Baroque: 18-19. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 87-94] 1996 “‘Busy and Picturesque’: The 3rd Studies in Honour of Jennifer Montagu, ed. Miner (London/Milan: Sotheby’s/Skira), pp. 81-95. Earl of Bute’s Rediscovered Bronze Firedogs Cast by 1979 “Hubert le Sueur’s Portraits of King Charles I in Bronze at Stourhead, Ickworth, and Andrea di Alessandro Baruzzi, Il Bresciano (1530-1569),” Christie’s International Magazine (July/ 2018 “Soldani Markets Baldinucci’s Collection of Paintings,” Colnaghi Studies Journal 2: pp. 8-27. 2015 “L’Arte della seduzione: The Sculptural Work of Massimiliano Soldani-Benzi,” and Elsewhere,” National Trust Studies 1: pp. 128-147. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: August): pp. 24-25. 2018 “‘The Big Italian’: Giambologna and his Model, Bartolommeo di Lionardo Ginori,” The “Massimiliano Soldani-Benzi: Ganymede and the Eagle,” Catalogue entry and on-line essay at Christie’s, 1981), pp. 189-204] 1996 “The Birth of the Museo Civico Amedeo Lia at La Spezia,” Apollo 144: p. 42. Burlington Magazine 160: pp. 912-919. https://www.lyonandturnbull.com/news/article/larte-della-seduzione/ 1979 “A High Renaissance Cameo of the Head of Christ, Attributed to Giovanni delle Corniuole (c. 1997 “How Bernini Made a Portrait Bust: King Louis XIV,” Sculpture Review 14: pp. 12-17. 2015 “An Ivory ajouré Relief of a Skeleton Given a new terminus ante quem of 1754,” in Leidenschaft 1470-post 1516),” The Connoisseur 200: pp. 20-21. Exhibition reviews für Elfenbein: zu Ehren von Reiner Winkler, Sammler, Connaisseur und Mäzen, eds. Jutta Kappel and 1997 “Sculpted Portraits: Nancy Richardson’s Collection,” Christie’s International Magazine (Winter): p. 44. 1979 “Sculpture at North Mymms Park,” The Connoisseur 202: pp. 118-119. Marjorie Trusted (Munich: Kunstkammer Georg Laue), pp. 54-55. 1997 “Une histoire à transformations,” Connaissance des Arts 544: pp. 89-94. 1969 “Affreschi da Firenze,” Arte Illustrata 19: pp. 5-13. 1979 “The Horses of San Marco,” The Connoisseur 202: p. 125. 2016 “‘… per dar campo alla sagezza et studio dell’arte’: Il Ratto della Sabina di Giambologna,” 1997 “The New Museo Civico Amedeo Lia at La Spezia,” Rivista, The Journal of the British-Italian 1969 “L’Arte del Barocco in Bohemia,” Arte Illustrata 22: pp. 16-23. in Giambologna, Il Ratto delle Sabine i suo restauro, eds. Susanna Bracci and Lia Brunori (Florence: 1980 “Laurent Delvaux (1696-1778),” National Trust Studies 2: pp. 150-170. [reprinted in Studies in Society 365: p. 5. 1971 “Shock of Recognition,” Arte Illustrata 39: pp. 69-71. Sillabe), pp. 18-43. European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 236-252] 1997 “Il Museo Lia: È nato un museo,” La Spezia Oggi 1: pp. 3-6. 1986 “Donatello Celebrations: A Major Exhibition at Detroit, Fort Worth and Florence,” Apollo 2017 Selected entries in Important European Sculpture. Tomasso Brothers Fine Art, exh. cat. (New York: 1982 “Luca della Robbia,” Art and Artists (January 1982): pp. 20-21. 1998 “Soldani’s Reliefs of ‘Summer’ and ‘Autumn’: New Documentation and Observations on 123: pp. 14-18. Carlton Hobbs LLC). 1982 “Hubert le Sueur, the ‘Unworthy Praxiteles’ of King Charles I,” The Walpole Society 48: pp. their Date, Patronage and Technique of Manufacture,” The Register 8 (The Spencer Museum of 1986 “Donatello: Visita della Mostra con un grande specialista,” Vernissage. Il Giornale dell’Arte 38. 135-209. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 135-209] 2018 “Pop goes the Elephant: Paolozzi’s Design for Nairn Floors Ltd, 1973,” in Sculpting Art History: Art, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas): pp. 1-17. 1988 “Brazening it out in the Golden Gate Park,” Apollo 128: pp. 44-45. Essays in Memory of Benedict Read, eds. Katherine Eustace, Mark Stocker, and Joanna Barnes (London 1982 “Two Ornamental Bronzes from the Medicean Grand Ducal Workshop around 1600,” 1998 “The Ford Giambolognas,” The Walpole Society 60, Ford I: p. 74. 1991 “Virtue and Vision: Sculpture and Scotland, 1540-1990,” Apollo 134: pp. 195-196. and Liverpool: Public Monuments and Sculpture Association), pp. 404-409. The Burlington Magazine 124: pp. 429-430. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: 1998 “Donatello’s Character as Revealed in the Early Sources: ‘Rough and Simple in Everything 2001 “Donatello and Renaissance Sculpture in Bronze,” Rivista. The Journal of the British-Italian Christie’s, 1988), pp. 98-102] but his Sculpture’,” Sculpture Review 46: pp. 9-13. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Society 377: pp. 7-8. Articles 1983 “Giambologna’s ‘Bathsheba’: An Early Marble Statue Rediscovered,” The Burlington Magazine Pindar, 2001), pp. 1-20] 2006 “Gods, Heroes – and Birds,” Apollo 163: pp. 68-70. 1964 “Hendrick de Clerck at the Atheneum,” Wadsworth Atheneum Bulletin 18: pp. 8-16. 125: pp. 340-349. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 77-90] 1998 “L’effigie et l’extase: le Bernin et Algardi – Le Festival d’Édimbourg,” Connaissance des Arts 2006 “Giambologna, gli dei, gli eroi,” The Sculpture Journal 15.2: pp. 299-301. 1968-1970 “Bust of a Man by Giuseppe de Levis,” Liverpool Bulletin. Walker Art Gallery 13: pp. 20-25. 1983 “Laurent Delvaux’s Sculpture at Woburn Abbey,” Apollo 118: pp. 312-321. [reprinted in 553: pp. 43-44. 2010/11 “The Sebastiano Ricci Exhibition at the Cini Foundation, Venice,” Rivista. The Journal of Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 253-264] 1998 “Drawing in the Work of Italian Renaissance Sculptors,” Drawing 19: pp. 3-17. 1969 “The -loft from Hertogenbosch,” Victoria and Albert Museum Yearbook 1: pp. 110-136. the British-Italian Society 393: p. 28. 1984 “Bronze Statuettes in Woburn Abbey: New Attributions to and Giuseppe 1971 “’The Bull of Perillus’: A Relief Attributed to Giovanni Caccini,” Art Institute of Chicago Museum 1998 “A Fascinating Enigma: The Dudley Madonna, Desiderio or Donatello?,” The National Art – de Levis,” Apollo 119: pp. 97-103. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 2014 “Bandinelli. Florence,” The Burlington Magazine 156: pp. 628-630. Studies 6: pp. 23-33. Collections Fund Quarterly (Winter): pp. 46-49. 1988), pp. 265-272] 2019 “Forged in Fire: Bronze Sculpture in Florence under the Last Medici (),” The Burlington 1971 “Francois Dieussart in the United Provinces and the Ambassador of Queen Christina: Two 1999 “An Assumption of the by Benvenuto Cellini: A Gilt-bronze Seal in the Wernher 1984 “La Cera sempre Aspetta: Wax Sketch Models for Sculpture,” Apollo 119: pp. 166-176. Magazine 161: pp. 1044-1047. Newly Identified Busts Purchased by the Rijksmuseum,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 19: pp. 143-164. Collection,” Apollo 149: pp. 34-39. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 19-33] pp. 147-166] 1972 “From David d’Angers to Rodin,” The Connoisseur 179: pp. 230-239. [reprinted in Studies in 1984 “An Equestrian Statuette of Louis XIII Attributed to Simon Guillain (1581-1658),” The Book reviews European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 261-269] 1999 “Elizabeth of Bohemia,” Apollo 149: pp. 56-58. Burlington Magazine 126: pp. 553-556. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: 2000 “Pietro Francavilla’s Drawings of Giambologna’s Models,” Apollo 152: 122-126. 1977 “Sculpture in the Rijksmuseum,” The Burlington Magazine 119: pp. 42-44. 1972 “François Dieussart, Portrait Sculptor to the Courts of Northern Europe,” Victoria and Albert Christie’s, 1988), pp. 236-240] Museum Yearbook 4: pp. 63-99. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 2000 “Giuseppe Broccetti’s Medal of the Singer Faustina Bordoni,” The Medal 36: pp. 3-7. 2011 “Divided Affections: The Extraordinary Life of Maria Cosway: Celebrity artist and ’s 1984 “David le Marchand – Huguenot Ivory Carver (1674-1726),” in Proceedings of the Huguenot 205-235] Impossible Love by Carol Burnell,” Rivista. The Journal of the British-Italian Society 39: pp. 45-47. Society 24: pp. 113-120. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 2001 “Adriaen de Vries and Giambologna: The Model Becomes the Statue,” The Sculpture Journal 2013 “Review David Ekserdjian (ed.), Bronze, exh. cat. (London: , 2012),” 1972 “Giuseppe de Levis of Verona, a Bronze Founder and Sculptor of the Late Sixteenth Century: 241-248] 6: pp. 30-35. Bells and Mortar, Figure Style,” The Connoisseur 181: pp. 179-188. The Sculpture Journal 22.2: pp. 145-147. 1985 “Missing, Presumed Lost: Some Ivory Portraits by David le Marchand,” Country Life 6: pp. 2002 “The Studio of Giovanni Bologna, by Balthasar van den Bossche (1681-1715),” Friends’ News 2015 “Review of P. Wengraf ed., Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes from the Hill Collection, exh. cat. 1973 Giuseppe de Levis of Verona, a Bronze Founder and Sculptor of the Late Sixteenth Century: 113-20. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 249-252] [Newsletter for the Friends of the Laing Art Gallery] 45: pp. 12-14. Bells and Mortar, Figure Style,” The Connoisseur 182: pp. 87-97. (New York: The Frick Collection, 2014),” The Sculpture Journal 24.1: pp. 115-117. 1985 “Sculpture Grottoes of the Medici: A Retreat from Reality,” Country Life 8: pp. 1100-1102. 2002 “John Deare’s Marble Reliefs for Sir Andrew Corbet Corbet, Bt.,” The British Art Journal 3: 2014 “Review of Marjorie Trusted, Victoria & Albert Museum: Baroque and Later Ivories (London: 1973 “Hendrick de Keyser as a Sculptor of Small Bronzes,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 21: pp. 3-24. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Pindar, 2001), pp. 387-410] pp. 50-57. Victoria and Albert Museum),” The Sculpture Journal 23.2: pp. 255-256. 1973 (with Katharine Watson) “Medici and Stuart: A Grand Ducal Gift of ‘Giovanni Bologna’. 1985 (with Madeleine Marsh) “The Bronze Statuettes of the Art Union of London; The Rise and 2003 “Not quite Sansovino and not quite Vittoria: Andrea di Alessandri, called Il Bresciano,” with 2014: “Heavy Metal Studies (review of French Bronze Sculpture, Materials and Techniques 16th-18th Bronzes for Henry Prince of (1612),” The Burlington Magazine 115: pp. 493-507. [reprinted in Decline of Victorian Taste in Sculpture,” Apollo 121: pp. 328-337. [reprinted in Studies in European Documentary appendix by Victoria Avery, The Sculpture Journal 9: pp. 46-61. century, eds. D. Bourgarit et. al. [London: Archetype, 2014]),” The Art Newspaper 261: p. 82. Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 95-113] Sculpture, II (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 273-288] 2004 “Treasures for Blenheim’s Hero,” Country Life (22 July): pp. 42-48. 2018 “Shadows of Time: Giambologna, Michelangelo and the Medici Chapel,” The Burlington 1974 “Giuseppe de Levis of Verona, a Bronze Founder and Sculptor of the Late Sixteenth Century: 1986 “Donatello’s Madonnas Reconsidered,” Apollo 124: pp. 174-182. 2005 “A very English Elephant,” Country Life (20 January): pp. 64-65. Bells and Mortar, Figure Style,” The Connoisseur 185: pp. 123-129. Magazine 160: pp. 852-854. 1987 “Das Mäzenatentum der Medici: Florentiner Kunst und ihre Auftraggeber im 17. 2005 “The Man on the Horse,” Country Life (17 March): pp. 106-107. 2020 “The Culture of Bronze: Making and Meaning in Italian Renaissance Sculpture. By Peta 1975 “Neo-classical Portraits by Pistrucci and Rauch,” Apollo 102: pp. 36-43. Jahrhundert,” Kunst und Antiquitäten. Zeitschrift für Kunstfreunde, Sammler und Museen II: pp. 34-43. 2005 “The Story of a Newly-discovered Equestrian Bronze,” Christie’s Review (July). Motture,” The Burlington Magazine 162: pp. 169-170. 1976 “Three Marble Reliefs by Luca della Robbia,” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 8: pp. 6-37. 1987 “Das Mäzenatentum der Medici: Florentiner Kunst und ihre Auftraggeber im 17 2005 “Soldani’s Mythological Bronzes and his British Clientele,” Sculpture Journal 14: pp. 8-29. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1981), pp. 1-24] Jahrhundert,” Kunst und Antiquitäten. Zeitschrift für Kunstfreunde, Sammler und Museen III: pp. 22-23. 2006 “Collectors’ Focus: Old Master Sculpture,” Apollo 163: pp. 37-38. Film 1976 (with Anthony Radcliffe) “The ‘Chellini Madonna’ by Donatello,” The Burlington Magazine 118: 1988 “Fanelli’s Cupid on a Dolphin Mount on a Wanli Blue and White Porcelain Ewer,” Christie�s 2006 “The Collector Earl and his Modern Marbles: Thomas Howard and François Dieussart,” 1987 Donatello, the First Modern Sculptor. Full-length feature film produced by Anne Turner for pp. 377-387. [reprinted in Studies in European Sculpture (London: Christie’s, 1988), pp. 34-49] International Magazine (December): pp. 46-47. [reprinted in Studies in Italian Sculpture (London: Pindar, Apollo 163: pp. 46-53. BBC2, screened in 1986. Short-listed for the NACF Award, 1987. 1976 “The Beauregard Madonna – a Forgotten Masterpiece by Desiderio da Settignano,” The 2001), pp. 425-430] 14 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio For Charles Avery 15

The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome1

DAVID EKSERDJIAN

It is widely believed that artists from northern Europe whereas the overwhelming majority equally certainly first began to show real interest in the art of classical did not.3 Ancient sculptures and reliefs were much antiquity only in the early sixteenth century.2 Here, copied in drawings, and also on occasion in prints on the contrary, it will be argued that there is already and small bronzes, and these in their turn could be clear evidence of such study from as early as the re-copied and replicated. In the specific case of the beginning of the fifteenth century onwards in the so-called Gnudo della Paura, a now lost ancient Marsyas form of unmistakable borrowings and adaptations. statue whose influence in the North will be explored In exploring this material, I will not be adopting a in due course, there are no fewer than three drawings straightforwardly chronological approach, but will after it from different angles in the Libretto Veneziano, an instead examine the influence of specific models anonymous compilation from the immediate circle of over time. Some of the examples of borrowings will , and bronzes after it too.4 In this connection, date from the first quarter of the sixteenth century the one possible clue to what was available to particular or so, above all when they have not previously artists is represented by the viewpoint adopted in the been recognized, and on occasion complementary case of sculptures in the round, and whether it is what instances of Italian artists finding inspiration in the may be described as a standard or non-standard one. same prototypes will also be cited. I will conclude by suggesting what it was that drew northern artists to the The second preliminary observation links up with the very particular sources they selected. fact that the antique original of the Gnudo della Paura is lost. This should serve as an important reminder that Before proceeding to detailed case studies, two by no means all the works of ancient art known in the preliminary observations need to be made. The first Renaissance have necessarily survived (the same goes, concerns the issue of how the northern artists in a fortiori, for the productions of artists of the period question knew the antiquities they responded to. Not itself). In consequence, there may be occasions when infrequently, the simple answer is that we have no way the first secure reappearance of a particular classical of ascertaining, but that there is absolutely no need model dates from significantly later than a seemingly Fig. 1 / Dieric Bouts to presume they must have travelled to Italy and seen incontrovertible emulation of it, and where it therefore (follower), Capture of the originals. Indeed, only a select few of the northern seems to make sense to presume that a now lost Christ, ca. 1480-1500, oil on , 105 x 68.4 cm, artists who will be examined in this piece, of whom the Doppelgänger once existed, a subject I have addressed Munich, . earliest is , demonstrably went to Italy, previously.5 16 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 17

accomplish. In any event, the statue in the Vatican was not discovered until 1514-1515, so cannot have been his actual model. Interestingly the type in question was already a source of inspiration to artists north of the Alps in the early fifteenth century, but – in the main – only seems to have impressed their Italian counterparts in its last quarter.9

In the Alte Pinakothek in Munich there are a pair of panels representing the Capture of Christ (fig. 1) and the Resurrection – presumably the wings of a dismembered triptych whose central element is missing, but was probably a Crucifixion – which have traditionally been attributed to Dieric Bouts (1415-1475).10 If the recent dendrochronological analysis indicating a date of 1476 for the felling of the tree from which the panels derive is accepted, then it would definitively confirm that he is not their author.11 Yet the composition of the Capture appears to be echoed in a painting of the same subject in by the Master of the Lyversberg Passion datable to 1464,12 so it may well be that both works derive from a lost prototype by Bouts himself, and at the very least their style points to an artist from his immediate circle who was equally interested in and Turning to specific examples of borrowings, one of the conversant with the antique.13 What is plain is that earliest – and most celebrated – is that of a Kneeling the figure of the servant of the High Priest recoiling Persian in the work of Jean de Limbourg.6 The figure from in the bottom left-hand corner of the is first quoted by Jean in from the Munich Capture is based once again on a Kneeling Persian Genesis section of the Bible Moralisée in the Bibliothèque (fig. 2) of the Vatican type. The figure to the right of Nationale in Paris of 1402, and then again around the panel who balances the kneeling servant is one of 1415-1416 in the miniature of the same scene in the the soldiers who have come to take Christ prisoner, Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry in the Musée Condé at seen from the rear. His attitude is likewise much more Chantilly.7 In this instance, it has already been pointed energized than is customary in Bouts’s work, and it is out that the kneeling Adam was inspired by a statue of tempting to associate it with the left-hand group of the a Kneeling Persian, but more might have been made of Dioscuri on the in Rome.14 Fig. 2 / Kneeling Persian, the existence of two distinct variations on the theme, nd early 2 century AD, marble, respectively now in the Vatican and the Musée Granet A subsequent adaptation of the Vatican Kneeling Persian on loan from the Vatican 8 Museums and currently in Aix-en-Provence. The former shows the figure transforms him into a man with a shovel in the bottom housed at the Metropolitan naked, whereas the latter is clothed, but arguably no left-hand corner of Geertgen tot Sint Jans’s History Museum of Art, New York. less telling is the fact that in the former the right leg is of the Earthly Remains of Saint John the Baptist (fig. 3) in 15 Fig. 3 / Geertgen tot Sint extended and the left one bent, while the latter reverses the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. What Jans, History of the Earthly the pose. In this respect, Jean de Limbourg appears to is particularly clear in the case of all three sets of Remains of Saint John the follow the Aix example, but Adam is of course naked, borrowings is that in each case the sculpture has been Baptist, ca. 1484-1490, oil on , 172 x 139 cm, Vienna, and the reversal of a pose – as will be confirmed observed from a different viewpoint, which means there Kunsthistorisches Museum. in other instances discussed below – is not hard to can have been no interdependence between them. 18 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 19

One of the most frequently studied of all ancient models during the Renaissance, as referred to above, was the representation of Marsyas which came to be known as the Gnudo della Paura (fig. 6), because the figure erroneously appeared to observers to be recoiling in fear. Perhaps unexpectedly, when the various emulations of it are examined, it is striking how often the favoured viewpoint is from the rear as opposed to the front. Having said that, the two earliest of which I am aware – a pair of effectively identical and evidently interdependent figures of Hercules Wearing the Shirt of Nessus in French illuminated manuscripts respectively from the Luçon and Cité des Dames workshops – are both frontal.21 However, in the case of the next appearance of the motif, which occurs in the scene of the Martyrdom of Saint Apollonia in Fouquet’s Heures d’Etienne Chevalier, the figure in question, who is located at the extreme left margin of the illumination, is shown from behind but also in reverse, which means the outlines of his pose are virtually identical.22 The same configuration In Millard Meiss’s study of the Limbourgs’ use of the in the Très Riches Heures; a foreground figure in the appears when he features as one of the Damned in Kneeling Persian, he observes that “the Limbourgs were Arrest of Christ in Jean Fouquet’s Heures d’Etienne Chevalier the centre of the foreground of Marx Reichlich’s Last fascinated by the contrapposto involved in this type”, in the Musée Condé at Chantilly; and one of the Judgement.23 and then goes on to instance a comparable – but by saved in another Last Judgement, this time in the Rohan no means identical – figure in the Last Judgement in Hours in the Bibliothèque Nationale – may also reflect At first glance, it would be tempting to suppose that the Très Riches Heures.16 Intriguingly, the source for knowledge of such a statue, but it has to be admitted three further northern borrowings must likewise this figure’s attitude would appear to be a different that the connections are altogether less secure.19 Be derive from the Gnudo della Paura, but the fact that in classical statue – here reversed – that has come to be that as it may, an indisputable echo of the Falling Gaul all of them one of the arms is raised high above the known as the Falling Gaul (fig. 4).17 The earliest record is represented by the centrally positioned figure of one figure’s head suggests another possibility. Not for the of the best-known example, which is in the Museo of the Saved in the middleground of Marx Reichlich’s first time, if so the prototype in question would be a Archeologico in Venice, dates from 1514, when it was Last Judgement (fig. 5) in the Chrysler Museum of Art lost example of another much-admired statue that was one of a number of newly-discovered statues in the in , , a work generally dated to the only discovered later on, namely the so-called Niobid Fig. 4 / Falling Gaul, Roman copy of Pergamene statue possession of Alfonsina Orsini in Rome. It soon passed 1490s, and the statue also seems to be adapted for one Pedagogue (fig. 7) in the in Florence, which belongs from small Attalid Dedication into the hands of Cardinal Domenico Grimani, and of the soldiers in an engraving of the Crucifixion by to a whole group of sculptures found in 1583.24 at Athens, marble, Venice, in 1523 formed part of his legacy to his native Venice, Martin Schongauer.20 What is more, the extraordinary Museo Archeologico. where it has remained ever since, so – once again – the closeness of this figure’s pose and the disposition of The most celebrated emulation of the figure is in Fig. 5 / Marx Reichlich, Last model must have been another, now lost and possibly his limbs to Tiziano Aspetti’s later reconstruction can a painting of David by , now Judgement, ca. 1490, oil and more complete version of the type.18 Figures in three hardly fail to beg the question as to whether he may Fig. 6 / Gnudo della Paura, in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, whose tempera on wood, 197.2 x South Italian or Etruscan, 4th-3rd 165.1 cm, Norfolk, Virginia, other French miniatures of the fifteenth century – not have based his arrangement on the now lost work century BC, bronze copy of connection with the Niobid Pedagogue has been much Chrysler Museum of Art. respectively the protagonist in the Saint whose existence I am hypothesizing. marble or limestone (now lost). debated, but seems hard to doubt, although Marita 20 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 21

it and to place it in a different narrative context”, but made nothing of the uncannily accurate reconstruction of the arms.26 As it happens, a second Italian response to the figure, in a painting of the Resurrection in the Museu de Arte de São Paulo Assis Chateaubriand in São Paulo, often but not universally attributed to the young Raphael, reimagines the presumptively missing elements in a virtually identical fashion, which only adds to the weight of evidence in favour of the artists having been acquainted with a complete rendering of the Pedagogue.27

As stated above, all three northern works include a raised arm. The earliest is the Flagellation of Christ in Albrecht Dürer’s Large Passion, which is usually dated around 1496-1497, where one of the two flagellants is shown in this attitude, albeit in reverse.28 There then follows – likewise in reverse – a man being attacked by a dog in the Hell wing of Hieronymus Bosch’s Hay Wain (fig. 8) triptych in the Prado in Madrid.29 The latest quotation involves the figure of Hermaphroditus in a work of about 1517 by Jan Gossart, called Mabuse, his Hermaphroditus and Salmacis in the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen in Rotterdam, where it has to be admitted that the angle of the legs is remarkably close to their configuration in the Gnudo della Paura.30

A very different type of classical Marsyas statue, which envisages him hung up immediately prior to his flaying by Apollo, was known in more than one version. By an odd trick of fate, both the most celebrated examples of the “White” and “Red” types are preserved in the Uffizi: both are first recorded in the early sixteenth Fig. 7 / Niobid Pedagogue, Horster brusquely dismissed the possibility, because of century, but may have been known earlier on.31 A st nd Roman, late 1 -2 century, the later date of the earliest recorded appearance of reflection of this highly idiosyncratic pose is found marble, Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi. both the Uffizi version and another in the Ny Carlsberg in a miniature in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris Glyptotek in .25 In contrast, Phyllis Pray representing the Hebrews in the Wildnerness, where the Fig. 8 Hieronymus Bosch, Hay Bober and Ruth Rubinstein argued that “Castagno, pertinent figure is located in the middle distance. The Wain (detail), ca. 1516, oil on panel, 147 x 212 cm, Madrid, viewing a truncated statue fragment [as shown in the work in question dates from around 1415 and is by Museo Nacional del Prado. Dosio Album in ], was able rationally to restore the anonymous artist known as the Josephus Master.32 22 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 23

A second and more dramatic appearance of the work he completed shortly thereafter.34 A pair of panels The earliest northern reflection of it lying down is Dürer is widely agreed to have first travelled to Italy in same figure occurs in a coloured drawing datable to in the Palais des Beaux-Arts at Lille, comprising wings found in Fouquet’s aforementioned Martyrdom of Saint 1494-1495, and his second Italian sojourn lasted from around 1500-1515 in the Statens Museum for Kunst representing the Saved and the Damned (fig. 9) from a Apollonia, where the figure in question is represented 1505 to 1507. During that time, he is documented in in Copenhagen, a representation of the Stoning of Last Judgement triptych whose central section is lost, are in front of the platform upon which the saint has been Venice in 1506, but two old copies of his Christ Among by the Master of the Saints Stephen and widely but not universally assumed to have belonged tied.42 The two others are both found in woodcuts by the Doctors of that year in the Museo Nacional Thyssen- Lawrence Altarpiece in Vienna’s Erzbischöfliches Dom- to the work in question.35 In any event, it would appear Dürer in his Large Passion: the first is the grimacing Bornemisza in Madrid are inscribed “Romae”, and he und Diözesanmuseum, where the oddly unnatural that the tumbling attitude of the uppermost of the servant of the High Priest, whose ear Saint Peter may also have reached Rome on his earlier visit. In that attitude of one of the three stone-throwers is the main sinners on the Damned wing,36 who is dramatically is about to cut off in the Capture of Christ, while the connection, I have argued on a previous occasion that a giveaway.33 silhouetted against the sky, is derived from a Phaeton second is one of Christ’s tormentors in the subsequent drawn Study of a Female Nude from the Back in the , sarcophagus (fig. 10). There is more than one extant scene of the Flagellation.43 Bober and Rubinstein list a which is monogrammed and inscribed with the date Up to this juncture, all the borrowings I have sought to version of the type, including further examples in the number of Italian representations of the Belvedere Torso 1495, reveals Dürer’s study of a fragmentary classical instance have been from figures in the round, but artists Uffizi and the Louvre, which were both known in the lying down, to which may be added one in a of torso displayed from the rear in a niche in the courtyard were no less avid in their study of relief sculpture, sixteenth century, if not before.37 They were studied 1526 by Sodoma illustrating an episode from the life of of Casa Sassi in Rome, a piece that also caught the above all in the form of sarcophagi. On 20 May 1468 and emulated by a variety of artists, and most famously Saint Catherine of Siena in San Domenico, Siena, and attention of both Michelangelo and .45 Dieric Bouts was commissioned to execute a Last by Michelangelo, who derived the pose of the hero in another in a panel by Francesco di Girolamo da Santa Judgement for the Hôtel de Ville in Louvain (Leuven), a his Fall of Phaeton from it. He actually executed three Croce in the Accademia Carrara in Bergamo depicting I am aware of only two northern borrowings of this variations on the theme – respectively in the British a scene from the life of San Giovanni Elemosinario.44 period that show the Torso upright. What may be the Museum, the Accademia in Venice, and the Royal Library at Windsor – but it is in the first of the three that the figure comes closest to his counterpart on the sarcophagus, albeit – yet again – in reverse.38 It is true that Bouts – like Michelangelo – has somewhat modified the position of the figure’s arms, always assuming they were still extant on the relief in question at the time it was copied, but the connection seems incontrovertible.39

The final male statue to be considered is the so-called Belvedere Torso in the Vatican, which was invariably interpreted in the Renaissance as representing Hercules, and was immensely admired in the period, not least because it could profitably be viewed from a multiplicity of angles.40 The precise details of its history are not easily reconstructed, and there are some indications that it may have been rediscovered as early as 1420, but the northern echoes of it chronicled Fig. 9 / Dieric Bouts, Damned, 1450, oil on panel, here date from the very end of the fifteenth century at 115 x 69.5 cm, Lille, Palais the earliest.41 One of the very peculiar aspects of its des Beaux-Arts. representation – and this applies both to the Italian and

Fig. 10 / The Fall of Phaeton, to the northern responses to it – is that it is sometimes Roman sarcophagus relief, shown lying on the ground, and sometimes seated 2nd century AD, marble, 179 upright as we know it today, yet this change does not cm length, , The Hermitage State simply seem to be a consequence of its having been set Museum. up at a certain point in its history. 24 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 25

marginally earlier one is found in the work of Gossart, sideways.49 On numerous occasions, the borrowings who employed the pose both in an etching of around reverse the attitude, thus inverting the respective 1525 representing the Mocking of Christ, and in a painting positions of the head and feet. of around 1530 of Christ on the Cold Stone in the Museo del Patriarca del Real Colegio Seminario de Corpus Christi In view of the use of antique sources by the Limbourgs in Valencia.46 The other is found in the central panel discussed above, it is tempting to wonder if the figures of Lucas van Leyden’s dated Last Judgement triptych of of King David on fol. 39v of the Très Riches Heures du 1526 in the Stedelijk Museum de Lakenhal in Leiden. Duc de Berry in Chantilly and of a man struck dead in a It views the sculpture from behind, and represents one miniature of 1461 from the workshop of Loyset Liédet of the Damned covering his face with his hands.47 were not freely adapted from the same Nereid type.50 An arguably even more heretical suggestion would be Moving on from male figures to female ones, it is that may have derived – no striking how much less commonly they are borrowed doubt at one remove – the closely related poses of by northern artists. Among the very few exceptions are Christ and the Virgin in his Prado Descent from the Cross their appropriations of figures of Nereids (fig. 11) of from a Nereid sarcophagus.51 one particular kind. The subject fascinated , who seriously contemplated writing a book on A more blatant Nereid borrowing occurs in the it, but in the end only published a short article on the Resurrection (fig. 12) on the right wing of Bouts’s theme.48 The favourite type is most commonly found on Crucifixion triptych in the Capilla Real at Granada, a sarcophagi, including two in the Vatican, and represents work generally dated to around 1450-1460.52 Here the the figure frontally and as if swimming, with the head pose of the waking soldier stretched out at the base of to the right and the legs outstretched to the left and the composition is once again derived from the same only slightly bent at the , with the right arm flung standard pose, with the major departure from the prototype being in the arrangement of the arms. Dürer also employed the motif, both in a drawing of a Bath- House Scene dated 1503 in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and – more plainly – for the female figure in his Hercules at the Crossroads engraving.53 Two later German borrowings are found respectively in a painting of the Resurrection by the Master of the Housebook, and in a pen drawing of the Ecstatic Christ of ca. 1510-1511 by Hans Baldung Grien.54 There are also a number of other, Fig. 11 / Roman fresco wall mostly later borrowings of this figure south of the Alps.55 painting depicting a Nereid lying on a sea horse from the triclinium, Villa Arianna, In addition to the various borrowings of Nereids, Stabiae near Pompeii, there exists a single – but incontrovertible – northern Naples Museum.

representation of the Sleeping Hermaphrodite (fig. 13), once Fig. 12 / Dieric Bouts, again based on a now lost prototype. Lorenzo Ghiberti Resurrection (right-hand records having seen one that was discovered in a drain side wing of the Passion Altarpiece), ca. 1455, oil in Rome, but all the various extant ancient variations on on wood, 191 x 58 cm, the theme were only documented considerably later.56 Granada, Capilla Real. 26 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 27

In the absence of all the previous borrowings, the two instances of my final possible connection would perhaps not merit inclusion, but they do at least seem worth airing in this context. Both the horseman seen in profile on a white steed, one of the four who are quartering the saint’s body, in Bouts’s Martyrdom of Saint Hippolytus of around 1470-1472, in Saint Saviour’s Cathedral in Bruges, and the figure of Death on horseback in the Apocalypse panel in Memling’s Saint John Altarpiece of 1474-1479 in the Memlingmuseum, likewise in Bruges, appear to be derived from a battle sarcophagus which has been in Mantua since Giulio Romano took it there from Rome in the 1520s.62 It is first recorded in Rome in the collection of the dealer Giovanni Ciampolini, but must have been accessible by the middle of the fifteenth century, when the identical horseman was copied by Benozzo Gozzoli on the east wall of his Palazzo Medici frescoes.63

Regardless of whether this concluding link is accepted or not, it seems hard to deny that long before 1500 there existed a more general knowledge of – and enthusiasm for – the selective employment of all’antica poses north of the Alps.64 Intriguingly, many of the borrowings instanced in this essay are applied to evil-doers, and it is therefore at least worth asking – not that this can be made into some sort of universal rule – whether the complex, It occurs in Bartel Beham’s engraving of the Temptation In Fouquet’s Conversion of Saint Paul from the twisting poses of classical, pagan figures may not on of Saint John Chrysostom (fig. 14), where the female figure Heures d’Etienne Chevalier, the striking similarity occasion have been deemed peculiarly appropriate 65 seen from the rear dominates the entire foreground of of his fallen mount and the horse in the Amazon for the portrayal of representatives of the dark side. the scene, and the ostensible protagonist is represented Dismounting from a Fallen Horse which belonged to on a diminutive scale in the background landscape.57 Alfonsina Orsini, and is now in Palazzo Patrizi in Rome, seems undeniable, for all that the piece Up to this point, all the connections have involved was part of the group of statues supposedly newly the human figure, but animals were also memorably discovered in 1514.59 Conversely, in an Italian Fig. 13 / Sleeping Hermaphrodite, 3rd-1st century and powerfully represented in ancient sculpture. The homage in a drawing by Polidoro da Caravaggio BC, marble, Paris, Musée du heads of the Quirinal Horses were to prove compellingly in the Louvre, there is no such chronological Louvre. fascinating, but for some reason all the borrowings problem.60 As is the case with many such figures

Fig. 14 / After Barthel Beham, adopt a virtually identical di sotto in sù viewpoint, and and groups, they also occur on sarcophagi, as with Print made by Sebald Beham, long before it was shown in Raphael’s and the fallen horseman on the Battle Sarcophagus in Temptation of Saint John the Dragon in the Louvre, the horse’s head is quoted in the Campo Santo at Pisa that inspired Bertoldo di Chrysostom, 1530-1550, engraving, 5.5 x 7.8 cm, a representation of the identical subject in the Belles Giovanni’s Battle Relief in the Museo del Bargello in London, British Museum. Heures du Duc de Berry in the Cloisters, New York.58 Florence.61 28 The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome 29

NOTES

1. Unless otherwise stated, all the connections suggested Borrowings and their ‘Missing’ Sources,” Jahrbuch des authorship, given recent research into the relatively 26. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, p. 35, and which the figure of Phaeton has lost the head, both see Carlo Falciani and Antonio Natali, eds., Bronzino: in the present note have not hitherto been proposed. Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 11 (2009): pp. 42-55. short amount of time it took for wood to dry out before figs. 5-7, for a drawing after a fragmentary version of arms, and the right leg below the knee. Artist and Poet at the Court of the Medici, exh. cat. (Florence: I am extremely grateful to Maryan Ainsworth, Paul 6. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 148, p. it was ready to be used for paintings. the figure, Castagno’s David, and the Niobid Pedagogue. 40. Kathleen Wren Christian, Empire without End: Antiquities Palazzo Strozzi, 2010-2011), no. I.7, pp. 66-67, (catalogue Joannides, and Anna Maria Riccomini for their advice 184, and Otto J. Brendel, “A Kneeling Persian: Migrations 12. Wolfgang Schöne, Dieric Bouts und seine Schule (Leipzig: 27. Hugo Chapman, Tom Henry, and Carol Plazotta, Collections in Renaissance Rome c. 1350-1527 (New Haven entry by Cécile Beuzelin). See also Simonetta Lecchini and support, and to the anonymous peer reviewer for of a Motif,” in Essays in the History of Art presented to Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1938), pp. 163-165, Raphael: From Urbino to Rome, exh. cat. (London: and London: Yale University Press, 2010), p. 177. Giovannoni, Alessandro Allori (Turin: Allemandi, 1991), various extremely helpful suggestions. (Oxford: Phaidon, 1967), pp. 62-70. and especially p. 164, for this connection; and Ernst National Gallery, 2004), no. 21, pp. 108-111 (entry by 41. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 132, pp. no. 24, p. 225, for a more faithful quotation of the same 2. Stephanie Schrader, “Drawing for Diplomacy: 7. Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: Heidrich, Alt-niederländische Malerei (Jena: Diederichs, Carol Plazotta). 166-168. motif in Allori’s and Cupid in the Uffizi, and nos. 60- Gossart’s Sojourn in Rome,” in Man, Myth, and Sensual The Limbourgs and their Contemporaries, 2 vols. (New York: 1910), fig. 189; and F.G. Zehnder, Wallraf-Richartz 28. Wolfgang Hütt, Albrecht Dürer 1471 bis 1528: Das 42. Sterling and Schaeffer, Etienne Chevalier, no. 45. 63, pp. 243-244, for various other versions of the same Pleasures: Jan Gossart’s Renaissance. The Complete Works, George Braziller, 1974), I, pp. 229-232, for what the Museum, Köln. Gotische Malerei in Köln: Katalog der Altkölner gesamte graphische Werk, 2 vols. (Herrsching: Pawlak, 43. Hütt, Albrecht Dürer, II, pp. 1530-1532. composition (as noted in Ekserdjian, Footprints, pp. 47-48). ed. Maryan W. Ainsworth, exh. cat. (New York: author terms “The Problem of the Limbourgs and the Malerei (Cologne: Wallraf-Richartz Museum, 1990), n.d.), II, p. 1532. 44. Il buon secolo della pittura senese: Dalla maniera moderna al 56. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 98, p. The Metropolitan Museum of Art; London: The Antique”, and II, figs. 285 and 558, and 655, for Jean pp. 345-355, for the painting by the Master of the 29. Roger H. Marijnissen and Peter Ruyffelaere, Hieronymus lume caravaggesco, exh. cat. (Montepulciano: Museo 130, and Haskell and Penny, Taste and the Antique, pp. National Gallery, 2010-2011), pp. 45-55; and Maryan de Limbourg, and fig. 654, for a closely related figure in Lyverberg Passion, and especially p. 350, for its dating. Bosch: The Complete Works (Antwerp: Mercatorfonds, Civico Pinacoteca Crociani; San Quirico d’Orcia: 234-236, fig. 120. Ainsworth, “Jan Gossart’s Trip to Rome and his Route a Last Judgement in an anonymous manuscript of 1412 13. Schöne, Dieric Bouts, pp. 163-65, and especially p. 164, 1987), pp. 53 and 83. Given this connection, it is Palazzo Chigi Zondadari; and Pienza: Conservatorio 57. F. W. H. Hollstein, German Engravings, Etchings, and to Paragone,” Hofstede de Groot Lecture 3 (2014): especially in the in Baltimore. for the attribution of the two panels to his “Meister der tempting to wonder whether the figure of Adam being San Carlo Borromeo, 2017), p. 160; and Mazzini, I Woodcuts, vol. 3 (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger, pp. 3-13, for two exemplary accounts of Gossart’s 8. Millard Meiss, French Painting, II, figs. 656-657. Münchener Gefangennahme”. expelled from the Garden of Eden (pp. 53 and 66) may pittori bergamaschi: il Cinquecento, II, p. 22 and no. 5, p. 35. 1954), no. 70.III. journey to Italy and his direct engagement with the 9. For the earliest Italian example known to me, which 14. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 125, pp. not be loosely adapted from the Gnudo della Paura. 45. David Ekserdjian, “A Dürer Drawing and a Classical 58. Konrad Oberhuber, Raphael: The Paintings (Munich, Antique, above all in the form of drawings made in dates from the Trecento, see Enrico Castelnuovo, La 158-161. 30. Ainsworth, Gossart’s Renaissance, no. 32, pp. 224-226, Torso,” Master Drawings 22/3 (1994): pp. 273-274; and London, and New York: Prestel, 1999), p. 39; and situ. See also Anna Cavallaro and Enrico Parlato, eds., Pittura in Italia: Il Duecento e il Trecento, 2 vols. (Milan: 15. Pächt, Early Netherlandish Painting, p. 217, fig. 164, p. (entry by Maryan W. Ainsworth). David Ekserdjian, “Parmigianino and Michelangelo,” Timothy B. Husband, The Art of Illumination: The Da alla nascita dei Musei Capitolini: L’antico a Electa, 1986), I, p. 224, fig. 344, where the figure of 223, fig. 168, and plate 23. 31. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, nos. 32 and Master Drawings 31/4 (1993): pp. 390-394. Limbourg Brothers and the Belles Heures of Jean de , Duc Roma alla vigilia del Rinascimento, exh. cat. (Rome: Musei Joseph in a fresco of the by Vitale da Bologna 16. Meiss, French Painting, I, p. 231, and II, fig. 565. 32a, pp. 72-75. 46. Ainsworth, Gossart’s Renaissance, no. 114, pp. 412-414 de Berry, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum; Capitolini, 1988), for a comprehensive overview of the must be based on this model. For the first of the later 17. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 149, pp. 32. Meiss, French Painting, II, fig. 170. (entry by Nadine M. Orenstein), and pp. 210-213 (entry and New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2008), earliest Italian engagement with such material; and examples, see Giovanni Carlo Sciolla, ed., Ambrogio da 184-185. 33. Mikael Bøgh Rasmussen, Central European Drawings in by Maryan W. Ainsworth). p. 201, fol. 167. See also Alessandro Ballarin, Dosso Michael Greenhalgh, Donatello and his Sources (London: Fossano detto il Bergognone: Un pittore per la Certosa, exh. 18. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, under no. the Department of Prints and Drawings, Statens Museum for 47. Florent Bex, I Maestri del Colore: Luca di Leida (Milan: Dossi: La pittura a Ferrara negli anni del ducato di Alfonso Duckworth, 1982), pp. 1-30, for a wide-ranging cat. (Pavia: Castello Visconteo and Certosa, 1998), p. 143, p. 179, for the piece’s early history, noting that it Kunst: German Drawings before 1540 (Copenhagen: Statens Fratelli Fabbri Editori, 1966), plates X-XI. I, 2 vols. (Cittadella []: Cassa di Risparmio di consideration of antiquities in the Renaissance. 79, fig. 2, for a soldier in the fresco of the Resurrection was extensively restored by Tiziano Aspetti in 1587, at Museum for Kunst, 2000), no. 26, pp. 72-74. See also 48. Kenneth Clark, “Transformations of Nereids in the Ferrara, 1995), I, plate CLIV, for various instances in 3. Charles Sterling and Claude Schaeffer, The Hours on the vault of the Capella Ducale in the Castello which point he replaced the nose, both arms, the whole p. 72, fig. 26b, for the artist’s quotation of a figure Renaissance,” Burlington Magazine 97 (1955): pp. 214-217. Mazzolino’s painting of the Crossing of the Red Sea in the of Etienne Chevalier: Jean Fouquet (London: Thames Sforzesco, Milan, whose decoration was executed right leg, and the left leg below the knee. from Antonio Pollaiuolo’s Battle of Nude Men: see Alison 49. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, nos. 99-104, National Gallery of Ireland in Dublin. and Hudson, 1972), pp. 8-13, for Fouquet’s Italian in 1473 by an équipe comprising Bonifazio Bembo, 19. Meiss, French Painting, II, figs. 551 and 898, for the first Wright, The Pollaiuolo Brothers: The Arts of Florence and pp. 130-35, and especially no. 99, p. 131, for one of the 59. Sterling and Schaeffer, Etienne Chevalier, no. 32, and journey and its influence on his art. See also P. Nuttall, Jacopino Vismarini, and Stefano de’ Fedeli. Two still and third, and Sterling and Schaeffer, Etienne Chevalier, Rome (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, Vatican sarcophagi, and Clark, “Transformations of Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, under no. “Memling’s ‘Pagagnotti Virgin and Child’: Italian later adaptations are the figure of the soldier in the no. 14, for the second. 2005), p. 176, fig. 137, for the engraving; and Piero Dal Nereids,” fig. 46, for the other. 141, pp. 177-178 , and fig. 141a, for a drawing of the Sculpture Reimagined,” Sculpture Journal 26.1 (2017): foreground of Bernardino Butinone’s Massacre of the 20. Lukas Mardersbacher, “Marx Reichlich,” in Michael Poggetto, Arte in Valdelsa dal secolo XII al secolo XVIII, exh. 50. Meiss, French Painting, II, figs. 568 and 123. various statues in their unrestored state by Maarten van pp. 25-36, for the issue of access to sculptural sources Innocents in the Detroit Institute of Arts, see Franco Pacher e la sua cerchia: Un artista tirolese nell’Europa del cat. (Certaldo: Palazzo Pretorio, 1963), no. 65, p. 76, 51. De Vos, Rogier van der Weyden, 1999, no. 4, pp. 184-188. Heemskerck. more generally. Mazzini, ed., I Pittori Bergamaschi: Il Quattrocento, 2 vols. Quattrocento 1498-1998, ed. Artur Rosenauer, exh. and plate LXI, for an early Italian homage to it. 52. Smeyers, Bouts, pp. 94-97, fig. 25, and Schöne, Bouts, 60. Lanfranco Ravelli, Polidoro da Caravaggio: 1. Disegni 4. Phyllis Pray Bober and Ruth Rubinstein, Renaissance (Bergamo: Poligrafiche Bolis, 1994), II, pp. 205, and no. cat. (Novacella: Abbazia agostiniana, 1998), pp. 255- 34. Pächt, Early Netherlandish Painting, p. 129, for its delivery figs. 73a and b, for two derivations, in which the di Polidoro. 2. Copie da Polidoro (Bergamo: Credito Artists and Antique Sculpture: A Handbook of Sources 7, pp. 219-220; and the figure of Lucifer – once again – 261, especially p. 255, and p. 257, fig. 1, and Fedja “in 1470”. positions of the arms are modified. Bergamasco, 1978), no. 107, p. 147; and Pierluigi (London: Harvey Miller, 1986), no. 30, pp. 73-74, for in Dono Doni’s Last Judgement in , see Francesco Anzelewsy, ed., Der hübsche Martin: Kupferstiche und 35. Smeyers, Dirk Bouts, pp. 66-74, for the triptych, and figs. 53. Hütt, Albrecht Dürer, I, p. 379, for the drawing. See also Leone de Castris, Polidoro da Caravaggio: L’opera completa the Marsyas; Sylvia Ferino Pagden, Disegni umbri del Santi, Galleria nazionale dell’. Dipinti, sculture e oggetti Zeichnungen von Martin Schongauer, exh. cat. (Colmar: 9-10, for the wings. See also Caterina Limentani Virdis Marzia Faietti and Konrad Oberhuber, eds., Bologna e (Naples: Electa, 2001), p. 379, fig. 439. See also David Rinascimento da Perugino a Raffaello, exh. cat. (Florence: dei secoli XV-XVI (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1989), no. Musée d’Unterlinden, 1991), no. 26. and Mari Pietrogiovanna, Gothic and Renaissance Altarpieces l’umanesimo 1490-1510, exh. cat. (Bologna: Pinacoteca Ekserdjian, “’Drawn from Rome’, Review of Bober Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, 1982), 192, pp. 189-190). For two other possible borrowings, 21. Meiss, French Painting, II, figs. 507-508. See also Herbert (London: Thames and Hudson, 2002), pp. 82-91, for a Nazionale, 1988), no. 25, pp. 138-139, for the observation and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources,” Times Literary figs. 118, 128, and 132, for the Libretto Veneziano; and see Dirk de Vos, : The Complete Works Beck and Dieter Blume, eds., Natur und Antike in der lavishly illustrated treatment of the commission, and p. that the motif was subsequently borrowed from Dürer by Supplement, 19 June 1987, p. 664, for these connections. Wilhelm von Bode, The Italian Bronze Statuettes of the (London: Thames and Hudson, 1994), no. 89, pp. 318- Renaissance, ed. S. Ebert-Schifferer, exh. cat. (: 84, for a reproduction of a painting of the Last Judgement Marcantonio Raimondi. 61. John Pope-Hennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, 2nd ed. Renaissance, rev. and ed. James D. Draper, 3 vols. 319, for the figure of Cain in the artist’s Virgin and Child Liebieghaus, 1985-1986), p. 389, for front and back on canvas in the Alte Pinakothek in Munich (Smeyers, 54. Max Hollein, ed., Meisterwerke im Städel Museum (London and New York: Phaidon, 1971), figs. 138 and 139. (New York: M. A. S. de Reinis, 1980), II, pp. 57 and with Two Angels in the Uffizi, and Dirk de Vos, Rogier views of the Gnudo. Dirk Bouts, p. 71, fig. 12), which is not divided into three (Munich, London, and New York: Prestel, 2015), p. 24, 62. See respectively Smeyers, Dirk Bouts, pp. 118-124, 59, for two of the bronzes. See also Eckhart Knab, van der Weyden: The Complete Works (New York: Harry N. 22. Sterling and Schaeffer, Etienne Chevalier, no. 45. parts, but in which the representations of the Saved and and Stijn Alsteens and Freyda Spira, Dürer and Beyond: and fig. 40; De Vos, Hans Memling, no. 31, pp. 151- Erwin Mitsch, and Konrad Oberhuber, Raphael: Die Abrams, 1999), no. 17, pp. 252-265, especially p. 256, 23. Rosenauer, Michael Pacher, p. 257, fig. 1. the Damned correspond to the Lille wings, and whose Central European Drawings in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 157, especially p. 155, for a detail; and Bober and Zeichnungen (Stuttgart: Urachhaus, 1983), nos. 29, 131, Panel 3, for the kneeling figure of one of the Saved in 24. Francis Haskell and , Taste and the Antique: central section is therefore presumed to record the 1400-1700, exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 154, pp. 186-187. 134-135, for adaptations of the Gnudo – all once again his Last Judgement in Beaune. The Lure of Classical Sculpture 1500-1900 (New Haven appearance of the triptych in its entirety. of Art, 2012), no. 16, pp. 36-38 (entry by Freyda Spira). 63. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 154, p. from the rear – by Raphael himself; Michael Jaffé,The 10. Otto Pächt, Early Netherlandish Painting: From Rogier van der and London: Yale University Press, 1981), no. 66, pp. 36. Limentani Virdis and Pietrogiovanna, Altarpieces, p. 82, 55. Maria Cristina Bandera, Benvenuto di Giovanni (Milan: 186, for Ciampolini; and Cristina Acidini Luchinat, Devonshire Collection of Italian Drawings.Venetian and North Weyden to (London: Harvey Miller, 1997), 274-279, for the Niobe Group. for an excellent detail. Federico Motta, 1999), p. 41, for an anonymous Tavoletta ed., The Chapel of the Magi: Benozzo Gozzoli’s Frescoes in the Italian Drawings (London: Phaidon, 1994), no. 937, pp. 115-122, and figs. 91-94, maintains the attribution See also Vincenzo Farinella et al., eds., Raffaello e la 37. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, no. 27, pp. di gabella in the Archivio di Stato in Siena, where the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi, Florence (London: Thames and p. 210, for a hitherto unrecognized drawing by an to Bouts, and illustrates both paintings. Domus Aurea: L�invenzione delle grottesche, exh. cat. (Rome: 71-72, who state of the Uffizi sarcophagus that it “was attitudes of the two flying figures, and especially of the Hudson, 1994), pp. 42 and 75. anonymous fifteenth-century north Italian artist after a 11. Maurits Smeyers, Dirk Bouts: Peintre du silence (Tournai: Domus Aurea, Parco archeologico del Colosseo, 2020), recorded at S. Maria in Aracoeli around 1500 (Cod. one on the left, are strikingly Nereid-like. Two further, 64. Jan Bialostocki, “The Sea-Thiasos in Renaissance fragmentary model of the Gnudo; and Teresa Pugliatti, La Renaissance du Livre, 1998), pp. 147-149, and p. 92, fig. 5, for a fresco of Achilles among the Daughters of Escurialensis) and was probably known there in the albeit less faithful, adaptations, both of which represent Sepulchral Art,” in Studies in French and Italian Art Pittura del Cinquecento in Sicilia: La Sicilia Orientale (Naples: fig. 52, for a colour illustration of the Capture. On Lycomedes on the vault of the Sala di Achille a Sciro in 15th century”. Lucifer being overcome by Saint Michael are the Saint of the Renaissance and Baroque: Essays in Honour of Sir Electa, 1993), p. 78, fig. 60, for a virtual replica of the p. 148, he gives the felling date as 1476, whereas in the Domus Aurea, where the pose of the protagonist is 38. Frederick Hartt, Michelangelo Drawings (New York: Michael Altarpiece by Francesco Pagano in the Museo e (London: Phaidon, 1967), pp. 69-74, and pose found in Ferino Pagden, Disegni Umbri, fig. 118, Maurits Smeyers, ed., Dirk Bouts (ca. 1410-1475): een identical to that of the Niobid Pedagogue. Abrams, 1970), nos. 355, 357, and 358, pp. 250-251 Gallerie di Capodimonte, Naples, see Limentani Virdis especially p. 69, for the related observation that in the in Girolamo Alibrandi and Pietro Villanova’s Last Vlaams primitief te Leuven, exh. cat. (Leuven [Louvain]: 25. Marita Horster, Andrea del Castagno: Complete Edition with and 254-255. and Pietrogiovanna, Altarpieces, pp. 360-369, especially context of such borrowings “sometimes the dynamism Judgement of 1514 in the Museo Regionale, . Sint-Pieterskerk and Predikherenkerk, 1998), p. 441, a Critical Catalogue (Oxford: Phaidon, 1980), p. 28, plates 39. Bober and Rubinstein, Handbook of Sources, plate 27c, p. 365; and the Saint Michael by Bronzino in the Museo of the motif may be used by the artist to produce what 5. David Ekserdjian, “Footprints in the Snow: Renaissance it is given as 1465, which would not exclude Bouts’s 72-73, and colour plate IV. for an anonymous Italian drawing of around 1500, in Civico d’Arte Antica in the Palazzo Madama, Turin, Warburg called Pathosformel”. For Charles Avery 31

Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo

PAUL JOANNIDES

“I likewise affirm that no nation or people had been denied, Michelangelo told Buonarroto that (I except one or two Spaniards) can perfectly he was “glad”.4 Interpretation of this letter which, on satisfy or imitate the Italian manner of the face of it, contradicts the previous one, is obviously painting (which is the old Greek manner) open to discussion, but the most likely explanation without his being immediately recognized is that Michelangelo was being sarcastic, not that as a foreigner, whatever efforts he may make he had turned against Berruguete.5 Berruguete was and however hard he may work to do so.” subsequently allowed to study the cartoon – indeed, he Michelangelo, recorded by Francisco is listed by Vasari among its earliest copyists – and he de Hollanda, ca. 15401 included a borrowing from it in his Retablo de la Epifanía carved for the Cathedral of Valladolid.6 Berruguete It is not known precisely when Alonso Berruguete must also have studied the Doni Tondo, for the pose of (ca. 1486-1561) arrived in Italy but it was probably in the Virgin is cited in his relief of the Birth of the Virgin in 1506, when he would have been around twenty.2 His the Retablo de la Mejorada, the contract for which he father, Pedro Berruguete, who had spent an extended co-signed in November 1523.7 period in Italy, notably at the court of Urbino, had died in 1503, and Alonso, already with some training as a In August 1509 in Florence, Alonso, together with the painter, probably found the aftermath of his death an Cremonese painter Gian Francesco Bembo, rented appropriate time to begin his Wanderjahre. a studio for a year, but he was back in Rome on 11 September 1510, when he is recorded by name, and he Like Pedro’s, Alonso’s Italian sojourn was protracted might have extended his stay into 1511. By spring 1512, and he is not recorded in Spain again for a dozen years. he had returned to Florence: at the beginning of April, However, little documentation survives concerning this Michelangelo wrote from Rome to his father, Ludovico, time, and it cannot be ruled out that, like his slightly asking him to enquire about the health of “un garzone older contemporary, Bartolomé Ordóñez, whom he spagnuolo che à nome Alonso” whom he had heard was surely knew, Berruguete revisited Spain. unwell from“un suo parente o amicho spagnuolo” (one of his Spanish relatives or friends) who was enquiring Alonso Berruguete is, with near certainty, the “giovine about him.8 This “parente o amicho” obviously believed spagnolo” who bore a letter, dated 2 July 1508, from Michelangelo to be well informed about Alonso. Happily, Fig. 1 / Alonso Berruguete Michelangelo in Rome to his brother Buonarroto in Alonso recovered and in 1513-1514 was painting for after Michelangelo, A Group from the Martyrdom of Florence. Michelangelo, then about to begin the Sistine the merchant Giovanni Bartolini an unidentified “Nostra the 10,000, ca. 1510?, pen ceiling, tells his brother that the “buono giovine” is coming Donna”. He probably resumed his friendship with and wash, 31.7 x 22.7 cm to Florence “imparare a dipingere” and asks Buonarroto Michelangelo when the latter moved to Florence in the (trimmed), Madrid, Museo de la Real Academia de Bellas to arrange for the young man to see the cartoon of the summer of 1516. In July 1518, Berruguete is recorded in Artes de San Fernando. Battle of Cascina.3 On 29 July, learning that permission Saragossa and he remained in Spain thereafter. 32 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 33

We know little of what Alonso did in Italy. but left unfinished at Filippino’s death in 1504 and Alonso was not entirely alone in this: Raphael knew Michelangelo refers to him as a painter, and no completed by more than one hand. It is not known a few of Michelangelo’s drawings, and Andrea del sculptures by him are recorded. But Vasari, in his when Berruguete contributed his share, probably Sarto and Bandinelli a few more; some drawings life of Berruguete’s exact contemporary, Jacopo confined to part of the upper section, but it is likely and models were in circulation even outside Sansovino, includes Alonso among the contestants in to have been after 1515. Judging from the paintings Florence and Rome. Bartolommeo Bergamasco’s the competition – organized by Bramante, judged by accepted as his, he was a well-assimilated Florentine, on the high altar of the Venetian Raphael, and won by Jacopo – to model a large, but not and stylistically up-to-date, looking to Andrea del church of San Rocco is based on a Michelangelo full-size, wax copy of the Laocoön to be cast in bronze. Sarto for textures and colours, and much influenced drawing or model for an unexecuted slave.17 ’s Berruguete’s participation in this competition, which in design by Donatello, some of whose works he Saint Sebastian panel in the Averoldi Polyptych is seems to have taken place in 1510 and may account copied.13 There are close links between Berruguete based on another.18 But no other contemporary for his presence in Rome in September, indicates at and , nearly a decade younger, both demonstrates Berruguete’s intimate knowledge the very least that he nurtured sculptural ambitions, in -handling and forms, and attributions have and depth of understanding of “private” work by and that, in all probability, like the other contestants, been switched between them, but priority is moot.14 In Michelangelo. he was active as a sculptor. The concentrated exercise apparent contrast, Berruguete also studied carefully of copying the Laocoön group, incidentally, helps the later Florentine and the Roman work of Raphael.15 One example has wide resonance. In a drawing explain why it became so central a reference point for It is evident, nevertheless, that there remain massive (fig. 1) which bears an old – perhaps contemporary Berruguete, nicknamed “Laocoön’s third son”.9 lacunae in our knowledge of Alonso’s Italian years, and – inscription to Berruguete, Alonso copied surprises are no doubt in store. a lost drawing of a group of seven figures by The level of Berruguete’s sculptural accomplishment Michelangelo for an unrecorded project, no after his return to Spain implies some previous activity Little in the paintings that Berruguete produced in doubt a fresco, of the Martyrdom of the 10,000. in Italy. Production of wood sculpture in Florence and Italy and Spain is particularly Michelangelesque, Another copy, somewhat fuller and more legible, Rome in the early Cinquecento was considerable, and although traces of Michelangelo’s influence are not is in (fig. 2), drawn in a pen-style not far while much remains to be discovered, the Vergine della absent. A different story emerges from the drawings from Michelangelo’s.19 Although I have found no Cintola in Santo Spirito has plausibly been attributed that Berruguete made in Italy and from the sculptures direct borrowings from this group in Berruguete’s to Berruguete.10 Nor can it be excluded a priori that that he carved in the decade and a half following work, this project, with its inventively contorted while in Italy Alonso worked in marble, like his fellow- his return to Spain. Their evidence reinforces one’s martyrs, seems to have had a decisive impact on Spaniards, the master-sculptors Bartolomé Ordóñez impression, formed from the exiguous documentation, his vision, stimulating and prefiguring thematically and Diego de Siloé, both variously active in Naples, that Michelangelo, who remembered Alonso – and the “encyclopaedia of agony”, in Jonathan Carrara, and, probably, Rome, and with whom Alonso maybe Ordóñez – positively when he spoke to De Brown’s evocative phrase, that he compiled.20 might even have collaborated.11 Hollanda, liked the young Spaniard personally.16 In Michelangelo’s project was not completely unknown principle, to find in Berruguete’s work borrowings to his contemporaries: drawn copies after two Berruguete’s pictorial work in Italy has been assembled from Michelangelo would be unsurprising; but what companion groups exist, one by, the other probably on stylistic grounds. All the paintings attributed to him is surprising is that some of these borrowings show after, Francesco Salviati.21 But Berruguete’s are on wood; whether he worked on canvas or in fresco that the young Spaniard enjoyed with Michelangelo drawing antedates those by a decade or more. is unknown.12 No surviving painting by or attributed a privileged artistic relation, more so, it would seem, Whether Berruguete knew further figures devised Fig. 2 / Unidentified to Berruguete from his Italian period is documented, than any contemporary Italian. He demonstrably had draughtsman after by Michelangelo for the Martyrdom of the 10,000 but Vasari tells us that he painted part of the Coronation access to, and was able to copy, some of Michelangelo’s Michelangelo, A Group is an open question: the famous Saint Sebastian from of the Virgin, an altarpiece now in the Louvre. This was drawings and models; he may even have owned from the Martyrdom of the San Benito Retablo, in its complex serpentine pose, the 10,000, ca. 1530, pen, commissioned from Filippino Lippi and Francesco examples, perhaps presented to him by his capriciously 32.9 x 25.3 cm, Hamburg, is an invention worthy of Michelangelo and one della Costa for the Florentine church of San Girolamo generous senior when he left Italy. Kunsthalle. that would have fitted well into a mass martyrdom. 34 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 35

More specific in its effect was another of Michelangelo’s designs. In 1991, Dominique Cordellier discovered in the Louvre a previously unrecognized pen drawing by Michelangelo, clearly a study for a standing statue (fig. 3).22 This figure, concordantly identified as Saint John the Evangelist, had previously been known from two studies – in Florence and London (fig. 4) – both of which show it in profile. These two drawings were always connected with the commission given to Michelangelo on 24 April 1503 to carve twelve over life-size apostles for the Florentine Duomo; only the Saint Matthew was begun, but they created the impression that the statue was to be seen in profile.23 The new drawing demonstrated that they were simply profile studies of a figure planned for a viewing fan of at least 180°.

Saint John’s pose is complex and adventurous: his right hand supports his chin, with the right elbow resting on his Gospel which, in turn, is propped against his raised thigh.24 This is open-work statuary, and would have entailed deep, difficult – and dangerous – undercutting. Conceptually the Saint John comes from the same moment as the David – a statue carved to the limits of what marble could bear. Berruguete must have known drawings by Michelangelo for this figure or, more likely, a wax model, and taken it or them back with him to Spain. His Saint John the Evangelist on the Retablo de San Benito unmistakably follows Michelangelo’s design, altering only the saint’s head so that he looks Another standing saint from the Retablo, the figure contemplatively upwards, rather than challengingly Fig. 4 / Michelangelo, Study probably to be identified as Saint Ivo – for which there for a Statue of Saint John the outward (fig. 5). That Berruguete translated a Evangelist and Other Sketches, is a distinctly Michelangelesque preparatory drawing prototype which Michelangelo alone would have 1503-1504, pen, 18.6 x 18.3 cm, by Alonso in Chicago – is, as all scholars have noted, dared execute in marble into a more tractable London, The British Museum. based on the Levite in Rustici’s Baptistery group of the Fig. 3 / Michelangelo, Study 25 for a Statue of Saint John the medium does cast an oblique light on the difficulties Fig. 5 / Alonso Berruguete, Saint Preaching of Saint John. But I have argued elsewhere Evangelist, 1503-1504, pen encountered even by the most accomplished John the Evangelist, from the that the Pharisee and the Levite who flank the saint over black chalk, 20.1 x 7.8 marble-carvers when they addressed Michelangelo’s Retablo de San Benito, 1526- depend from models by Michelangelo and, if this idea cm, Département des Arts 1533, polychromed wood, 93 Graphiques, Paris, Musée du inventions. Only Giambologna was able to exploit x 33 cm, Valladolid, Museo is correct, then in the Saint Ivo too Berruguete was Louvre. them effectively. Nacional de Escultura. following a Michelangelo model, directly or indirectly.26 36 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 37

Berruguete, of course, studied the Sistine ceiling. Few direct citations from it can be found in his work, but one indicates that he was interested in its simulated architecture: the gables that top the San Benito Retablo and the figures that recline on them are based on the severies of the Sistine.27 Berruguete also focused on Michelangelo’s figures. Two pieces of evidence are significant. One is a large red-chalk copy of the Daniel (Museo de Bellas Artes de Valencia) inscribed by a later hand to Berruguete (fig. 6); the other, observed as long ago as 1917, is that the pose of the terrified in Berruguete’s breath-taking and Isaac, also from the San Benito Retablo, is taken directly from the Ignudo left above Daniel (fig. 7).28 Among Berruguete’s contemporaries only Raphael was able so effectively to integrate Michelangelo’s ideas into his own work, but even Raphael did not translate a flat image into three dimensions.

The prophet and the Ignudo occupy the same area of the vault, which Berruguete must have observed attentively and closely. It should be noted that in Fig. 6 / Alonso Berruguete after Michelangelo, The Berruguete’s copy Daniel is seen at eye-level, not Prophet Daniel, 1510-1511, foreshortened, and must have been studied from a red chalk, 39.9 x 28.3 cm, scaffolding, not from the chapel’s floor – the ceiling Museo de Bellas Artes de Valencia, Colección Real is notoriously difficult to copy with any precision. Academia de Bellas Artes de It seems probable that when Berruguete was in San Carlos. Rome in 1510-1511, Michelangelo allowed him

Fig. 7 / Alonso Berruguete, on the ponte. If so, his drawing of Daniel would be Abraham and Isaac, from the the earliest known surviving copy after the Sistine Retablo de San Benito, 1526- frescoes, perhaps predating the lost copy after Eve in 1533, polychromed wood, 89 x 46 cm, Valladolid, Museo the Temptation known to Titian and employed by him Nacional de Escultura. in mid-1511 in the Miracle of the Jealous Husband. 38 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 39

Michelangelo’s plans for the tomb of Julius II famously figures at the corners of the tomb of Cardinal Juan went through many mutations, and Berruguete knew Pardo de Tavera, executed between 1554 and 1561. some of his unused designs. That he was aware even of The basic idea of placing seated figures around a the earliest stages is shown by the Retablo de la Visitación recumbent effigy was already in circulation: it is seen in of ca. 1550 in Toledo (fig. 8), whose structure is inspired Domenico Fancelli’s tomb of Ferdinand of Aragon and Fig. 8 / Alonso Berruguete, Retablo de la Visitación, ca. by Michelangelo’s earliest known scheme for the tomb, of 1514-1517 in Granada, and in 1550, polychromed wood, his 1505 wall-tomb modello (fig. 9). This was, of course, that of Cardinal Francisco Jiménez Cisneros in Alcalá Toledo, Chapel of the , to be executed in marble but it was perhaps more de Henares contracted for by Fancelli, Bartolomé Convent of Saint Ursula. 29 appropriate for a structure in wood. And Berruguete Ordóñez, and associates in 1518. But more even Fig. 9 / Michelangelo, Modello probably also knew the enormous free-standing project than Ordóñez’s figures on those tombs, Berruguete’s for the Julius Tomb, 1505, pen of 1505 and its revision of 1513. Both contained seated evince traces of Michelangelesque energy: indeed, the and wash over stylus and lead- point, 51 x 31.9 cm, New York figures on the corners of the platform, and Berruguete pose of the sybil at the viewer’s left of Tavera’s feet has The Metropolitan Museum seems to have recalled them when he carved the seated elements of the . of Art. 40 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 41

Berruguete also had some familiarity with the sculptures that Michelangelo planned for the tomb. On its lower story the free-standing 1505 project was to contain sixteen prigioni, reduced to twelve in 1513. Of these we have only the two now in the Louvre – and, naturally enough, they have tended to preoccupy the attention of scholars considering Michelangelo’s influence – forgetting that he certainly made drawings and models for most if not all of the others.30 One of these models, surviving in a relict cast (fig. 10), seems to have been known to Berruguete, for it, rather than the Dying Slave, was surely the inspiration for the Saint Sebastian that is probably the most important recent addition to his oeuvre (fig. 11).31 Its date is uncertain but it is likely to be contemporary with the San Benito Retablo. Its frontality and raised arm are close to those of the model, and it lacks the sensuousness of the Dying Slave.32

A further echo of a sculpture by Michelangelo may be found in the standing of Olmedo, generally assumed to have been among the earlier sculptures carved by Berruguete after his return to Spain, although its precise date is, once again, uncertain (fig. 12). It seems commandingly tall – taller than it actually is – and the cross-legged pose is surprising and, in a Spanish context, I think, unique. It is hard to believe that Berruguete executed it without thinking of Michelangelo’s lost youthful marble of Hercules, four braccia high, which was visible in Palazzo Strozzi during his Florentine sojourn. The appearance of the Hercules, sent to France in 1530, cannot be established beyond all doubt, but the accumulation of evidence suggests that it was a figure known in bronze reductions and Fig. 10 / Unidentified bronze-caster after numerous copy-drawings, among which the liveliest is Michelangelo, Prigione, one in the Ashmolean: the pen-work of this comes close Fig. 11 / Alonso model, ca. 1513 (date of to that of Michelangelo (fig. 13). 33 The Hercules too was Berruguete, Saint casting unknown), bronze, Sebastian, ca. 1525?, 19.5 cm, Milan, Museo very deeply undercut and another tempting model for a polychromed wood, 164 x Poldi-Pezzoli. sculpture in wood. 41 cm, . 42 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 43

The examples cited so far are particular, but a few broader considerations might be in order. In his earlier work in Spain, Berruguete was obviously excited by Michelangelo’s principle of deep undercutting, and he seems to have made more use than any Italian contemporary of one of Michelangelo’s signature devices: raising one foot of a standing figure on a block to set it in motion, as in the Saint Matthew and the Rebellious Slave. Berruguete employed this device several times in the San Benito Retablo. It is an open question whether these figures Berruguete’s internalization of Michelangelo’s ideas or whether they depend from lost prototypes by the master. More tenuously, some of the magnificent reliefs in the choir of look very much like interpretations of Michelangelesque ideas, in the mode of Rosso. But it is a matter for future investigation whether any of them might have derived from his stock of drawings by and/ or after Michelangelo.

Fig. 12 / Alonso Berruguete, In Berruguete’s later career allusions to Michelangelo Ecce Homo, ca. 1522?, polychromed wood, 149 x 56 diminish. It is not impossible – artists sometimes wrote cm, Valladolid, Museo Nacional social letters – that some contact was maintained between de Escultura. them after Alonso’s return to Spain, but it seems unlikely.

Fig. 13 / Unidentified Aside from the Retablo de la Visitación in the Toledan draughtsman after convent of Saint Ursula, and the tomb of Juan Pardo de Michelangelo, Hercules, ca. Tavera, there is little evidence for a continuing recourse 1516, pen and ink, 31.8 x 23.5 cm, Oxford, Ashmolean to Michelangelo’s ideas, and none for any knowledge of Museum. Michelangelo’s sculptural or graphic work after 1518. 44 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 45

Berruguete displays no awareness of the sculptures in the New Sacristy or those carved for the final phase of the Julius Tomb. There is, nevertheless, one project in which he did explicitly refer to Michelangelo’s work, both current and past. On the front of the of the ’s in Toledo Cathedral is an abbreviated representation of the lower right corner of Michelangelo’s Last Judgment which Alonso would have known through engravings (fig. 14). Berruguete married this recent manifestation of Michelangelo’s work with recollections of his own encounter with the Sistine vault, representing on the baldachin’s sides two tumultuous multi-figure subjects: The Flood and The Brazen Serpent (figs. 15 & 16). These contain few direct allusions to Michelangelo’s prototypes, but their juxtaposition with the Last Judgment is surely a retrospective homage to Berruguete’s great mentor.

Fig. 14 / Alonso Berruguete, The Last Judgement, ca. 1550?, polychromed wood, 84 cm in width, Toledo Cathedral.

Fig. 15 / Alonso Berruguete, The Flood, ca. 1550?, polychromed wood, 50 cm in width, Toledo Cathedral.

Fig. 16 / Alonso Berruguete, The Brazen Serpent, ca. 1550?, polychromed wood, 50 cm in width, Toledo Cathedral. 46 Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo Alonso Berruguete and Michelangelo 47

NOTES

1. Charles Holroyd, Michael Angelo Buonarroti … with Alonso Berruguete: First Sculptor of Renaissance Spain, unusually large (56.2 x 40.7 cm) black chalk drawing on should be exercised. Like the Rebellious Slave, the Dying Translations of the Life of the Master by His Scholar eds. C.D. Dickerson and Mark McDonald, exh. cat. Casa Buonarroti 27A verso, partly submerged beneath Slave remained in Michelangelo’s Roman studio until Ascanio Condivi and Three Dialogues from the Portuguese (Washington, DC: The National Gallery of Art, a plan of a defensive bastion by Michelangelo and it was sent to France in 1547 and, save Signorelli and by Francisco d’Ollanda (London: Duckworth and Co, 2019), pp. 32-33. overlapped by other sketches by Mini: see Charles De Berruguete, it is unlikely that more than a few artists 1903), p. 281. I am grateful to Dr Nicola Jennings for 12. Berruguete as a painter in Italy is stimulatingly Tolnay, Corpus dei Disegni di Michelangelo, IV (Novara: it. To the best of my knowledge there are no encouragement to develop in the present essay themes discussed by Tommaso Mozzati, “Alonso Berrugute Istituto Geografico de Agostini, 1980), no. 567. sixteenth-century drawings after it and, where allusions adumbrated in my “Review of C.D. Dickerson III in Italia: nuovi itinerari,” in Natali et al., Norma et 18. Paul Joannides, “On Some Borrowings and Non- to it can be established, they are probably indirect. As and Mark McDonald, eds., Alonso Berruguete: First Capriccio, pp. 16-47 and in the relative catalogue entries. Borrowings from Central Italian and Antique Art in Naldi, Norma et Capriccio, p. 65 ff, notes of a privately- Sculptor of Renaissance Spain, The National Gallery of But see also Dickerson and McDonald, Alonso Berruguete, the Work of Titian c.1510-1550,” Paragone 487 (1990): owned Saint Sebastian by Diego de Siloé, “one must Art Washington, 2019,” The Burlington Magazine 162 especially pp. 24-32. pp. 31-32. resist the temptation to explain the intricate pose in (2020): pp. 332-334. My warm thanks also to Lizzie 13. Copies after two Madonna reliefs by Donatello are on 19. For this scheme see Paul Joannides, “Bodies in the Michelangelesque terms…” and he illustrates various Boubli, who introduced me to this subject, who has the recto and verso of Uffizi 9124S; Natali et al., Norma Trees: A Mass-Martyrdom by Michelangelo,” Apollo interpretations of Saint Sebastian by Leonardo and discussed relevant matters with me over many years et Capriccio, no. II.1, pp. 228-229 (Entry by Michela 140/393 (1994): pp. 3-14. The Hamburg drawing (inv. his followers to make the point. But, as he also allows, (see her “’Magnífico mastre Alonso Berruguete’: Zurla, with previous bibliography). 21561) is discussed by David Klemm, Die Sammlungen Diego de Siloé’s Saint Sebastian in the Caracciolo de introduction à l’étude de son oeuvre graphique,” Revue 14. Berruguete’s sources are discussed by Tommaso der Hamburger Kunsthalle Kupferstichkabinett, Italienische Vico Chapel in San Giovanni de Carbonara (Naldi, de l’Art 103 [1994]: pp. 11-32) and who kindly read a Mozzati and also by Carlo Falciani (“’Lo spagnuolo non Zeichnungen 1450-1800, 2 vols. (Cologne-Weimar- Norma et Capriccio, pp. 156-159) is difficult to explain draught of this article. aveva avuto la grazia di andare alla Sala’, Berruguete e Vienna: Bölhau, 2009), I, no. 330, pp. 242-243. without some awareness of the Dying Slave. 2. Manual Arias Martínez, Alonso Berruguete, Prometeo de Rosso fra Cascina e Anghiari”) and Gentilini 20. Jonathan Brown, “Preface,” in Dickerson and 33. Joannides, Drawings by Michelangelo, no. 81, pp. 337-341. la escultura (Palencia: Diputación di Palencia, 2011), p. (“Attualità di Donatello; Alonso Berruguete e l’eredità McDonald, Alonso Berruguete, p. ix. 26; for an outline of Berruguete’s chronology pp. 207- del Quattrocento fiorentino”) all in Natali et al., Norma et 21. Paul Joannides, “’Unconsidered Trifles’. Copies after 211. See also Tommaso Mozzati, “Alonso Berruguete Capriccio, respectively pp. 62-71 and 72-85. Lost Drawings by Michelangelo,” Paragone 53/633 a Roma: un conto corrente e gli itinerari del 15. Some additions can be made to the borrowings from (2002): pp. 3-17. soggiorno italiano,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Raphael so far discussed in the literature. The young 22. Dominique Cordellier, “Fragments de jeunesse: deux Institut in Florenz 51 (2007): pp. 568-575, which Saint John in the Virgin and Child with Saint Elizabeth dessins inėdits de Michel-Ange au Louvre,” La Revue valuably supplemented the evidence previously and Saint John in derives from that du Louvre et des Musées de France 2 (1991): pp. 43-55. As known. in Raphael’s lost tondo of the Virgin with Saint John and Cordellier established, the Louvre and British Museum 3. “to learn how to paint”; Paola Barocchi and Renzo the Sleeping Child of ca. 1510 of which several copies drawings were parts of the same sheet. Ristori, eds., Il Carteggio di Michelangelo Edizione Postuma di are known; the Prado’s recently acquired Temperance 23. Lucilla Bardeschi Ciulich, I Contratti di Michelangelo Giovanni Poggi, vol. 1 (Florence: Sansoni Editore, 1965), suggests that Berruguete looked at the , (Florence: Studio per Edizione Scelte, 2005), nos. VII no. XLIX, p. 70. and the cityscape at the right follows Marcantonio’s (Latin) and IX (Italian), pp. 18-23. 4. Barocchi and Ristori, Il Carteggio, no. LIII, pp. 75-76. engraving of the Massacre of the Innocents; there is a 24. An arrangement inspired by Luca della Robbia’s Pazzi 5. As interpreted by E. H. Ramsden, The Letters of rather surprising resemblance between the angel in Chapel San Matthias. Michelangelo, 2 vols. (London: Peter Owen Limited, the upper right of the Coronation and that in the same 25. The three figures, plus a later variant in Toledo 1963), I, no. 43, pp. 46-47, n. 6. position in Giulio Romano’s part of the Monteluce Cathedral, are reproduced together by Arias Martínez, 6. Arias Martínez, Alonso Berruguete, p. 63, fig. 22. In both Coronation (might Berruguete have collaborated with Alonso Berruguete, p. 106. editions of the Vite, Vasari groups Berruguete with the team working on Raphael’s Loggia, as has been 26. Paul Joannides, “Michelangelo and Rustici,” in Aristotile da Sangallo, Ridolfo Ghirlandaio, Francesco suggested?); finally, the child in the Madonna in the Michelangelo Sculptor in Bronze, eds. Victoria Avery et al. Granacci and Baccio Bandinelli, with an implied Saibene Collection, formerly attributed to Berruguete (London: Philip Wilson, 2019), pp. 229-233. anteriority to a second group headed by Andrea but now given to the Maestro di Serumido (Natali et 27. Arias Martínez, Alonso Berruguete, p. 109. del Sarto and Franciabigio, followed by, in general, al., Norma et Capriccio, no. II.7, pp. 240-241; entry by 28. Ricardo de Orueta, Berruguete y su obra (Madrid: Casa younger artists. Tommaso Mozzati), is based on that in the Mackintosh Editorial Calleja, 1917; new ed., Museo Nacional de 7. Arias Martínez, Alonso Berruguete, p. 88, fig. 18. Madonna which, incidentally, was also referenced by San Gregorio, 2011), figs. 18 and 19. 8. Barocchi and Ristori, Il Carteggio, no. XCII, p. 125 Diego de Siloé in his tondo relief of the Virgin and Child 29. Whether Ordóñez knew Michelangelo personally is 9. For a thorough examination of the effect of the in . unrecorded. He could hardly have been unaware of Laocoön and other antique statuary on Alonso see 16. Ordóñez’s early Italian career is obscure but he seems Michelangelo’s public work but borrowings from it in Manuel Arias Martínez et al., Son of The Laocoön, to have studied in Florence and Rome before his his sculpture are hard to find. However, at least two of Alonso Berruguete and Pagan Antiquity, exh. cat. return to Spain to carve the choir stalls in Barcelona the reliefs on the choir stalls in Barcelona Cathedral (Valladolid: Museo Nacional de Escultura, 2017). Cathedral, some of whose forms are Michelangelesque, suggest study in Florence. 10. Antoni Natali et al., Norma et Capriccio, Spagnoli in Italia although Michelangelo was not a major influence on 30. Six are found on a well-known drawing in the agli esordi della “maniera moderna”, exh. cat. (Florence: the work that he carried out in Naples and in Carrara. Ashmolean; see Paul Joannides, Drawings by Michelangelo Gallerie degli Uffizi, 2013), no. II.5, pp. 256-257 (entry 17. Formerly attributed to Giovanni Maria Mosca, but and his Followers in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford by Tommaso Mozzati, with previous bibliography). transferred by Anne Markham Schulz, Giammaria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), no. 11. For a fascinating discussion of the activity of Mosca called Il Padovano, a Renaissance Sculptor in Italy 18, pp. 120-126, with previous bibliography. Berruguete’s Spanish contemporaries in Naples see and Poland, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University Park 31. See Rosario Coppel and Nicola Jennings, Alonso Riccardo Naldi, Magnificence of Marble. Bartolomé Pennsylvania, 1998), I, p. 44 to Bartolommeo. She Berruguete, Renaissance Sculptor (London: Coll and Cortés, Ordóñez and Diego de Siloé, Sculpture of the Renaissance notes the influence of Michelangelo but refers to the 2017), especially pp. 76-91. in Naples (Munich: Verlag Hirmer, 2018); the Rebellious Slave whereas the real source must be a lost 32. The beauty and power of the Dying Slave is such that possibility of Berruguete’s collaboration is raised model or drawing by Michelangelo recorded with it is frequently – and inevitably – cited as a source, by C.D. Dickerson, “The Experience of Italy,” in characteristic incompetence by Antonio Mini in an particularly for sculptures of Saint Sebastian; but caution For Charles Avery 49

The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop

ALISON LUCHS

At least seven collections, public and private, include in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, includes a an Italian Renaissance bronze container whose handsome example (fig. 1), 24.9 cm high, with a leafy defining feature is a hollow triangular base in the lid crowned by a bound satyr (from a model seemingly form of a Roman tripod altar, with narrative or by a different artist than the one responsible for the allegorical reliefs on its sides. Bound satyrs crouch at satyrs on the base corners).5 the corners, above festoons of fruit suspended from horned grotesque masks with scrolling beards, serving This container has long been regarded as an inkstand, as feet (fig. 1).1 Several of these bases support (or once a term that for convenience will be used here. Its size supported) upper sections that functioned as perfume and weight, which would make it somewhat unwieldy burners, some originally topped by a small bronze for handling on a desk, could raise questions about such sculpture of a satyr couple whose activity prompted a function. It might, however, have had a lead lining, censorship by at least one early writer.2 or a smaller container secured inside. Future technical analysis of patches of grey material adhering to the Published as ancient cinerary urns in the eighteenth inside of the base, near the upper edges at the corners, century, these vessels are now understood as creations is likely to tell us more about those possibilities. A from the circle of Andrea Riccio in mid-sixteenth- further complication for use as an inkstand – or box for century Padua, with a structure and motifs owing blotting sand – is a distinctive feature that few now have much to that artist’s great paschal candlestick in the a chance to see, since it is only accessible to someone in Basilica of Saint Anthony.3 Such table-sized bronze a position to lift the whole object up. On the underside, constructions could evoke the lost world of antiquity in the center of a trio of converging, finely cast and in a classically educated owner’s home or workspace. tooled acanthus leaves, is an integrally cast roundel, The literature on northern Italian bronzes for such an a little more than 2 cm in diameter, bearing the bust- audience has been generously enriched by the work of length profile of a Roman dignitary. He wears a Charles Avery. military paludamentum and armour, and his classically handsome profile divides the inscription M .MAR The number of versions and related fragments of CELLVS (figs. 2 & 3).6 the altar-base containers testify to a strong demand, Fig. 1 / Paduan (workshop filled by a productive workshop that fused models The name belongs to Marcus Marcellus, a of Desiderio da Firenze?), Inkstand with Bound Satyrs from various sources into their designs. Since 1959, Roman military hero and consul in the third century and Three Labours of Hercules, many have argued that the head of this workshop BC, who was commemorated by a descendent on later ca. 1530/1540, copper alloy, was Desiderio da Firenze, sculptor in 1532-1533 of coins.7 A rather glamourized portrait was readily available Washington, DC, National Gallery of Art, Widener the bronze voting urn for the city council of Padua, in the sixteenth century, in a book of woodcut images of Collection. and active there until 1545.4 The Widener Collection famous ancients published by Andrea Fulvio in 1517 (fig. 4).8 50 The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop 51

The profile on the inkstand corresponds closely to it, Child holding an inscribed book commemorating but reversed – perhaps based on a common source? Girolamo’s position as procurator.12 The commission The composition of the inkstand portrait, with the for a functional bronze like this one, to summon up bust-length figure breaking the inscription, suggests an examplar of ancient virtue on a city official’s desk, a designer possibly associated with the workshop of could have come from Girolamo or someone offering Giovanni Cavino. That artist, active in Padua, took a him a congratulatory gift. Other Marcello family similar approach in medals with both fictive ancient members with connections to Padua are, however, portraits and contemporary portraits in antique garb recorded in the sixteenth century, including some (fig. 5).9 Cavino may have been trained by Riccio, for involved with its military defense, who might have whose will he was an executor in 1532; thus he belonged enjoyed reminders of their descent from the heroic to the same artistic circle as the inkstand sculptor.10 But consul.13 The placement of an ancestral image on the what is this image doing on the underside of a desk utensil? bottom, invisible to all but the owner and intimates, would meet the traditional expectation that Venetian An answer was proposed in 2002 by Manfred Leithe- nobles should avoid public celebrations of personal or , then visiting senior curator of sculpture at the family glory. National Gallery of Art. He was a leading participant in the design of the new sculpture galleries that The sides of the base are decorated with three opened in the ground floor of the West Building that mythological scenes – Hercules and a Centaur, Hercules year, where the inkstand was installed. Given its likely and the Cattle of Geryon, and Cacus Stealing the Cattle of production in the , Leithe-Jasper suggested the Geryon from Hercules, all derived from plaquettes by tiny portrait relief marked the bronze vessel as a work Moderno (fig. 6).14 This did not require the direct made for a member of the Marcello family. Like many participation of that great plaquette sculptor, nor Venetian patrician families, the Marcello claimed does the quality of the casts suggest it. His designs noble Roman lineage – in their case descent from the could easily have been appropriated, as aftercasts, by aforementioned Marcus Claudius Marcellus, warrior a Paduan workshop. Moderno Hercules plaquettes and consul, who conquered Syracuse in the Second also appear on the triangular bases of the examples Punic War, and confronted Hannibal. The portrait in the Rijksmuseum and Smith perfume burners (the could thus have represented that illustrious presumed latter adapted as a pricket candlestick).15 The Wallace ancestor of a Marcello owner of the bronze.11 Collection version has small, unique reliefs of goddesses and Fame, discussed by Warren. Three others – two in Among Marcello family members whose careers are the Metropolitan Museum of Art, one formerly in the documented, one is on record as a patron of the visual Gutekunst Collection – have satyr masks.16 arts around the right time: Girolamo Marcello, named a procurator of San Marco in 1537 (the inkstand The Hercules reliefs may be more than generic and its cognates are usually dated ca. 1530-1540). A antiquarian motifs adopted as decoration. In this

Fig. 2 / Detail of fig. 1, votive portrait of him by Tintoretto and his workshop context, Hercules could exemplify virtuous labour underside. survives, probably from the 1540s, with the Christ for the common good – a deliberate contrast with 52 The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop 53

underside. The lid’s slightly domical form and leaf- adorned surface, incidentally, correspond to the general design of the element in a comparable position on the 1532 voting urn by Desiderio da Firenze.

The relationship of the alloys, distinct but consistent with production in roughly the same period, is similar to that found in the main sections of the Amsterdam perfume burner. This and the free interchange of design elements from a common repertory suggests the workshop frequently combined sections cast at different but not too distant moments, in order to assemble an implement to suit a client’s requirements and give each completed example what Verber terms “the cachet of exclusivity”.20 In the case of the Washington inkstand, exclusivity goes beyond a mere cachet, for the base seems clearly made to order. The absence of attachment mechanisms characteristic of the perfume burners – such as flanges with bayonet the idle (though agreeably distracting) satyrs, captive mechanisms in the upper section, fitted to slots in a to their own licentious desires.17 That argument is base – further indicates that this is something other

Fig. 3 / Detail of fig. 1, portrait admittedly undermined by evidence that at least one than an adapted burner. Instead, a notch in the upper of M Marcellus on underside. perfume burner (probably the Amsterdam example) edge of the base at one corner and a corresponding with Hercules reliefs on its base had a crowning indentation in the lower edge of the lid indicate Fig. 4 / Woodcut portrait of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, element celebrating those desires: the copulating satyr a plan to align them with each other early in the from Andrea Fulvio, Illustrium couple that Montfaucon felt obliged to censor. Warren object’s history. imagines, Rome, Jacobus proposes that similar offending pairs were in fact the Mazochius, 1517, fol. VI verso. motive for the later alterations that involved replacing The wit behind the Marcellus portrait goes beyond Fig. 5 / Giovanni Cavino, the upper sections of several examples.18 the relatively routine application of such generic Giovanni Mels (d. 1559), copper signs as family coats of arms. Future researchers may alloy, Washington, DC, National Gallery of Art, Samuel H. Kress On the other hand, the alloys of the base, lid, and finial eventually identify an early owner, or find similar Collection. of the Washington inkstand, while distinct from each signs in discreet places on other bronze implements. other, are still consistent with production in the same Meanwhile, the unique and elegant details of this Fig. 6 / Moderno, Hercules and the Cattle of Geryon, general period. And the lid, although it fits the base object for use remind us that a bronze workshop busily late fifteenth/early sixteenth less perfectly than those on the related vessels,19 seems replicating its models could rise to the occasion when century, copper alloy, to be the only lid on a container in the group that has called on to individualize a creation, even one derived Washington, DC, National Gallery of Art, Samuel H. Kress its surface adorned with acanthus leaves. These, while from popular models, for a particular client at a Collection. less finely wrought, echo the use of such leaves on the particular moment.21 54 The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop The Marcello Inkstand: Personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop 55

NOTES

1. For a full discussion and census see Jeremy Warren, imitation of a Roman coin with the head of an 14. For the plaquettes see Douglas Lewis, “The Plaquettes The Wallace Collection. Catalogue of Italian Sculpture, 2 vols. Emperor, surrounded by acanthus leaves”. P.A.B. of Moderno and his Followers,” in Italian Plaquettes. (London: The Trustees of the Wallace Collection, Widener, Inventory of the Objets d’Art at Lynnewood Hall, Studies in the History of Art 22, Symposium Papers, Center 2016), I, no. 61, pp. 293-299. See also Anthony Elkins Park, Penna. Estate of the Late P.A.B. Widener for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, 9, ed. Alison Luchs Radcliffe and Nicholas Penny, eds., Art of the Renaissance (Philadelphia, 1935), p. 9. (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1989), pp. Bronze, 1500-1650. The Robert H. Smith Collection I am grateful to the anonymous reader of this article 105-141, esp. 110-111. (London: Phillip Wilson, 2004), no. 3, pp. 28-35; and for raising important questions about the function, 15. Marika Leino, Fashion, Devotion and Contemplation. The Frits Scholten and Monique Verber, From Vulcan’s and for calling attention to the only comparable object Status and Functions of Italian Renaissance Plaquettes (Oxford: Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800 known to me with a significant decorative motif on the Peter Lang, 2013), pp. 148-150, discusses the Moderno (London: Daniel Katz Ltd., 2005), pp. 44-47. For the underside: a small inkstand or in the Victoria plaquette motifs on the bases as “aftercasts added to base type see Nicholas Penny, “The Evolution of the and Albert Museum (inv. 568-1865), in the form of an the wax model and modified in outline where necessary Plinth, Pedestal, and Socle,” in Collecting Sculpture in Early octagonal pedestal, with bacchic figures on the sides and to fit them into the shape provided by the structure. Modern Europe. Studies in the History of Art 70, Symposium a medallion with a bust of Apollo on the bottom. See Whether the artists combining the pieces together Papers, Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, 47, eds. http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O153076/pedestal- recognized the relief designs as by Moderno, or simply Nicholas Penny and Eike D. Schmidt (Washington, unknown/ ; and Jeremy Warren, Medieval and Renaissance used them as attractive antique style scenes, is not clear.” DC: National Gallery of Art, 2008), pp. 460-481, esp. Sculpture in the Ashmolean Museum. Vol. 1: Sculpture in Metal 16. For the former Gutekunst example, whereabouts 465-466 fig. 10. (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2017), p. 74. unknown, see Wilhelm Bode, Italian Bronze Statuettes I am grateful to Dylan Smith, Robert H. Smith 7. For example https://www.britishmuseum.org/ of the Renaissance, ed. and rev. James David Draper, Research Conservator for Object Conservation, for collection/object/C_1843-0116-483. 3 vols. (New York: M. A. S. de Reinis, 1980), III, pl. information and elucidation concerning technical 8. Andrea Fulvio, Illustrium imagines (Rome: Jacobus CCXLIV. For the Metropolitan Museum examples see aspects of the bronzes in question, including the alloy Mazochius, 1517), fol. VI verso. The woodcuts are metmuseum.org, inv. 41.200.78 and inv. 1982.60.108 and the applied material and marks on the interior of widely attributed to Ugo da Carpi. (ex. Blumenthal and Linsky collections). the Washington example. 9. See J. Graham Pollard, Eleonora Luciano, and 17. Lewis, “The Plaquettes of Moderno,” discusses 2. Bernard de Montfaucon, Supplément au livre de L’antiquite Maria Pollard, Renaissance Medals (Washington, DC: arguments for the Moderno Hercules plaquettes, expliquee et representee en figures ..., vol. 1 (Paris: Chez la National Gallery of Art, 2007), pp. 52-70. For an together, as an allegory of Fortitude. For the Hercules veuve Delaulne [etc.], 1724), pp. 138-141, pls. L-LIII. image of a later Marcellus (married to Octavia, and satyr imagery as a deliberate contrast of virtue 3. See Davide Banzato, Andrea Briosco detto il Riccio: mito sister of ) ascribed to the circle of Cavino, and vice see Dieter Blume in Natur und Antike in der pagano e cristianesimo nel Rinascimento. Il candelabro pasquale see https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/ Renaissance: Ausstellung im Liebieghaus, Museum Alter del Santo a Padova (Milan: Skira, 2009); by the same object/C_1856-1106-63. Plastik, Frankfurt am Main, 5 Dezember 1985 bis 2. Marz author, “Riccio’s Humanist Circle and the Paschal 10. Riccio’s will is published in Antonio Sartori, ed., 1986, ed. S. Ebert-Schifferer, exh. cat. (Frankfurt am Candelabrum,” in Andrea Riccio. Renaissance Master of Documenti per la storia dell’arte a Padova (Vicenza: Neri Main: Das Museum, 1985), p. 472. Bronze, eds. Denise Allen and Peta Motture, exh. cat. Pozzi, 1976), pp. 202-203. 18. Warren, Wallace Collection, p. 295; also Radcliffe and (New York: The Frick Collection, 2008), pp. 41-63; 11. For fifteenth-century texts discussing the Marcello Penny, Art of the Renaissance Bronze, p. 32. Shelley Sturman, Simona Cristanetti, Debra Pincus, family’s proud descent from Marcus Claudius 19. Warren, Wallace Collection, p. 299 n. 7, finds the Karen Serres and Dylan Smith,“’Beautiful in Form and Marcellus see Margaret King, The Death of the Child triangular lid “not original to the base section”. The fit Execution’: The Design and Construction of Andrea Valerio Marcello (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, is not perfect, and the alloy of the lid differs both from Riccio’s Paschal Candlestick,” The Burlington Magazine 1994; 2nd, electronic ed. 2009), pp. 69, 74-77, 141, 214. the base and the bound satyr finial (see note 5). 151 (2009): pp. 666-672. There was a Venetian coin called a marcello, named 20. Scholten and Verber, From Vulcan’s Forge, p. 44. For 4. Attribution history summed up by Warren, Wallace for Doge Niccolò Marcello who first issued it in 1473- the Amsterdam perfume burner, Verber notes that Collection, p. 296; the Desiderio da Firenze attribution 1474. See Eugene Johnson, “Portal of Empire and “different alloys were used for the two lower sections… was first proposed by Jaap Leeuwenberg, Rijksmuseum Wealth: Jacopo Sansovino’s Entrance to the Venetian This would seem to indicate that the parts were cast te Amsterdam. Verslag van de hoofddirecteur over het jaar 1957, Mint,” The Art Bulletin 86 (2004): pp. 430-468, esp. at different times and were left ‘on the shelf ’ in the published 1959, p. 16. For a monograph proposing an 447-448, 458 n. 98. The tiny portrait roundel on the workshop for a while before being assembled.” Based on oeuvre and activity for Desiderio see Bertrand Jestaz, inkstand might be a humorous allusion to such a coin, x-ray fluorescence analysis of the Washington inkstand, “Desiderio da Firenze: Bronzier à Padoue au XVIe. but does not resemble it. Dylan Smith reports (personal communication to the Siècle, ou le faussaire de Riccio,” Monuments et mémoires 12. The votive painting, privately owned, is discussed by author 3-4 August 2020) that the alloys of the three de la foundation Eugène Piot 84 (2005): pp. 99-171; pp. Robert Echols and Frederick Ilchman, eds., Tintoretto: Artist sections are “generally brasses, but distinct from each 116-118 on the Washington inkstand. of Renaissance Venice, exh. cat. (Washington, DC: National other in bulk alloy composition and in trace element 5. For the Washington inkstand, inv. 1942.9.140, see Gallery of Art, 2018), p. 42, and p. 228 n. 36. See Paola content,” thus “possibly contemporary, but not cast in a https://www.nga.gov/collection/art-object-page.1279. Rossi, “I primi committenti del giovane Tintoretto,” in single pour (or even one right after another).” html. The finial satyr derives from a model popular La Giovinezza di Tintoretto, eds. Guillaume Cassegrain et 21. Practices in Venetian bronze workshops ranged from both for utensil handles and apparently for independent al. (Venice: Linneadacqua, 2017), pp. 18-29; and Michel replicating popular designs, as casts from preserved small bronzes. See Manfred Leithe-Jasper, Renaissance Hochmann in Tintoretto. A Star was Born, ed. Roland moulds or aftercasts of bronzes, to personalizing Master Bronzes from the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna Krischel, exh. cat. (Cologne: Wallraff-Richartz-Museum & functional objects to commemorate life events. The (Washington, DC: Scala books in association with the Fondation Corboud, 2017), no. 36, pp. 148, 153. latter could involve close collaboration between a Traveling Exhibition Service, 13. On the Marcello and Padua see Linda L. Carroll, patron and bronze-maker. See Victoria Avery, Vulcan’s 1986), no. 22, pp. 116-119. For the lid see note 19. Commerce, Peace, and the Arts in Renaissance Venice: Forge in Venus’ City: the Story of Bronze in Venice, 1350- 6. The tiny portrait image was noted by the Widener Ruzante and the Empire at Center Stage (Abingdon, Oxon: 1650 (New York: Published for the British Academy by curator, Edith Standen, who described it as “an Routledge, 2016), pp. 32-33, 47-48. Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 127-131, 166-167. For Charles Avery 57

A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 1

PETA MOTTURE

It is a great pleasure to be able to contribute to this and an encouragement to them to attain the highest volume in honour of Charles Avery, who for many degree of excellence”.4 His view of the collection years had responsibility – alongside my mentor and was, however, not wholeheartedly supported, with our mutual friend Anthony Radcliffe – for much of such notable dissenters as Lord Palmerston, the the sculpture collection at the Victoria and Albert Prime Minister, who apparently asked Cole, “What Museum (V&A) for which it is now my privilege is the use of such rubbish to our manufacturers?”5 to be a curator. Over the years, I have benefitted Following a protracted and complicated enormously from Charles’s generosity in sharing his negotiation, Cole ultimately won the day, in part discoveries and expertise, as well as the warmth of by enlisting the support of Prince Albert. The his friendship. Notably, starting with his time at the Soulages collection, initially displayed in December V&A, Charles became a leading expert in the study 1856 at Marlborough House in London and in of bronzes, and this paper reflects some of the tricky the 1857 Manchester Art Treasures exhibition, issues facing those who specialize in these often- was eventually acquired for the South Kensington elusive objects. Focusing primarily on the collection Museum (SKM, now the V&A) in the 1860s. of the lawyer and antiquary Jules Soulages (1803- 1857),2 this paper offers a brief glimpse into how the In his 1856 catalogue of the collection, John nineteenth-century appetite for Italian Renaissance Charles Robinson (1824-1913) tells us that Soulages bronzes was satisfied through both legitimate and made repeated through Italy between 1830 nefarious means. and 1840 with the express purpose of acquiring “specimens of Art”.6 It was a time when collecting By 1855 Soulages – a native of , who decorative arts was just taking off in earnest. And it spent much of his life in Paris – had decided to was also a time that, until comparatively recently, sell his entire collection of ‘decorative objects of was thought to be too early for the widespread utility’,3 and the Museum’s then director Henry faking we associate with later in the century. In Cole (1808-1882), ventured to the south of France fact, Charles Drury Fortnum (1820-1899) – the with photographer Charles Thurston Thompson great amateur expert, particularly of bronzes and Fig.1 / (V&A: 601-1865) (1816-1868) to examine its contents. Considered maiolica, who was later to write the catalogue Italy (Veneto), Putto Playing by many to be of great importance for collectors of bronzes in the SKM – satisfied himself on the a Guitar; (V&A: 604-1865) back of Putto Playing a Violin and – significantly for the Museum’s collecting status of a doorknocker in his possession by tracing ca. 1560-1600; and (V&A: policy – manufacturers, the acquisition of the its provenance to 1846 which he considered “long 612-1865), Putto Holding a collection was championed by Cole, who argued before the modern casts were fabricated for sale”.7 Tortoise, ca. 1830-1850, all gilt bronze, London, Victoria and that “models of the highest excellence [need to be] However, the incentive for forgery was far from Albert Museum. kept before the eyes of artisans, as an inducement new by the mid-nineteenth century. 58 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 59

Robinson described Soulages as “not only one of the It has long been recognized that a vast number of earliest but also most systematic collectors, … thus these sixteenth- to seventeenth-century decorative [who was] enabled to acquire, in a few years, such a or functional bronzes were foundry productions, Collection, as could now scarcely be got together by inspired in terms of style and composition by works any individual in the course of a lifetime.”8 Bronzes of the leading sculptors active in Venice, such as were one of the three main categories, second only to Jacopo Sansovino (1486-1570), Alessandro Vittoria maiolica, and ahead of cinquecento furniture. The (1525-1608), Niccolò Roccatagliata (ca. 1560-1636) “bronzes etc.” (which numbered over 100, including and (1549-1621).14 In the past, metalwork) were praised by Robinson for their general such putti as discussed above were generally – and excellence, the like of which had apparently “never been occasionally still are – given to Roccatagliata, and equalled in any other collection, imported or offered although associations have also been made with for sale at any time in ”. “There is no class of Giuseppe de Levis (1552-1611/14) and Andrea di works of rarer occurrence than fine Italian bronzes…” Alessandri (1524/25-1573), known as Il Bresciano, Robinson’s introduction tells us.9 Regrettably, not all of they are not attributed to either in Charles Avery’s Soulages’s bronzes stand up to scrutiny, but they serve to monographs on the two founders.15 A group of five illustrate some of the tricks of the trade in which certain salt-cellars in the V&A, each comprising a kneeling dealers – and even collectors themselves – engaged. figure holding a shell and traditionally attributed to Grandi (1531-1540), on the basis of the stylistic Campagna, is equally questionable. Of these, two relationship to their treatment of decorative features, A century after Soulages was collecting, Otto Kurz are probably Renaissance in date,16 one is perhaps especially the intertwining ribbon pattern on the bases.21 warned that “fakes hunt in packs, they are rarely made eighteenth-century,17 while two of a smaller scale However, on closer examination the candlesticks have as unique specimens.”10 This was no doubt to feed the appear by their facture to be nineteenth-century some telling differences. Most notably the background desires of collectors like Soulages who had a penchant imitations.18 of that on the left (V&A: 551-1865) is punched or for pairs or sets, including some gilt-bronze figures from stippled, while it is smooth with evidence of turning on the collection. Transformed into diminutive statuettes Kurz also warned his readers that fabrications of the other (V&A: 552-1865) (see fig. 2). Both treatments by separation from their original setting, a group of the same workshop bear a distinct family likeness.19 are found on genuine Renaissance foundry pieces, but six music-making putti are a case in point. Although Fortnum recognized such a resemblance – though it seems odd to find different surfaces on what purport

five appear to be of the late Renaissance period, there without questioning authenticity – in a pair of Fig. 2 / Above: (V&A: 551 to be a pair. The shape of the fittings used to secure the is one obvious interloper, which, though clearly a candlesticks from the Soulages Collection (fig. 2) and an & 552-1865) Attributed top section (apparently cast in one) to their bases also nineteenth-century replacement, was catalogued as inkstand acquired from the Bernal Collection for the to workshop of Vincenzo differ, with the “turned” version being , while and Gian Girolamo Grandi, 11 20 early until recognized by Radcliffe. Like another of Museum in 1855. Fortnum positively raved about the Candlesticks, ca. 1540 (left the “stippled” is round. the figures, this one holds a harp, but has a different candlesticks, seeing them as the handiwork of one of the one possibly ca. 1830-1850), pose, a rectangular base, and is open at the back, which, great -sculptors of the “Renaissance”, such as bronze, London, The Victoria While Fortnum considered the base of the “stippled” and Albert Museum. together with the treatment of the surface, flags its Andrea Riccio (1470-1532), Antonio Pollaiuolo (1433- example to be a replacement, it is that on the “turned” later facture.12 A similar treatment is seen in a smaller, 1498) or Andrea del Verrocchio (ca. 1435-1488). They Below: Vincenzo and candlestick which looks modern in facture.22 And unrelated Putto holding a tortoise, here compared with two are now attributed to the workshop of the sixteenth- Gian Girolamo Grandi, although he compared them favourably to the elegant Candlestick, 1531-1540, of the larger group (fig. 1), which is also likely to be a century sculptors and bronzists active in Padua and bronze, Oxford, The and finely worked one in his own collection (now in nineteenth-century product.13 Trent, Vincenzo (1507-1575) and Gian Girolamo Ashmolean Museum. the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford), the juxtaposition 60 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 61

confirms immediately that the Soulages pair do not Sea Monster in the Frick Collection in New York, which match up to it, as noted by Jeremy Warren, who has is signed by the artist where the shell attaches.30 These suggested that the “turned” candlestick could be a screw-fittings potentially allowed the Renaissance later product of the Grandi workshop.23 Certainly, owner to “mix and match” a selection of pieces as they the detailing and lively handling of the “turned” wished to create a unique object from sections that candlestick is superior to the ”stippled” one. The might be replicated in some numbers. In the left-hand differences, however, beg the question as to whether object, the hand-made screw of the shell has been the Soulages candlesticks are both genuine products replaced with a modern equivalent, which is much of the Grandi or a similar workshop (albeit with slimmer and machine tooled (fig. 4). Crowning the one bearing a replacement foot), or whether one of right-hand concoction is a hanging lamp in the form them is a genuine later reproduction, or even a fake, of a sphinx-like creature. The sections of this object deliberately created to fool the eye of an avid collector have been joined using modern solder. Neither of these who wanted a matching pair.24 According to Kurz: objects, therefore, could function as a candlestick, the purpose suggested by their lower sections, nor could two genuine candlesticks may form a pair, either work very successfully as an inkwell or lamp. but otherwise no two pieces are exactly They seem instead to have been created as decorative alike. Imitations, on the other hand, have a bronzes that would appeal to a collector. Similarly, an natural inclination to hunt in packs, and if ill-fitting lid to a Soulages “inkstand” is in fact the top two or more pieces [are] coming from the of an incense burner, crowned by a figure of an [Older] same mould one may be sure that there is Roman Warrior, now attributed to Bresciano with its pair, something fishy about the matter.25 a Younger Roman Warrior. Another version of the former was acquired in 1860 as a Florentine sixteenth-century This might be applied to another set of candlesticks statuette, “originally on the cover of an inkstand”.31 at the V&A, very similar to the “stippled” version but acquired ten years later, neither of which is entirely So, where was Soulages acquiring these bronzes? convincing.26 According to Robinson, the Frenchman’s aggressive collecting policy led to regard him as “one Another telling observation by Kurz is that “spurious of the most successful and untiring ravishers of the combinations of different bronzes are particularly art treasures of their country”.32 Cole, Robinson and dangerous. Occasionally faked bronze candlesticks were Fortnum also travelled widely, buying in various composed of parts derived from different originals or establishments. An 1852 guidebook (written by the supplemented by additional parts.”27 One example of artist, collector and amateur marchand William Blundell this creative embellishment in the Soulages collection Spence, but published anonymously) highlighted the is a “pair” of what purport to be highly decorative now notorious dealer Giovanni Freppa as having “… functional bronzes (fig. 3).28 These flights of fancy, perhaps the largest collection of antiquities, pictures, however, don’t seem to have any secure practical use, bronzes, earthenware, etc., in Europe and was well but instead combine apparently genuine sections with worth visiting”.33 In 1861, John Murray, whose possible aftercasts and/or unrelated pieces. At the top regularly revised guidebooks listed some of the main Fig. 3 / (V&A: 563- of the left-hand bronze is what appears to be part of establishments frequented by travellers and collectors 1865) surmounted by a genuine inkstand in the form of a monster, possibly in the mid- to late nineteenth century, identified the an inkwell, and (V&A: 564-1865) surmounted from the workshop of Severo Calzetta da Ravenna dealers Rusca and Francesco Lombardi together with by hanging lamp, North (1465/75 - before 1538), who was active in Padua and Freppa as “the best”.34 Lombardi, based on the Ponte Italian, part ca. 1540, part his native Ravenna.29 The detachable shell on the tail Vecchio, has also been accused of creating fakes, ca. 1830-1850, bronze, London, Victoria and of the inkwell has the typical hand-made screw found although this has more recently been questioned, and Albert Museum. on works by Severo and his shop, as seen notably in a he was trusted by Fortnum and Cole.35 62 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 63

of Spitzer’s practices, there seems to have been some level of complicity amongst a coterie of socially and professionally-linked individuals in maintaining the veneer of authenticity, which has been neatly speculated to represent a shared desire not “to rock a smooth-sailing and lucrative boat”.40

The disgraced dealer Saloman Weininger (d. 1879) provides another famous example of duplicitous behaviour in the marketplace. He replaced genuine goldsmiths’ work and firedogs from the ducal collection in (commonly called the Estensische Sammlung) with his own copies. The latter are now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, where they were recognized as fakes, leading to his downfall.41 The figures that surmounted Renaissance firedogs could be passed off as independent “statuettes” if divorced from their functional setting. However, I haven’t yet found any firm evidence that they fetched more money, although they were undoubtedly more saleable.42 Amongst the other objects that Weininger duplicated were Paduan Renaissance bronze sphinxes after Riccio (the originals now in the V&A, bequeathed by George Salting; the copies in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Other dealers were anonymous and even less Some of these dealers were undoubtedly knowingly Vienna).43 More recently, bronze roundels showing salubrious. For example, during a shopping trip to Italy selling fakes, sometimes in cahoots with a restorer, but Hercules scenes by Pier Jacopo Alari Bonacolsi, called in 1860 – some twenty to thirty years after Soulages the collectors themselves were not always free from Antico (ca. 1455-1528), sculptor to the Gonzaga court was collecting – Robinson was offered a Botticelli and blame. The Frenchman Frédéric Spitzer (1815-1890) in Mantua, have fallen under suspicion. The V&A two bronzes by a barber in , while at is probably the most notorious example.38 In 1855, already housed two roundels depicting Hercules and the San Sepolcro the local antiquarian was an old woman Spitzer embarked on a close working relationship with Serpents and Hercules and the Erymanthean Boar,44 when who took him to a number of squalid palaces to view the notorious jewellery faker Reinhold Vasters (1827- two more became available in 1958. Now suspected as works for potential purchase.36 It seems likely that 1909), and together with the restorer Alfred André possibly Weininger’s handiwork, Hercules and the Hydra Soulages and other intrepid collectors also visited (1839-1919), Spitzer is held responsible for (amongst and Hercules and the Nemean Lion (fig. 5) are both based such establishments. In fact, The Art Journal of 1856 many other things) creating replicas of the Shouting Fig. 5 / (V&A: A.1-1959) on partially gilded roundels also from the Estensische Attributed to Reinhold suggested that Soulages was “probably still remembered Horseman by Riccio. The original bronze, which had Vasters, after an original by Sammlung, now in the Museo Nazionale del Bargello, in some of the least promising of these dark botteghe in been restored by André, was purchased at the sale Pier Jacopo Alari Bonacolsi, Florence.45 The reverses are not so dissimilar from the the narrowest and most retired streets of Florence and of Spitzer’s collection in 1893 by the Australian-born called Antico, Hercules and two other roundels in the V&A, but the treatment of the Nemean Lion, bronze, Fig. 4 / (V&A: 563-1865), see Rome, and, perhaps, in many of those secondary cities British collector George Salting (1835-1909) and London, Victoria and Albert the relief appears more mechanical and simplified than fig. 3, dismantled. of the Italian states”.37 bequeathed to the V&A in 1910.39 Given knowledge Museum. any of those securely given to Antico. 64 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 65

Returning to the collection of Jules Soulages, a grand sold on the London art market in 2006, a variation doorknocker described on acquisition by the Museum having been exhibited by Michieli in the 1867 Paris as of “fine design and beautiful workmanship by John Exposition Universelle.49 This model is clearly based on of Bologna,” or Giambologna (1529-1608), certainly several Venetian Renaissance prototypes, including a seems to be a perfectly good late sixteenth-century candelabrum by Maffeo Olivieri (1484-1543) in San piece, albeit produced in a Venetian foundry rather than Marco (from which the section with a ring of men in that of the Medici grand-ducal sculptor (fig. 6).46 The is directly copied) and another by Andrea Bresciano doorknocker appears well used, with iron set into the in Santa Maria della Salute.50 The Michieli foundry shoulders for strength, and with a split iron pin.47 produced a similarly embellished example directly Soulages seems to have fared rather better with this copied from the Paschal Candlestick in Santo Stefano, bronze, as many later casts of such works exist. They Venice of 1577, now given to Orazio di Gottardo, after continued to be made, without any intention to deceive, an original model by Bresciano.51 Giuseppe Michieli often as replacements for those sold or stolen from the honed his skills as a bronze-maker initially in his native

Fig. 7 / Left: (V&A: 1592- great palaces, or for those bearing a previous owner’s Padua before being supported to study sculpture at 1855) Italy (Venice), arms when the palaces changed hands. For example, the Academy of Fine Arts in Venice. He operated his Door-knocker, probably ca. the founder Giuseppe Michieli (1824-1909) advertised a foundry there during the second half of the nineteenth 1560-1600, bronze, London, Fig. 6 / (V&A: 573-1865) Victoria and Albert Museum. cast of basically the same model as another apparently and early twentieth centuries, producing both original front and back, Italy sixteenth-century V&A doorknocker.48 The Michieli works and replicas of Renaissance masterpieces (as (Venice), Door-knocker, Right: Michieli Foundry version could possibly date to around 1866 (fig. 7), given even functional bronzes were then generally held to be) ca. 1560-1600, bronze, catalogue n.d. (ca. 1860- London, Victoria and 1880), no. 79, Door-knocker that this is the date inscribed on a pair of elaborate on both a large and small scale. He was not alone in Albert Museum. ‘Da Ponte’. candelabra attributable to the foundry that were making such copies.52 66 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 67

Another common model, known in numerous to be a signed work by Jacopo Sansovino, but the examples, takes the form of what might be described curator Godfrey Evans was suspicious, particularly as a “wildman mask”. The V&A has a pair, acquired in about the signature, and questioned whether it was 1860 as Italian sixteenth-century, but there seems little indeed a work of that master.55 Although I have doubt that they were contemporary, most likely made not handled the bronze, the design struck a chord by Michieli, who sold a pair of the same model at no. and there it was in Michieli’s catalogue (fig. 9). An 84 in his catalogue (fig. 8).53 The combination of a thin apparently genuine reproduction of a model then casting with a shadow of the features on the back can believed to be by Sansovino, it was not necessarily often be associated with modern bronzes of this type, made by the Michieli foundry, and the facture which were usually sand-cast, as these seem to be. Such does not immediately chime with other modern works are still produced in this way in the only surviving casts as obviously as that shown in fig. 8, given Fig. 9 / Above: Possibly Michieli foundry in Venice, Fonderia Valese. Situated near Foundry, ‘Sansovino’ Mask, ca. its uneven reverse and flawed cast. However, the the church of Madonna dell’Orto, the foundry was 1860-1880, bronze, Edinburgh, “signature” – apparently written in the wax before founded by Luigi Valese in 1913 and still casts some of National Museums of Scotland. casting – certainly raises alarm bells (fig. 10).56 54 Fig. 8 / Above: (V&A: 7239- the same models as appear in Michieli�s catalogue. Centre: Possibly Michieli Another version appears at lot 84 in the 1905 sale 1860) front and back, Probably Foundry, Mask of a Vampire, ca. catalogue of the collection of Francis Capel-Cure Michieli Foundry, Wildman However, the very nature of the casting process, 1850, bronze, Christie, Manson (1854-1933), where it was described as a “mask of a Mask door pull, ca. 1855-1860, & , Francis Capel-Cure bronze, London, Victoria and particularly of this type of functional bronze, can sale, May 1905, no. 84. vampire with horns and wings – Italian middle of Albert Museum. make detection of later casts quite difficult, as many the 17th century, formerly in the Grimani Palace, continued to be made using similar lost-wax techniques Below: Michieli Foundry Venice, sold in 1852 by Count Grimani to Mr Below: Michieli Foundry catalogue n.d. (ca. 1860-1880), catalogue n.d. (ca. 1860-1880), over a long period of time. A mask, in the Royal no. 74, Mask for door: Sansovino, Edward Cheney”, from whom Capel-Cure had no. 84, Mask ‘Brioschi’, bronze. Museum of Scotland (figs. 9-10), for example, purports bronze. ultimately inherited it.57 68 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 69

to the political upheaval,61 and it is interesting to note that Grimani seemingly sold the “Sansovino” mask to Cheney in 1852, when Michieli first went to Venice. It is entirely possible that other foundries (such as that of Michelangelo Guggenheim [1837-1914] and Giordani) were already producing this model. Some other objects in the Cheney/Capel-Cure sale look equally suspect, and it raises the question about the of some of these early provenances.62

Amongst the Renaissance replicas sold across Europe by the flourishing Michieli foundry were two small- scale, free copies of Donatello’s Gattamelata and Verrocchio’s Colleoni, famous equestrian monuments, versions of which were bought on tall marble bases by the SKM in 1890 as acknowledged reproductions In another entry in the 1905 Capel-Cure sale by “Cav. G. Michieli” of 1887.63 Similarly, a lion- catalogue, Cheney is described as having sat in a mask doorknocker with two mermaids was purchased gondola while a doorknocker showing Neptune with in 1893 as a contemporary work by Fratelli Mora hippocamps was removed from the canal entrance of Milan and Brescia, a foundry that is yet to be of the Palazzo Corner Mocenigo in San Polo.58 This investigated.64 In both these instances, no deception popular model – known in several variants, the design was intended – nor would they fool the eye today. In generally related to Vittoria – appears in Giovanni a similar vein, several pieces of door furniture taking Grevembroch’s Raccolta di Battitori a Venezia (1758), a the form of a black man’s head at Kingston Lacy in signed by the same nineteenth-century founder, their own collections, and how much they were duped volume of watercolours of Venetian doorknockers, as Dorset (fig. 11) were apparently commissioned and Angelo Giordani.68 Other foundries, including those by unscrupulous dealers and fakers, but the complicity adorning the doors of eleven palaces, including the possibly designed for the house by William Bankes of Michieli and Guggenheim, also made small-scale of the market as noted above in relation to Spitzer Palazzo Mocenigo at San Stae.59 It was also amongst (1786-1855), while he was living in Venice.65 He versions of this work, presumably as souvenirs for the makes for an interesting perspective. those reproduced by Michieli, and by the Venetian would have seen similar Renaissance door furniture tourist market.69 founder Angelo Giordani (active in the 1840s and ‘50s there, which related to the family crest of a so-called What is certain, as acknowledged by Fortnum when at least), a signed and dated version (apparently 1859) “blackamoor”, but incorporating a fleur-de-lys as Although the Soulages collection was described in discussing one pair of V&A (Soulages) candlesticks, having appeared at Sotheby’s in 2005.60 While it is seen in the Kingston Lacy knockers and finials. 1856 as containing an unusual number of works of which he accepted as Renaissance,72 is that both old and necessary to remain cautious when comparing bronzes Fortunately, one of these (fig. 11 centre) is signed extraordinary importance, with “perhaps not one bad young collectors made mistakes when confronted with through images alone, especially when one of those “Angelo Giordani / modello e fuse /1855”.66 This or dubious piece”,70 many of Soulages’s bronzes, as modern copies in the Renaissance style. Even today it is a fuzzy photocopy, the apparent crispness of the led Radcliffe to suggest that firedogs in the same we have seen, do not stand up to scrutiny, turning out can be difficult to be entirely certain of the date of a Capel-Cure “Sansovino” mask suggests that it may collection are probably nineteenth-century, possibly to be duplicates, aftercasts, concoctions or genuine cast. More investigation needs to be done in relation to well be a Michieli cast (see fig. 9). Indeed, it is perfectly from the same foundry, and not – as they had been reproductions that have been misunderstood. This can the nineteenth-century production of Renaissance-style possible that the Neptune doorknocker bought by identified over time – late Renaissance bronzes.67 A equally be said of virtually every other nineteenth- bronzes, and this essay has only scratched the surface. Fig. 10 / Possibly Michieli Cheney was also a contemporary replacement of one similar mistake was made in a 1972 sale catalogue, and early twentieth-century collection of bronzes, It has not touched on what technical examination and Foundry, back of ‘Sansovino’ that had been stolen or sold. According to Michieli’s concerning a small-scale replica of Niccolò di Conti’s Fig. 11 / Foundry of Angelo including Spitzer, Cheney/Capel-Cure, and Salting.71 It analysis might have to offer, but even just looking with Mask, ca. 1860-1880, Giordani, Door furniture, bronze, Edinburgh, National publicity, the production of bronzes in Venice was signed and dated (1556) monumental bronze wellhead ca. 1855, bronze, Kingston is not always entirely clear how much of an active or fresh eyes can tell us a lot, albeit – as is so often the case Museums of Scotland. neglected between 1780 and 1852, presumably due in the courtyard of the Doge’s Palace, which was Lacy, Dorset, National Trust. conscious role Soulages and others played in enhancing – more questions may be raised than answered.73 70 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 71

NOTES

1. I am grateful to Paul Joannides and Irene Brooke 5. Burton, Vision and Accident, p. 35. Bresciano. Bronze-Caster of Renaissance Venice (London: 27. Kurz, Fakes: A Handbook, p. 178. Similar concoctions Ornamental Art and The South Kensington Museum, collections online database for an image of the back. for the opportunity to publish in honour of Charles 6. Robinson highlighted that the objects that interested Philip Wilson Publishers, 2020). were created in the eighteenth century by artists such as 1853-1862,” Journal for the History of Collections 10 (1998): Doorknockers were typically (though not always) cast Avery, whose scholarship of Renaissance sculpture and Soulages were not acknowledged as “high art” or yet 15. See, for example, Emile van Binnebeke, Bronze Sculpture: Giambattista Piranesi (1720-1778). pp. 169-188, p. 184 (referencing Robinson’s Italian open at the back both in the Renaissance and later (see bronzes has been so important to the field, including designated as “works of art”; Robinson, Catalogue of the Sculpture from 1500-1800 in the Collection of the Boymans- 28. V&A: 563-1865 and 564-1865. Journal, 1860, in the Ashmolean Museum). also note 12 above). Some modern examples can be our understanding of the importance of foundrymen Soulages Collection, p. iii and (specifically in relation to the van Beuningen Museum (Rotterdam: Museum Boymans 29. See, for example, Giovanni Mariacher, Bronzetti Veneti del 37. “The Soulage [sic] Collection,” The Art Journal 2 (1856): recognized both by style/handling and/or the nature of in sculptural production. This study was originally bronzes) p. 107. van Beuningen, 1994), no. 14, pp. 74-75. For De Levis Rinascimento (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1971), no. 89, p. 31. p. 381; Wainwright, “Shopping for South Kensington,” the cast, e.g. if particularly thin and even. inspired by an invitation to speak at a conference at 7. See Nicholas Penny, Catalogue of European Sculpture in and putti, see Charles Avery, Joseph de Levis & Company. For Severo da Ravenna, see notably Jeremy Warren, p. 50. 48. V&A: 1592-1855. the Metropolitan Museum of Art, organized in 2004 the Ashmolean Museum, 1540 to the Present Day, 3 vols. Renaissance Bronze-founders in Verona (London: Philip “Severo Calzetta detto Severo da Ravenna (Ferrara o 38. Edmond Bonnaffé, Le Musée Spitzer (Paris: Ménard, 49. T he Illustrated Catalogue of the Universal Exhibition: Published by the late James David Draper, and adapted for a talk (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), no. 181, pp. 246-247. Wilson Publishers, 2016), esp. nos. 93-95, pp. 78-82, Ravenna 1465/1475-Ravenna ante 1538),” in Donatello 1890); Paola Cordera, La fabbrica del Rinascimento: Frédéric with The Art Journal (London: Virtue and Co, 1867), given at the Renaissance Society of America annual For a nineteenth-century version and further references, 156-58. For Bresciano and putti, see also Avery, Il e il suo tempo. Il bronzetto a Padova nel Quattrocento e nel Spitzer mercante d’arte e collezionista nell’Europa e delle nuove p. 263 (illustrated); Christie’s, London, The Collector: meeting, held in Washington DC, 2012, in a session see Jeremy Warren’s 2019 entry for inv. NT514968.1, Bresciano, pls. 28-33. Cinquecento, ed. Monica De Vincenti with Elisabetta nazioni (Bologna: Bononia University Press, 2014); Silver & 19th Century Furniture, Sculpture & Works of Art, organized by Jacqueline M. Musacchio. My thanks go Anglesey Abbey, Cambridgeshire: http://www. 16. V&A: 628-1865; V&A: 629-1865, Soulages Collection. Gastaldi, exh. cat. (Padua: Musei Civici, 2001), pp. 131- Paola Cordera, “Art for Sale and Display: German 14 November 2018, lot 644 (possibly the same pair as to Lynn Catterson, Sarah Duncan, Sarah Gallagher, nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/object/514968.1 17. V&A: A.104-1910, Salting Bequest. 143; Dylan Smith, “I bronzi di Severo da Ravenna: un Acquisitions from the Spitzer Collection ‘Sale of the previously seen with a London dealer and identified as Sophie Johnson, Whitney Kerr-Lewis, Catriona Gorlay, (accessed 1 November 2020). 18. V&A: 630-1865; V&A: 631-1865, Soulages Collection. approccio tecnologico per la cronologia,” in L’Industria Century’,” in Florence, Berlin and Beyond: Late Nineteenth- probably by Michieli by the author). Christopher Marsden, Randall, Olivia Stroud, 8. Robinson, Catalogue of the Soulages Collection, p. iv. 19. Kurz, Fakes: A Handbook, p. 17. Artistica del Bronzo del Rinascimento, eds. Matteo Ceriana Century Art Markets and Their Social Networks, ed. Lynn 50. The identical candelabrum appears as no. 3 in and Victoria Worsfold, for their kind assistance in 9. Robinson, Catalogue of the Soulages Collection, p. vi for this 20. Charles Drury Edmond Fortnum, A Descriptive Catalogue and Victoria Avery (Verona: Scripta, 2008), pp. 49- Catterson (Leiden: Brill, 2019), pp. 121-153. Michieli’s catalogue (pl. XXXIV), described relation to the photography and access to information and the previous quote. of the Bronzes of European Origin in the South Kensington 80, and Dylan Smith, “Reconstructing the Casting 39. V&A: A.88-1910; see Motture, The Culture of Bronze, as “Candelabre 18 lumières XV Siécle modèle for this paper during a time of operational restrictions. 10. Otto Kurz, Fakes: A Handbook for Collectors and Students Museum (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, Technique of Severo da Ravenna’s Neptune,” Facture: p. 168, and for Salting and the Spitzer sale see Peta d’invention”, h. 1.5 m., sold for 1500 (presumably I am especially grateful to Victoria Avery, Emma (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1948), p. 17. 1876), pp. 96-98 (candlesticks, V&A: 551-1865 and Conservation, Science, Art History 1 (2013): pp. 167-181. Motture, “’None but the finest things’: George Salting francs) a pair. A brief entry on Michieli appears in Jones, and Jacqueline Musacchio for their invaluable 11. Confirmed during a survey of the bronzes collection 552-1865); pp. 151-152 (inkstand V&A: 2089-1855). 30. New York, The Frick Collection: inv. 1997.2.103; see, as a Collector of Bronzes,” The Sculpture Journal 5 Emmanuel Bénézit, Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des comments on the text. with the current author in the early 1990s. The set The candlesticks have blank shields pierced for the for example, Motture, The Culture of Bronze, p. 159. (2001): pp. 42-61, esp. pp. 48-49. Peintres, Sculpteurs, Dessinateurs et Graveurs, 8 vols. (Paris: Information and references on V&A objects can be comprises V&A: 601 to 606-1865, originally catalogued attachment of arms. 31. V&A: 575-1865 (Soulages inkstand); V&A: 7151-1860; 40. Cordera, “Art for Sale and Display,” p. 130. Gründ, 1953), VI, p. 113; see also Motture, “The found on www.vam.ac.uk via Explore the Collections. as “sixteenth century, Florentine?”. 21. For the Grandi, see Jeremy Warren, “The Grandi in see Avery, Il Bresciano, no. 54, pp. 138, 170, pl. 38. 41. For the firedogs then attributed to Tiziano Aspetti, see Production of Firedogs,” pp. 291, 307 n. 64 for further 2. For Soulages and his collection, see Fifty Years of Public 12. V&A: 603-1865, which adapts V&A: 602-1865, had the Intellectual Context of Renaissance Padua: New 32. Robinson, Catalogue of the Soulages Collection, p. iv. “The Gentle Art of Faking,” Illustrated London News, 16 references, including Ezio Magli, Guglielmo Michieli Work of Sir Henry Cole, 2 vols. (London: George Bell and become separated from the group, without a stabilizing Attributions,” in Carvings, Casts & Collectors. The Art of 33. T he Lions of Florence and its Environs or the Stranger Conducted October 1937, p. 677; John F. Hayward, “Salomon Scultore (Cremona: Tipolitografia Artigiana, 1988), Sons, 1884), vol. I, pp. 290-292; John Charles Robinson, base, and was unavailable at the time of photography Renaissance Sculpture, eds. Peta Motture, Emma Jones, through its Principle Studios, Churches, Palaces and Galleries by Weininger, Master Faker,” Connoisseur 187 (1974): pp. which I have been unable to consult. The foundry was Catalogue of the Soulages Collection: being a Descriptive Inventory for this paper. The Putto with a Tortoise has provided a and Dimitrios Zikos, 2nd ed. (London: V&A Publishing, an Artist (Florence: Le Monnier, 1852), p. 119, cited in 170-179; Motture, “The Production of Firedogs,” located at San Tomà 3907. A photocopy of the rare of a Collection of Works of Decorative Art, Formerly in the substitute to suggest a similar facture. The open back 2014), pp. 104-119; Motture, The Culture of Bronze, p. Clive Wainwright, “Shopping for South Kensington. p. 206 n. 61. For Weininger see also Paulus Reiner, Michieli catalogue has been used to provide the images Possession of M. Jules Soulages of Toulouse: Now, by Permission of 603-1865, however, is narrower and now filled with 183 with further references, p. 250 n. 149. Fortnum and Henry Cole in Florence 1858-1859,” “’Nothing which Made Me Doubt its Authenticity’ (Sir in this essay, hence they are somewhat grainy. I have as of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, exhibited to the public what appears to be a type of resin. The appearance of 22. That base is also faintly marked with ‘IIIIII’, potentially Journal of the History of Collections 11 (1999): pp. 171-185, Augustus W. , British Museum, 1877): Salomon yet been unable to locate an original copy. at the Museum of Ornamental Art, Marlborough House. Part an openly-cast back is not necessarily a sign of a later indicating a number/locator mark as often found on esp. pp. 177-178. For Spence, see also John Fleming, Weininger’s Forgeries and Some Aspects of their British 51. Michieli, no. 321, pl. XXXIII, sold in pairs of h. 1.5 m for 1 (London: Chapman & Hall, 1856); Soulages Collection, production, as this was a means of saving metal for different sections of multi-part works to assist with “Art Dealing in the Risorgimento II,” The Burlington Fortune,” in A Rothschild Renaissance: A New Look at the Fr. 3000; for the original see Avery, Il Bresciano, notably Opinions of the Press 1856-1857, National Art Library, objects designed to be seen from the front alone, such assembly. The mark might also suggest a specific Magazine 121 (1979): pp. 492-508. Waddesdon Bequest in the British Museum, eds. Pippa Shirley ch. 4, pp. 26-27 and no. 4, p. 14. London, press mark: 609.AG.0001 (press cuttings); Clive as when fitted to a casket or piece of furniture. See also number within a series. Oddly, of the two-part low 34. John Murray, Handbook for Travellers in Central Italy. and Dora Thornton (London: The British Museum, 52. Avery, Il Bresciano, no. 5, pp. 146-148, noting copies of a Wainwright, “Models of Inspiration,” Country Life (9 note 47 below. candlesticks V&A: 559-1865 and 560-1865 (Soulages; Including Lucca, Tuscany, Florence, the Marches, Umbria…. 2017), pp. 178-189. 1617 candlestick after Bresciano by Chiurazzi & Co. of June 1988), pp. 266-267; Clive Wainwright, The Romantic 13. V&A: 612-1865. An ungilt version of the Putto with a comprising a holder decorated with cherub heads (London: John Murray, 1861), p. viii; see Wainwright, 42. See, for example, Motture, “The Production of Naples and perhaps Michelangelo Guggenheim in Venice. Interior. The British Collector at Home 1750-1850 (New Tortoise is in Musei Civici, Brescia. supported by three kneeling figures), the former is “Shopping for South Kensington”; Mark Westgarth, Firedogs.” 53. V&A: 7238-1860 and 7239-1860. Michieli catalogue at Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989), pp. 14. See, for example, Bruce Boucher, The Sculpture of inscribed ‘IIIII’ on the underside of the upper section A Biographical Dictionary of Nineteenth-Century Antique and 43. V&A: A.89-1910 and A.90-1910 (attributed to tav. XXVI, described as “Mascaron Brioschi” (perhaps 292-293; Anthony Burton, Vision and Accident: The Story of Jacopo Sansovino, 2 vols. (New Haven and London: Yale and ‘VI’ on the base; see images online for their Curiosity Dealers. Regional Furniture, XXIII (Glasgow: Desiderio da Firenze, after Riccio); see Kurz, Fakes: A referring to Andrea Briosco or Riccio?), which were the Victoria and Albert Museum (London: V&A Publications, University Press, 1991), II, p. 373, no. 121; Claudia different construction. The use of such marks seems Regional Furniture Society, 2009), p. 159 (Rusca, Handbook, p. 177; Hayward, “Salomon Weininger,” p. produced in two sizes. The V&A examples equate 1999), pp. 35-36; Malcolm Baker and Brenda Kryza-Gersch, “Original Ideas and their Reproduction unnecessary if designed as a two-part piece, since whose first name appears to be unknown); pp. 12, 18, 170; Motture, The Culture of Bronze, pp. 167-168. to those of 17 cm sold for Fr. 30 per pair; those of Richardson, eds., A Grand Design: The Art of the Victoria and in Venetian Foundries: Tiziano Aspetti’s Mars in the the candleholder would obviously be at the top and 105, 106 (Giovanni Freppa) http://eprints.whiterose. 44. V&A: 58-1881 and 149-1882; acquired over two years 30 cm were sold for Fr. 50. Other examples of the Albert Museum (London: V&A Publications, 1999), pp. Frick Collection – A Case Study,” in Small Bronzes in logically always part I. This pair is amongst others from ac.uk/42902/ (accessed December 2020). For Freppa, from the same owner. model include a pair (listed as 18 cm) in the National 30, 115, 153; Frank Herrmann, The English as Collectors. A the Renaissance. Studies in the History of Art 62, Center for Soulages that are questionable. see Jeremy Warren, “From Florence to Paris: New 45. V&A: A.1-1959 and A.2-1959, interestingly they were Gallery of Art, Washington, DC; John Pope-Hennessy, Documentary Sourcebook (London: John Murray Publishers, Advanced Study in the Visual Arts. Symposium Papers, 39, 23. See Jeremy Warren, Medieval and Renaissance Sculpture. Evidence for Giovanni Bastianini and his work,” The previously in the Piot Collection (sold, Paris, 21-4 May Renaissance Bronzes from the Samuel H. Kress Collection. 1999), pp. 290-292, with extract from Frank Davis, ed. Debra Pincus (New Haven and London: Yale A Catalogue of the Collection in the Ashmolean Museum, Burlington Magazine 163 (2021): forthcoming March. 1890, no.122); see Motture, The Culture of Bronze, p. Reliefs, plaquettes, statuettes, utensils and mortars (London: Victorian Patrons of the Arts (London: Country Life, 1963), University Press, 2001), pp. 143-157; Peta Motture, Oxford. Volume 1. Sculptures in Metal (Oxford: Ashmolean 35. John Pope-Hennessy, “The Forging of Italian 249 n. 91. Phaidon Press, 1965), no. 500, p. 137, fig. 562 (as summarizing the complex history of the acquisition of “The Production of Firedogs in Renaissance Venice,” Museum Publications, 2014), no. 52, pp. 214-219, esp. Renaissance Sculpture,” reprinted in John Pope- 46. V&A: 573-1865. Giambologna has been a topic of probably Florentine, mid-sixteenth century). the collection; Clive Wainwright (ed. Charlotte Gere), in Large Bronzes in the Renaissance. Studies in the History pp. 218-219 for the V&A candlestick. Hennessy, The Study and Criticism of Italian Sculpture extensive study by Charles Avery, who co-curated 54. https://veneziaautentica.com/venice-shop-valese- “The Making of the South Kensington Museum III. of Art 64, Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, 24. I bought two brass candlesticks in Mysore that (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980), the exhibition Giambologna 1529-1608, Sculptor to the artistic-foundry/; https://originalveniceshop.com/ Collecting Abroad,” Journal of the History of Collections 14 Symposium Papers, 41, ed. Peta Motture (New Haven and appeared to be identical, albeit chosen from a large pp. 223-270, see pp. 233-234 (suggesting works were Medici held at the National Museums of Scotland, en/87-venetian-reproductions-in-brass/; https:// (2002): pp. 45-61, p. 45 n. 1; Julia Fine, “‘Art Treasures’ London: Yale University Press, 2003), pp. 277-307; stock, and it was only on closer examination that the faked); Penny, European Sculpture, I, no. 27 pp. 30- Edinburgh; Victoria and Albert Museum, London; www.venetosecrets.com/en/unusual/fonderia-valese/ and the Aristocracy: Public Art Museums, Exhibitions, Victoria Avery, Vulcan’s Forge in Venus’ City. The Story of slight variations were evident. 31 (as genuine); Wainwright, “Shopping for South Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna in 1978-1979 (the (accessed December 2020). Visits to the foundry are and Cultural Control in Victorian Britain,” Penn History Bronze in Venice 1350-1650 (Oxford: Oxford University 25. Kurz, Fakes: A Handbook, p. 179. Kensington,” pp. 177-178; Westgarth, A Biographical catalogue [London: Arts Council, 1978] was edited possible, and they sell their wares in a shop behind Review 24 (2017): pp. 10-43, esp. p. 15. Accessed online: Press, 2011); Peta Motture, The Culture of Bronze. Making 26. V&A: 470&A-1875, with cast-in arms bearing a Dictionary, p. 133 (as “selling copies of Renaissance by Charles Avery and Anthony Radcliffe), and wrote Saint Mark’s Square. https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol24/iss1/4 and Meaning in Italian Renaissance Sculpture (London: rampant lion, and an underside to the base that is sculptures, etc.”). a seminal monograph on the artist: Giambologna. The 55. Personal correspondence in 2004; my thanks to (accessed December 2020). V&A Publishing, 2019), pp. 115, 140, 190-193, with identical in treatment to 551-1865 (the “stippled” 36. Helen Davies, “John Charles Robinson’s work at the Complete Sculpture (London: Phaidon, 1993). Godfrey Evans. 3. Robinson, Catalogue of the Soulages Collection, p. ii. additional references. For recent attributions of such candlestick). Both appear to be fixed with machine- South Kensington Museum Part I. The Creation of 47. Compare, for example, V&A 1592-1855, which has a 56. Bearing no relationship to signed works or his 4. Quoted from Baker and Richardson, A Grand Design, p. 30. objects to Andrea Bresciano, see Charles Avery, Il made screws, but warrant more technical examination. the Collection of Italian Objects at the Museum of modern replacement split pin; see fig. 7 and the V&A handwritten signature, see Boucher, Sansovino, II, pl. 440. 72 A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti A taste for bronze: feeding the market for Renaissance bronzetti 73

57. Christie, Manson & Woods, London, Catalogue of the Giordani; Motture, “The Production of Firedogs,” pp. Collection of Italian Bronzes, Faience, Objects of Art, & 291, 306-307 n. 63; https://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/ Furniture of the 15th, 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries… formed kingston-lacy (accessed December 2020). by Edward Cheney, Esq… the Property of Francis Capel- 66. Inv. NT 1255185; http://www.nationaltrustcollections. Cure, Esq., 4-5 May 1905 (hereafter cited as: Cheney/ org.uk/object/1255185 (accessed December 2020). Capel-Cure sale of 1905), lot 84. Cheney bequeathed 67. Inv. NT 1255192; http://www.nationaltrustcollections. his property to his nephew, Colonel Alfred Capel-Cure org.uk/object/1255192 (accessed December 2020), (1826-1896), from whom Francis (Alfred’s nephew) currently attributed to Francesco Segala (1564-1592); inherited property. Radcliffe’s notes and correspondence in Museum file 58. Cheney/Capel-Cure sale of 1905, lot 83. on Kingston Lacy. He also suggested that the andirons 59. See Giovanni Grevembroch, Raccolta di Battitori a Venezia in the fireplace of the Salon copying elements from (Venice: G.B. Brusa, 1879), no. 2. See Avery, Vulcan’s Paduan bronze perfume burners of the mid-sixteenth Forge, pp. 141, 169 n. 164, p. 345 pl. 10.55, stating that century and usually ascribed to Desiderio da Firenze more than fifty examples of this knocker are known, (see Warren, “The Grandi,” pp. 196-206, esp. p. 204 some undoubtedly reproductions. Variants in the UK as North Italian, mid- to late sixteenth century; Avery, include those in the British Museum (Waddesdon Il Bresciano, p. 34, pl. 6.4 as attributed to Desiderio, ca. Bequest, formerly Rothschild collection, inv. WB.3); 1540) are “certainly 19th century” probably “bought off Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (inv. WA1888.CDEF. the shelf at some foundry in Venice”. B1097, presented by Fortnum); and the National Trust 68. Howard Ricketts, London, Exhibition of Works of Art, (Anglesey Abbey, Cambridgeshire, inv. NT 514968.1), Arms and Armour, 4-15 December 1972, no. 4. The identified as dating to ca. 1850-1930. All are listed combination of Giordani’s signature (“Angelo Giordani online. The Palazzo Corner Mocenigo was originally [sic] modello e fuse in Venezia”) and the replication built for the Corner and renamed in 1789 when it of di Conti’s inscription led to the assumption that this passed to the female line (married to a Mocenigo); see small version was a model for the original (for which, Bruno Buratti et al., Palazzo Corner Mocenigo a Venezia see Avery, Vulcan’s Forge, esp. pp. 103-110, figs. 8.44-8.58 sede della Guardia di Finanza (Rome: Museo Storico as ca. 1554-1556). della Guardia di Finanza; Venice: Instituto Veneto 69. See Motture, “The Production of Firedogs,” pp. 291, di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 2019), esp. p. 25. It now 307 n. 64. houses the finance police and is also used as a Biennale 70. Robinson, Catalogue of the Soulages Collection, p. vi. venue. The Mocenigo palace at San Stae housed a 71. For example, a pair of candlesticks from the Salting secondary branch of the family and is now the Museo Bequest (V&A: M.688-1910 and A-1910), acquired as di Palazzo Mocenigo. Venetian ca. 1500 appear to be modern casts. 60. Michieli, no. 82 (h. 40 cm), pl. XXVII, sold as after 72. V&A: 559-1865 and 560-1865, see note 20 above; Sansovino for Fr. 200; Sotheby’s, London, European Fortnum, A Descriptive Catalogue, p. 98. Sculpture & Works of Art, 8 July 2005, lot 60, as 73. This paper is the first foray into an intended study of “attributed to Giordano Angelo, probably 19th century the Michieli foundry and others in collaboration with after a model by Alessandro Vittoria”, but noted as Whitney Kerr-Lewis. signed and dated “Giordani Angelo fece in Venezia 1[?]59”. See also below and notes 66-67. 61. My thanks to Michael Michieli for providing much information on the Michieli foundry and family, including the publicity note, and also to Beryl Goodson. 62. However, the sale also included spectacular Renaissance works, such as the Warrior by Riccio, now in a private collection, UK: Cheney/Capel-Cure sale of 1905, lot 82; Denise Allen with Peta Motture, Andrea Riccio. Renaissance Master of Bronze, exh. cat. (New York: Frick Collection, 2008), no. 25, pp. 252-257 (entry by Denise Allen). 63. V&A: 69-1890 and 70-1890, purchased for £25 and £40 respectively. The Colleoni appears at no. 43 as h. 90 cm, pl. XLVII on a marble base for Fr. 2000; the Gattamelata is listed without a base at h. 40 cm, no. 377, pl. IV, shown with no. 280 is another version of Colleoni on a wooden base. 64. V&A: 273-1893. 65. As first recognized by Anthony Radcliffe (Museum file). See Anthony Mitchell, Kingston Lacy, Dorset (London: The National Trust, 1987), esp. p.7, for other works by For Charles Avery 75

A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio1

TIMOTHY CLIFFORD

The decorated interior of the abbey church of San the friezes for the choir and nave, and the decorations Giovanni Evangelista at provides a rare and for the Del Bono chapel, once again all designed by remarkable unity of vision governed by a complex Correggio.4 iconography and a single style.2 Founded in around 980, the old church, focal centre of worship of the One wonders why such an inventive artist as Correggio Benedictine convent, was burnt down after a disastrous did not go on to design even more items for the fire brought about by civic rioting and rebuilt between Cassinese , such as candlesticks, crucifixes, 1490 and 1519. The architect is unknown but tradition sacramental vessels, and vestments. No such drawings has it that it was the architect of Saint Peter’s, Rome, appear to survive while only four of his architectural Donato Bramante (1444-1514). Certainly the building drawings are known.5 One is in the Kupferstichkabinett, work was undertaken firstly by the obscure Giliolo da Berlin (fig. 2), which was formerly in the collection of Reggio, and then by Bernardino Zaccagni of Parma Padre Resta and consists of two studies in red chalk for (1455/65-1529/31). When in 1690 or 1691 that the voluted brackets of a chimney piece.6 These images celebrated amateur of drawings Padre Sebastian Resta are on the verso of a preparatory drawing for Three visited the convent with the painter Giuseppe Passeri, Apostles on Clouds – that is Saint Thaddeus, Saint James they met with the assembled monks who assured them the Less, and Saint Thomas – for the cupola of San that the painter Antonio Correggio (1489-1534) was Giovanni Evangelista. Resta identified the architectural always believed to have been responsible not only for drawing as for either the chimneypiece of the refectory the decoration of the interior but was also the architect. or the kitchen (scaldatorio vecchio) of the convent, both That is to say, that he was in charge of all the building of which survived in his day. It was this drawing that of the church and convent after Bramante had left alerted me to seek out works designed by Correggio that for Rome.3 Although the original architect is still were emphatically neither for frescoes nor altarpieces. unknown, the detailed requirements of the building and the complex sacred iconography would have been There is so much to admire within the church that the the province of the abbot, while the overall decorative visitor, just as he enters, can easily overlook the pair of scheme would appear to have been Correggio’s. unassuming marble holy water stoups that flank the entrance to left and right, butted up against the second On entering the great west door of the church, the pair of Corinthian piers in the nave. These water visitor tends to be overwhelmed by the visual impact of stoups (pile acquasantiere) are worthy of closer inspection. the interior and is drawn down the nave to admire the The white Carrara marble shafts support marble semi-dome of the apse, the pendentives, the drum, the basins to contain holy water. They are plugged in the sottarchi designed and frescoed by Correggio (fig. 1). He centres by terminal statuettes to the left of Saint John the

Fig. 1 / Interior view of San also may admire the frescoed lunette of Saint John the Baptist (fig. 3) and to the right of Saint John the Evangelist Giovanni Evangelista, Parma. Evangelist and the Eagle over the north transept door, (figs. 4 & 5). Both have been seriously damaged over 76 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 77

the last five hundred years, either by iconoclasts or by the constant handling of the faithful combined with the deleterious effects of water. The Baptist, his body with emphatic contrapposto, walks right foot forward wearing his camel skin tied over his left shoulder, and tucked under his right arm are the remains of his water bottle and the Lamb. He would presumably have originally held in his left hand a cane cross perhaps with a banderole inscribed Ecce Agnus Dei, but this is now missing. He is supported by a tree trunk with the branches lopped off. The figure stands on a circular plinth with what appear to be Bacchic satyr masks, their brows decorated with fruiting vine in low relief.7

The companion figure of Saint John the Evangelist, youthful and androgynous is clad in a long tunic with a cloak thrown over his shoulder and gathered around his midriff in ample folds. His feet are shod with sandals and he puts his weight on his right leg, his left leg bent. The saint, his body forming a linea serpentinata, looks over his shoulder to his right. Both his arms and attributes are missing. He stands on a circular pedestal ornamented with masks of an old woman with fruit in her hair, possibly Vertumnus disguised as an old woman to deceive Pomona. It is now difficult to form an idea of this pair of statuettes’ quality as works of art, as they are so damaged, but happily the rest of the water stoups are in excellent condition.

The choice of saints is appropriate as the abbey church is dedicated to Saint John the Evangelist, who is placed in prime position to the right, while his companion, Fig. 2 / Correggio, Two Saint John the Baptist, is on the left. These two saints Studies of a Chimney Piece, red chalk, are frequently so juxtaposed, flanking Christ on the 12.8 x 31cm, Berlin, Cross. They also reflect the pairing of these saints Kupferstichkabinett, in Aretusi’s copy in the apse fresco. Both are closely Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. associated with water, one with the baptism of Christ, while the other refers more to water in his gospel than Fig. 3 / Water stoup with any other evangelist: he wrote “Except a man be born figure of Saint John the Baptist, alabaster, Parma, of water and spirit he cannot enter into the Kingdom San Giovanni Evangelista. of God” (John 3: 5). 78 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 79

On their carapaces they support a drum-shaped of a cushion-shaped vase ornamented at the base pedestal ornamented with three horned, shouting with acanthus leaves and vertical mouldings. These in satyr masks. Their horns are linked with silken turn support a with more acanthus leaves, the banderoles that are knotted to hold small bunches swelling form of the base tapering upwards towards of fruit, possibly medlars or quinces, the loose ends a and reel astragal. This element is hung with of the banderoles flutter in generous loops. The further festoons of fruit suspended from rings tied with identification of the fruit is unsure; however, we are fluttering ribbons.9 reminded by Mrs. Jameson that the Benedictines were revered “as the first agriculturalists who brought The companion water stoup surmounted by the figure intellectual resources, calculation, and science to of Saint John the Evangelist follows the same format bear on the cultivation of the soil; to whom we but the grey cipollino marble plinth is carved with three owe experimental farming and gardening and the rams’ heads while the drum pedestal above is carved introduction of varieties of new ...fruit”.8 with three heads of cherubim (fig. 7), in place of satyrs. The drum pedestals were clearly carved by different Satyrs, evil spirits of the woods and mountains, gather hands for the ribbons on the Evangelist’s drum are fruit from trees and indulge in orgiastic rites. They much heavier and more substantial while the use of the appear to have been introduced to symbolize the , which is very apparent in the Baptist’s drum, is pagan world. The upper section of the shaft consists nowhere to be seen in the Evangelist’s.

Fig. 4 /Water stoup with figure of Saint John the Evangelist, alabaster, Parma, San Giovanni Evangelista.

Fig. 5 / Statuette of Saint John the Evangelist (detail), alabaster, Parma, San Giovanni Evangelista. The shallow basins of the water stoups are of a height into which the faithful can easily dip their Fig. 6 / Water stoup with figure of Saint John the fingers. The white Carrara marble shafts consist of Baptist, Turtle (detail), five turned sections carved in low relief and placed cipollino marble, Parma, one upon another. The base of the Baptist’s stoup San Giovanni Evangelista.

stands on a canted triangular plinth of mottled grey Fig. 7 / Water stoup cipollino marble on which sit three tortoises – more with figure of Saint John precisely green turtles (fig. 6). Their presence may the Evangelist, Head of Cherubim (detail), Carrara be a reference to antediluvian creatures of Chaos, marble, Parma, San associated in pagan antiquity with the creation myth. Giovanni Evangelista. 80 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 81

The explanation of the arcane iconography of the second stoup appears to be that the rams’ heads refer to Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac (Genesis 22, 1-19), a familiar prefiguration of Christ’s Sacrifice on the Cross, whilst the presence of the Cherubim, who are ministering spirits of God’s will is indicative of the New Dispensation as related in Saint John’s Gospel. So the two water stoups are symbolic of the old and new order, which is foretold by the Baptist as prophet. The presence of fruit here may be a reference to the Book of Revelations of Saint John (22: 2) – “ afferens fructus” – the Tree of Life which yields fruit.

Both stoups rest on an elegant marble pavement, a geometrical arrangement of a circle inscribed within a square within a lozenge, the blank triangular sections of the lozenge pierced with contrasting marble discs (fig. 8). The water stoups themselves are positioned against the second piers of the nave. These grey pietra serena piers are composed of four back to back Corinthian pilasters and provide a striking foil to the white marble of the stoups. Above these piers are smaller Doric pilasters frescoed with candelabra ornament in grisaille consisting of cherubim heads, drapery festoons and culminating in flaming candelabra, representing Christian Truth, echoing the baluster form and decoration of the water stoups (fig. 9).

These nave pilasters are linked above with twelve long friezes in brunaille alternating with Christian worship, Sacrificio del’Agnello, and pagan sacrifices to “The Unknown God”, Ara del Dio Ignoto, flanked by polychrome figures of prophets and sibyls holding explanatory inscribed tablets. All these were designed by Correggio and many of his preparatory drawings for them survive. Similar rams’ heads on altars recur

Fig. 8 / Water stoup with figure in the fragmentary grisaille frescoed friezes designed by of Saint John the Evangelist, Correggio that originally decorated both sides of the showing the setting with Fig. 9 / Workshop of choir of the church – subsequently hidden by the organ nave pier and grisaille pilaster Correggio, Pilaster with above, Parma, San Giovanni candelabrum, Parma, San lofts – but are now, for safe keeping, in the convent’s Evangelista. Giovanni Evangelista. chapter house. 82 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 83

The carving on the water stoups of the three rams’ masks is bold and naturalistic (fig. 10). Sinister and almost human, they remind one of those frescoed by Correggio as fictive addorsed brackets in the nearby (fig. 11). Those heads are distinctive in that they are not strictly grisaille for their eyes have coloured irises while their horns, nostrils and muzzles are also lightly coloured. If there were any lingering doubts about the attribution to Correggio of the water stoups their similarity to these frescoed rams’ heads should clinch it. Also in the Camera di San Paolo, Correggio introduced drum- shaped altars hung with festoons which appear in the Fig. 10 / Water stoup grisaille lunettes accompanying both Genius and Vesta with figure of Saint John the Evangelist, ram mask (fig. 12); the exquisite modelling of the figures of (detail), Parma, San Giovanni and Providentia may not be so far away from what the Evangelista. damaged statuettes of the two Saints John may once

Fig. 11 / Correggio, Pair of have looked like. The San Paolo frescoes date from addorsed heads of rams, 1518/19, shortly before the artist was working at San fresco, Parma, Camera di San Giovanni Evangelista from 1520-1524. Correggio Paolo. repeats some of the visual vocabulary of the water stoups elsewhere: a cherub head decorates a box of books in the aforementioned lunette fresco of Saint John the Evangelist and the Eagle and a cherub head linked with fruit festoons appears in the upper section of his Madonna di San Giorgio in the Gemäldegalerie, Dresden, painted ca. 1530 for the Oratorio di San Pietro Martire, Modena.

We do not have to look far to find the workshop responsible for carving the holy water stoups. The prolific local scarpellino Giovanni Francesco Ferrari d’Agrate (1489-1547) had already worked in the Cassinese convent of San Giovanni Evangelista in 1516, providing both the door and stone door case in the north transept opening on to the chapter house cloister.10 The door case supports the lunette fresco by Correggio of Saint John the Evangelist and the Eagle with the superscription: ALTIVS CAETERIS DEI Fig. 12 / Correggio, Lunette with PATEFECIT ARCANA (fig. 13). Agrate also provided Vesta Pouring Sacrifice, fresco, the intricately carved doorway flanked by matching Parma, Camera di San Paolo. 84 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 85

pairs of two light windows into the chapter house. For the team of architects working on the Steccata after capitals of the transept doorway in San Giovanni earth, his Passion, Death, and Resurrection. It is also the Convento di San Paolo, as Giancarla Periti has 1525, notably guided by a committee that included Evangelista, the door case and window surrounds of argued here that the distinctive artistic vocabulary and noted, Agrate “seems to have served as the supervisor, Correggio. Agrate provided a drawing ca. 1520 now in the chapter house and the drawing for the Carissimi style of these marble sculptures point to their invention consultant, and agent for the provision of stone, the Archivio Distrettuale Notarile of Parma for Canon tomb (fig. 15).14 Very similar acanthus leaves are found by that great Renaissance artist and innovative genius materials and whatever carved stonework items were Vincenzo Carissimi’s tomb in the duomo (fig. 14). This on two levels of the water stoups. Antonio Correggio, while the carving particularly needed including fireplaces, benches, window frames, is decorated with strange Egyptian motifs taken directly because of its idiosyncratic interpretation of acanthus fonts and lavabos”.11 His most substantial item there from the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (Venice 1499). Agrate To sum up, it has been demonstrated that the choice foliage, can be assigned to Gianfrancesco d’Agrate, was the fireplace in the Camera di San Paolo with is also recorded as providing tombs for the Carpesano of ornament on the holy water stoups was selected who had a long and close association in working with its trapezoid soprastufa image of Diana in her Chariot, and Musacchi and a cenotaph for the Centoni, all for and programmed to represent on the one hand the Correggio. Most importantly, this is the first instance Fig. 13 / Doorway by frescoed by Correggio (1518-1519) and the set of door the same building.13 pagan world and on the other, the Christian; the world of Correggio designing sculpture. It is suggested that Gianfrancesco d’Agrate, with lunette fresco of Saint John lintels with their Latin inscriptions. He also sculpted, before and after Christ’s birth, the Old and New this pair of carved marble water stoups, essential for the Evangelist and Eagle, according to Anna Coliva, a handsome lavabo now at The water stoups are clearly Correggio’s design, but Dispensation. It has also been shown that the terminal the daily worship of the church, may date from around by Correggio, Parma, San the entrance to the sacristy of the church of Santa Maria the precise interpretation of the detail would have been figures represent Saint John the Baptist, the prophet 1520 or soon after, when Correggio first came to work Giovanni Evangelista. della Steccata, Parma, for the ca. 1507-1514.12 down to Agrate. It is notable that the sculptor carved who baptized with water and proclaimed the coming of in the convent. Fig. 14 / Gianfrancesco his acanthus not following the richly curling Roman Christ, who strides towards his companion, Saint John d’Agrate, Design for the Tomb Agrate worked much in Parma; he executed the prototypes but more closely following the natural leaf the Evangelist, the convent’s patron. We are reminded of Canon Vincenzo Carissimi, Fig. 15 / Transept doorway Parma, Archivio Distrettuale façade of the Palazzo Seminario Maggiore (formerly with the fingers of the palmette, flat and mechanically in San Giovanni Evangelista, that it was the Evangelist in his Gospel who bore the Notarile. Palazzo della Canonica) after 1516 and was one of repeated, and this distinctive feature recurs in the Parma. most comprehensive witness to Christ’s ministry on 86 A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio A pair of holy water stoups designed by Correggio 87

NOTES

1. This article is written in memory of the daily Paolo; Giancarla Periti, In the Courts of Religious Ladies delightful conversations I used to have with Charles (New Haven and London: Yale, 2016), pp. 167-203, and the late Tony Radcliffe when we all worked fig. 191. together at the V&A. 8. Mrs Jameson, Legends of the Monastic Orders (London: My special thanks to William Lock, Jack Lewis, Hutchinsin & Co., 1905), p. 4. David Ekserdjian, Paul Joannides, and especially my 9. The balusters have a closer source in those four by wife, Jane, and daughter, Pandora, for typing this Andrea Riccio supporting the della Torre funerary article and for many wise suggestions. monument in San Fermo Maggiore of 1516-1521. 2. For Correggio’s contribution to San Giovanni (Andrea Bacchi and Luciana Giacomelli, eds., Evangelista, see: Augusta Ghidiglia Quintavalle, Gli Rinascimento e Passione per l’Antico: Andrea Riccio e il suo affreschi del Correggio in S. Giovanni Evangelista a Parma tempo (Trento: Museo Diocesano Tridentino, 2008), (Milan: Silvana, 1962); Cecil Gould, The Paintings reproduced p. 451. We also know Gianfrancesco Agrate of Correggio (London: Faber and Faber, 1976); Bruno was in Verona in 1519 buying marble for the Musacchi Adorni, ed., L’Abbazia benedettina di S. Giovanni Evangelista tomb in . a Parma (Milan: Silvana, 1979); Marzo dell’Acqua, 10. See , “Bernadino Zaccagni e l’architettura Correggio e il suo tempo, exh. cat. (Parma: Archivio di del rinascimento a Parma,” Bolletino d’arte 12/1-4 Stato di Parma, 1984), pp. 35-41; Anon, Abbazia (1918): pp. 85-169; Alessandra Talignani, “La Cappella S.Giovanni Evangelista (Parma: Tipolitografia Benedittine Montini nella Cattedrale di Parma, un unicum di forme, Editrice, 1993), David Ekserdjian, Correggio (New Haven colori ed epigrafi nella ‘periferia’,” in Emilia e Marche and London: Yale University Press, 1997). nel Rinascimento: L’Identita Visiva della “Periferia”, ed. 3. A. E. Popham, Correggio’s Drawings (London: The Giancarla Periti (Azzano San Paolo: Bolis Edizioni, British Academy, 1957), pp. 199-202, Appendix A: 2005), pp 119-180. Architectural Drawings. 11. Periti, In the Courts, p 121. 4. The payments to Correggio were July 1520 to January 12. Anna Coliva in Santa Maria della Steccata a Parma, ed. 1524, “272 ducati d’oro per gli affreschi di S. Giovanni Bruno Adorni (Parma: Cassa di Risparimio, 1982), pp. Evangelista”. In 1524-1525 he was then paid for the 223-224. Del Bono chapel, and in 1525 he received payments for 13. Alessandra Talignani, “Un nome per tre monumenti “la crociera nel presbiterio di S. Giovanni Evangelista”. funebri ovvero Giovan Francesco d’Agrate al servizio The payments are first transcribed by the Abate Luigi del consorzio dei vivi dei morti della cattedrale di Pungileoni, Memorie Istoriche di Antonio Allegri detto il Parma, il cenotafio Centoni e i sepolcri Carpesano e Correggio, 3 vols. (Parma: La Stamperia Ducale, 1817- Musacchi,” Parma per l’Arte 4/5 (1998-1999): pp. 33-64. 1821), but more recently Elisabetta Falda, “‘Et cosi mi 14. The heads of cherubim above on the window lintels chiamo contento’, Antonio Allegri detto il Correggio,” have clusters of three fruits hanging beneath their in Correggio e L’Antico, ed. Anna Coliva, exh. cat. chins in the same (but unexplained) manner they had (Rome: Galleria Borghese, 2004), pp 182-185. The appeared on the Saint John the Evangelist water stoup. apse was rebuilt and only the central section showing The Coronation of the Virgin was preserved (now Galleria Nazionale di Parma), however, the entire original scheme was copied by Cesare Aretusi, 1586. 5. A payment to Correggio exists for designing eight candelabra for niches in the crossing beneath the dome and these may have resembled the water stoups as the baluster element is close to those on Antique candelabra in the Vatican and in San Agostino, Rome. The document reads: “item de havere per le niazza deli piloni de la cuba e deli candeleri cacti soto epse che sonno otto in tuto ducato sei dacordio cum il dicto padre prior padre don Luciano/ ducati 6”. (dall’Acqua, Correggio e il suo tempo, p 41.) Parmigianino, Correggio’s sometime pupil and assistant, provided many such drawings; David Ekserdjian, Parmigianino (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 241-262. 6. Popham, Correggio’s Drawings, pp. 199-202. 7. The figures seem to have been carved in alabaster, not necessarily in Agrate’s bottega who was aware of the sculptures of Jacopo Sansovino. The naturalistic carving of the tree trunk recalls that fresco by Correggio of The Figure of Pan in the Camera di San For Charles Avery 89

Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice

VICTORIA AVERY AND EMMA JONES 1

After his election as in June 1554, foretold his election to the dogeship, a prediction in Francesco Venier (1489-1556) changed his modest which the young Francesco firmly believed despite sepulchral plans to something more in keeping with his weak constitution, and a destiny reinforced during his new position as head of state. Instead of a simple his late forties when, as ambassador to Rome, he burial of “little pomp” in the far-flung church of San was dubbed “The Little Doge” by Pope Paul III. A Francesco della Vigna, Venier secured a prominent, wealthy but modest-living and highly devout bachelor, well-located site within the prestigious and centrally- Francesco resided in a rented property in central Venice located church of San Salvador, stipulating that no less with his brother Piero, his eventual chief executor and than 1,000 ducats be spent on his funerary monument. primary beneficiary. Francesco was a gifted orator, The posthumous sepulchral commission – overseen astute diplomat and able administrator with great by Venier’s beloved brother Piero – resulted in the tenacity. On 11 June 1554, just after his sixty-fifth enormous gilded, polychrome marble and stone birthday, he was elected eightieth doge of Venice.4 monument still in situ today (fig. 1), adorned with sculptures by two of Venice’s greatest cinquecento Upon his election, Venier commissioned his official sculptors, Jacopo Sansovino (ca. 1486-1570), and his portrait from Titian, to join those of his predecessors erstwhile assistant, Alessandro Vittoria (ca. 1524/25- in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio of the Doge’s 1608).2 This article reconsiders the monument’s Palace. Although this illustrious series was destroyed commissioning history, through a re-examination of by the catastrophic fire in 1577, a second version published archival documents and printed primary exists (fig. 2), presumably commissioned for another sources, followed by an analysis of previously official location, or for a private setting.5 This effective unpublished litigation records. These fascinating piece of visual propaganda shows Venier in his new new documents not only reveal the legal proceedings dignity, resplendent in his dogal regalia, emanating the that Francesco Sansovino (1521-1586) set in motion authority, majesty, and power invested in the role: a far in March 1571, four months after his father’s death, remove from the sickly, gaunt, and hunched man who but also clarify, for the first time, the extent of Jacopo would soon require the help of two supporters to walk. Sansovino’s involvement in the project and confirm the During his short reign, which lasted just shy of two iconography of the two niche statues. years,6 Venier continued his punctilious and diligent administration and, apart from a general famine, his Who was Francesco Venier? Born on 29 May 1489, dogeship was peaceful and uneventful. In keeping with

Fig. 1 / Jacopo Sansovino and Francesco was the eldest son of nobleman Giovanni his new status, he appears to have adopted a more Alessandro Vittoria, Monument Venier, a descendant of Doge Antonio (sixty-first conspicuous lifestyle: in his funeral oration, Bernardino to Doge Francesco Venier, ca. doge; r. 1382-1400), and Maria Loredan, daughter of Loredan recalled “the very lavish pomp of his feasts 1556-1561, coloured marble 3 and Istrian stone, with partial Doge Leonardo (seventy-fourth doge; r. 1501-1521). and banquets with ornate sideboards, the preciousness gilding, Venice, San Salvador. According to early biographers, a soothsayer in Spain of his dress and other such magnificent things”.7 90 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 91

Like many other doges before and after him, Venier which to bury his corpse, or his bones, as well as those felt it important to leave his mark and glorify his of his heirs”.15 The concession agreement specified the career and family, as the story of his funerary site allocated to him: the fourth bay of the right-hand monument makes clear. From his will of 18 July 1550, aisle of the nave, between the altars and pilasters of written at the age of sixty-one, we know that Venier the chapels of Saint Mary and Saint Augustine, lying originally envisaged a humble burial.8 Herein, he directly opposite the organ and doorway leading out stated: “I want to be buried in San Francesco della onto the Mercerie.16 The agreement further stated Vigna with little pomp and as my executors see fit”, that the doge was permitted to erect “an honourable with the express wish that 15 ducats be left to the sepulchre decorated in whatever way he most desired”, friars in addition to the funeral costs.9 The childless which could be built both into the wall and into the Venier nominated five executors, all relatives, but f loor.17 As was common with such concessions, a specified that his primary executor was to be Piero, mansionary was included whereby the monastery was “my very much loved and truly cordial brother”.10 He to elect one of its brothers to celebrate a daily mass stipulated that 300 masses be celebrated at the time in perpetuity for the doge’s soul.18 In return, Venier of his death wheresoever his executors wanted, and promised to transfer to San Salvador a 400-ducat ordered that 20 ducats be left to the Scuola Grande investment in the Monte Nuovissimo, one of Venice’s della Misericordia (of which he was a member) for state loan schemes.19 distribution to impoverished brethren, and a further 15 ducats for the poor of the parish in which he Five months later, on 25 September 1555, Venier died.11 The fact that Venier made no mention of a updated his will by means of a codicil, in which he monument, nor allocated money to construct one, revised his instructions regarding his posthumous suggests that he wanted only to be buried in the commemoration.20 Having revoked his earlier wishes ground, possibly without even a simple grave-marker.12 regarding burial in San Francesco,21 he ordered This humility and simplicity is further reflected in “that in so far as the ceremonies are concerned, his choice of final resting place: with the Observant they should follow those customarily given to our Franciscans in one of their most remote outposts in predecessors by their heirs in addition to that which Venice, the church of San Francesco della Vigna (fig. 3). for the public is normally done”.22 Venier expressed Located, according to legend, on the spot where an his wish to be buried in San Salvador in the space angel of the Lord had appeared to Venice’s patron that had recently been conceded to him by the saint, Saint , and pronounced Augustinian Canons, and instructed that “we wish the immortal blessing, “Pax tibi Marce, Evangelista that at least 1,000 ducats, and not more than 1,500 meus”, the ancient church was then in the process of ducats be spent on the making of our sepulchre and being rebuilt to a design by Jacopo Sansovino.13 its adornment in the wall-façade and in the floor,” which indicates that work on the monument had Perhaps unsurprisingly, Venier changed his mind not yet begun.23 Although his codicil suggests that considerably after his election as doge, when personal Venier intended to get the project underway during preferences and private wishes were forced to give his lifetime, he added the oft-used proviso that a way to both family honour and public expectation family member – in this case his brother Piero (or associated with the dogal office. On 1 April 1555, failing him, one of Piero’s sons) – should oversee the less than ten months into his reign, he obtained a monument’s completion within two years if it had concession and mansionary agreement with the not been built by the time of his death.24 Finally,

Fig. 2 / Titian, Portrait of Augustinian Canons of San Salvador, drawn up by he ordered quite explicitly that his body was to be Doge Francesco Venier, ca. notary Marco’Antonio Cavanis.14 This stated that buried in the tomb in the floor, and not in the chest 1554-1556, oil on canvas, Venier was “desirous of securing a location in the affixed on the wall, a desire motivated by humility 113 x 99 cm, Madrid, Museo Nacional Thyssen- aforementioned Monastery of San Salvador in order and in shameful recognition of his wretchedness Bornemisza. to make or have made an honourable sepulchre in before God.25 92 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 93

In the end, Venier opted for San Salvador, no doubt well aware of the message this particular choice would send, and the honour and prestige it would confer on both him and his family. Unlike San Francesco della Vigna, it was centrally situated and highly visible, occupying a prime location in the Rialto, the city’s economic centre, and close to Piazza San Marco, its civic and spiritual heart (see fig. 3). It also trumped San Francesco della Vigna in terms of historical importance. Reputedly one of the first seven churches to be founded in Venice by divine order, it held the of Saint Theodore (Venice’s original Byzantine ), which had been transferred from the ducal church of San Marco in 1267. Following the church’s reconstruction (begun in 1506, during the reign of his grandfather Doge ), Fig. 4 / Unknown Venetian San Salvador’s new Greek cross design deliberately workshop, Monument to Doge , ca. echoed that of San Marco, as Francesco Sansovino It is tempting to think that some of Venier’s decision- unmarked floor-tomb before the high altar in Santi 1403-1411, Istrian stone, remarked in his famous 1581 guidebook to Venice.33 making was influenced by the ongoing saga of the Giovanni e Paolo. It may have been this embarrassing Carrara marble, coloured Moreover, the new foundation stone had been laid marble, Venice, Santi monument to his maternal grandfather, Doge Leonardo lack of progress that prompted Venier to stipulate the Giovanni e Paolo. in 1507 quite deliberately on 25 March – the Feast Loredan.26 Certainly, the large sum of money that two-year completion deadline for his own monument. of the and the day on which in 421 Francesco Venier specified be spent on his monument Fig. 5 / Detail of fig. 4, with Venice had reputedly been founded by divine order five of the Virtues including was comparable. In August 1532, Lorenzo Loredan As Bruce Boucher observed, Francesco Venier Charity in the centre. – in order to link San Salvador inextricably to the (Leonardo’s eldest son) had stipulated that 1,300 ducats acknowledged in his codicil the need to respect the birth of Venice. This was reinforced by its location in be allocated to his late father’s funerary monument traditional expectation for a doge to have a suitable the Rialto, the nucleus of Venice or (to quote Doge in Santi Giovanni e Paolo;27 while in January 1536, burial place and monument,30 and it may be that he Leonardo Loredan, in a letter of April 1515 about the following Lorenzo’s death, his nephew Leonardo di considered a number of alternatives before settling on church’s reconstruction) the “navel of the city” or the Girolamo Loredan successfully petitioned the Dominican San Salvador. Santi Giovanni e Paolo would have been “city’s lap”. As Daniela Bohde explained, “Venice was friars for permission to spend 1,500 ducats erecting the obvious choice given that this was the unofficial conceived of as a virgin body with the church of the it.28 The Loredan Monument was at this point in time pantheon of the doges and was where his funeral was Saviour in the middle.”34 Furthermore, the enormous to take the form of a large and ornate freestanding to take place (see fig. 3).31 It was also where his ancestor (approximately 9 by 12.5 m) memorial space that bronze sarcophagus crowned with an effigy of the doge, Doge Antonio Venier was commemorated in a notable Venier had managed to negotiate for himself within positioned in the middle of the sanctuary in front of a monument erected in the early fifteenth century this key church was highly desirable and prominent. new marble high altar with three statues in bronze or (figs. 4 & 5) and where his grandfather’s monument Close to both sanctuary and sacristy, it was also marble, surmounted by a marble pyramid with a crystal was projected.32 Perhaps Venier decided to avoid the directly opposite the organ-loft and Mercerie portal . For reasons unknown, but perhaps linked to Dominican motherhouse so as not to be overshadowed meaning that the Venier Monument would be the first a hike in the price of bronze (from 50 ducats to over 80 by either. Another location that he may have considered thing anyone would see when entering the church ducats per mier) caused by the ongoing wars with the was the Franciscan motherhouse on the opposite side from the busy Mercerie thoroughfare, which directed 29 Fig. 3 / Jacopo de’ Barbari, Ottoman Turks, the project ground to another halt. By of town, Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari (see fig. 3). (as it still does today) a great deal of foot traffic from Bird’s-eye View of Venice, 1500, the time that Venier wrote his codicil in September 1555, This was another enormous basilica in which several San Marco to the Rialto. What better place for the woodcut, 137.7 x 277.5 cm, some thirty-four years after Doge Leonardo Loredan’s dogal monuments had been erected, including those to pious yet status-conscious Doge Francesco Venier to be Minneapolis Institute of Art. Marked up with location of key death, absolutely no progress had been made on his (sixty-fifth doge; r. 1423-1457) and buried, thereby reinforcing his family’s ties with this churches. grandfather’s monument, who was still buried in an Nicolò Tron (sixty-eighth doge; r. 1471-1473; fig. 6). august institution? 94 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 95

In many ways, as Bruce Boucher and others have pointed out, the Venier Monument as built is highly conservative and backward-looking, conforming to the by-now standard formula of dogal tombs established in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries (see fig. 1). As the oft-cited comparison with Tullio and Sante Lombardo’s Monument to Doge Giovanni Mocenigo (finished in 1522; figs. 7, 8 & 9) in Santi Giovanni e Paolo makes clear, its basic design was typical: a recumbent effigy beneath a lunette relief incorporating figures of the doge, his name- saint and the Virgin and Christ, framed by female personifications of virtues and a lengthy epitaph, with one or more family coats-of-arms crowned with the corno (dogal hat) in the attic storey, set within a classicizing triumphal arch divided into three bays.35

Fig. 7 / Tullio and Sante Lombardo, Monument to Doge Giovanni Mocenigo, completed 1522, Carrara marble, verde antico and Fig. 6 / Antonio Rizzo, portasanta, Venice, Santi Monument to Doge Nicolò Giovanni e Paolo. Tron, 1476, coloured marble and Istrian stone, with Fig. 8 / Detail of fig. 7, with partial gilding, Venice, Santa lunette, effigy, sarcophagus Maria Gloriosa dei Frari. and inscription. 96 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 97

Another previously acknowledged and pertinent source, given the family ties, was the above-mentioned Monument to Doge Antonio Venier in Santi Giovanni e Paolo, which was one of the first dogal monuments to incorporate the features that were soon to become standard (see figs. 4 & 5).36 As Boucher remarked: “Francesco Venier must have wished for something similar, cast in a more contemporary style, to sustain the honour of the Venier casata, and Sansovino fulfilled his brief by creating what could be called the last of the High Renaissance ducal tombs.”37

Despite its conservatism, the Venier Monument does have a number of features that distinguish it from previous dogal tombs. First, the iconography of the lunette is unusual, if not to say unique, in having a Pietà in the centre (fig. 10). While images of the youthful Virgin and infant Christ enthroned were to be found all over Venice, and were popular in dogal monuments (see fig. 8), images of the elderly Virgin with the dead adult Christ in her lap were rare.38 It is possible that Francesco Venier chose this particular Marian iconography to underline the associations of the church’s location in the “city’s lap”. Whatever the reasons for its choice, this novel subject permitted a change in dynamic between those portrayed. Rather than the patron saint – in this case Francis of – performing the role of intermediary, standing in close physical proximity to the deceased, and actively introducing him to the Virgin emphatically towards the saint, who is allowed to lean large and imposing figures: the recumbent effigy of and Child, here the saint joins the doge as devotee. Both in to touch reverently Christ’s lifeless wrist. While the the doge atop a sarcophagus (figs. 11 & 12), flanked saint and doge are shown in identical active adoration, Virgin acknowledges the presence of the doge, her by female personifications of two Theological Virtues kneeling humbly and reverently before the dead Christ gesture is one that gently bids him to keep a respectful set in niches (figs. 13 & 14). Moreover, there is just and his mourning mother, whom they flank as dual distance. Despite the height at which the lunette is one large lunette relief, and no subsidiary narratives. protectors. That the doge is permitted into the sacred placed, it is easy to read because it contains only four This drastically-reduced number enhances the figures’ Fig. 9 / Detail of fig. 7, left- hand Virtue. presence in his own right, implies a particular holiness figures with the central pair composed as a single entity, prominence and legibility, allowing the personifications that sets him apart from his predecessors, all of whom and there is sufficient space between them to avoid too to be carved on a scale much larger than life.40 In terms Fig. 10 / Alessandro Vittoria required an intercessor. However, proper decorum and much overlapping, which could impair legibility. of which two Theological Virtues are represented, the and workshop, Pietà with Saint Francis and Doge correct relational hierarchies are maintained by placing left-hand woman protecting two toddlers is instantly Francesco Venier, 1557-1558, Saint Francis on the proper right of Christ and the Second, there are far fewer statues and reliefs on the recognizable as Charity, specifically in the guise of Istrian stone, with partial Virgin, traditionally the position of greatest honour, Venier Monument than on most earlier dogal tombs caritas proximi (love for one’s neighbours) rather than as gilding, from Monument to Doge Francesco Venier, while the doge is placed on the proper left. Moreover, (see, for example, fig. 6). Rather than an army of figures caritas Dei (love for God), who would have been shown Venice, San Salvador. the heads of both the Virgin and Christ are directed of varying sizes,39 the Venier Monument has just three with a cornucopia or flaming heart (fig. 13). 98 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 99

Although caritas proximi was “a virtue appropriate to of a great triangle composed of the Pietà at its apex the prince of the Venetian state” (to quote Boucher), and the Virtues at its base (see fig. 1).44 Furthermore, the personifications of Charity with children were rare, the limited amount of sculpture has the effect of simplifying notable earlier exception being the central virtue on the overall iconographic programme, making it much the sarcophagus of his forebear Doge Antonio Venier easier to comprehend: the central section clearly (see fig. 5).41 Charity’s companion, meanwhile, is without commemorates Venier as doge with the inscription attributes, shown simply as a woman looking tenderly extolling him as an exemplum of civic virtue; the rest and patiently upwards, arms clasped across her breast, honours him as an exemplum of sacred piety. Given that which has led to debate as to whether she represents Charity and Hope are included, it seems logical to view or Hope (figs. 14 & 15). Given that Faith is nearly the Pietà not only as a visual metaphor of intercession always shown holding a chalice, cross, or book, most as has been suggested,45 but also as an allegory of Faith, scholars have argued that she personifies Hope, who thereby ensuring that all three Theological Virtues are does appear on occasion without any attributes.42 present, with Faith accorded particular prominence at the very top and in the form of an allegorical relief. The minimizing of the sculptural elements gives greater prominence to the architectural framework, and also The lack of statuary is more than compensated for in more space for the conspicuous plinth with its lengthy the architectural features, especially in the enormous Fig. 11 / Alessandro Vittoria epitaph, carved in comparatively large (and therefore and magisterial double-heighted columns crowned by and workshop, effigy of Doge Francesco Venier legible) letters, in which Venier is commemorated as a Composite capitals and the abundance of variegated and (detail), 1558, Istrian wise and virtuous leader (see fig. 12).43 The size of the polychromed marbles and stones, which render it surely stone, with partial gilding, plinth also has the benefit of raising the sarcophagus one of the most brightly coloured dogal monuments from Monument to Doge Fig. 12 / Detail of fig. 1, with Francesco Venier, Venice, San and effigy over the heads of the niche statues, to the very that had been built to date as well as one of the most effigy, sarcophagus and Salvador. heart of the monument, so the doge becomes the centre expensive (see figs. 1, 12-14).46 inscription. 100 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 101

The lavishness of the marbles is echoed in the Pietà and the dogal effigy was disbursed by Giovanni, abundance of gilding, which is used to pick out details suggesting that he played an active role in assisting his within the lunette, as well as on the robes, cushions and father with the administration of his uncle’s estate.53 sarcophagus of the doge, the coats-of-arms and many These payments are of further importance because architectural elements, including the capitals, bases, they provide the only firm dates for when the Venier and mouldings, and the background of the inscription Monument was made, and demonstrate that Piero (see figs. 1, 10-14).47 A further novel architectural was keen to fulfil his late brother’s wishes and ensure feature is the bench that runs along the entire width that the monument was erected swiftly. Whether the of the monument’s base (see fig. 1), which recalls those monument was actually completed within two years originally placed in front of the Loggetta.48 Public seating of Francesco’s death (i.e. by 2 June 1558) is uncertain, in Renaissance Venice was a rarity, making the provision but Vittoria’s contributions were certainly ready by of a generous seating area significant and deliberate. then. A terminus ante quem for the completion of the While it would clearly have increased the project’s overall complex is provided by a document of 8 November cost, the bench offered visitors a simple, yet tangible 1561 concerning work to the floor between the Venier example of the doge’s caritas proximi, and would thus Monument and the organ loft opposite, in which the have served to reinforce the monument’s iconographic doge’s finished tomb is mentioned.54 message in a practical way. It was also savvy, as it would have encouraged pilgrims and visitors to the church to As for authorship of the Venier Monument, until sit and linger and, whilst doing so, hopefully also offer recently there were no known archival documents, so up prayers for the soul of the departed doge. scholars have had to rely on published primary sources and visual analysis. Jacopo Sansovino was first named In terms of chronology, the evidence discussed as responsible for the monument by ; above suggests that work on the monument did not not, however, in his earliest biography of Sansovino begin until after Francesco Venier’s death in June in the 1568 edition of The Lives of the Artists (in which 1556. In his 1581 guidebook to Venice, Francesco the monument goes unremarked), but in his expanded Sansovino noted that the doge “had been buried in biography of the master, published after the latter’s the church of San Salvador, in a most sumptuous death in 1570. Herein, Vasari gave the monument to and regal marble sepulchre, erected to his memory Sansovino, in passing: by his brother Pietro”.49 That the monument was erected posthumously and overseen by Piero Venier, And in Venice, he [Sansovino] gave in accordance with Francesco Venier’s testamentary splendour to the Piazza through the façade instructions, is confirmed by various incoming and of San Geminiano, and in the Merceria outgoing payments in Alessandro Vittoria’s account- the façade of San Giuliano, and in San book for work on both the Pietà and the figure of the Salvador the most sumptuous sepulchre of recumbent doge.50 Significantly, the first outgoing the Prince Francesco Venier.55 payment connected with this commission, dated 30 Fig. 13 / Jacopo Sansovino, Charity, ca. 1556-1561, Istrian October 1557, described the lunette as “the Pietà It is possible that this information – as well as other stone, 239.4 cm high, from of the Most Noble Venier, brother of the Prince”, details about Sansovino’s life and work missing from Monument to Doge Francesco in other words, Piero Venier.51 The first incoming the 1568 edition of The Lives – was supplied to Vasari Venier, Venice, San Salvador. payment for the Pietà, meanwhile, dated 6 November by Francesco Sansovino, Jacopo’s only son and lifelong Fig. 14 / Jacopo Sansovino, 1557, was specified as coming “from the Magnificent champion.56 Indeed, in his guidebook to Venice Hope, ca. 1556-1561, Istrian Mr Giovani [sic] Venerio”, namely Giovanni Venier, published in 1581, Francesco appears to have been at stone, 241 cm high, from 52 Monument to Doge Francesco son of Piero, and nephew of the late doge. Indeed, pains to confirm and indeed clarify his late father’s role Venier, Venice, San Salvador. every subsequent incoming payment for both the in the monument, stating: 102 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 103

… and nearby is to be found in a sepulchre mid-1550s, he was the most important architect and him for the – as he had recently done with the personally spent on any one commission depended on of marble, alongside two figures of singular sculptor in Venice and was in huge demand.60 Not only colossal pair of female caryatids, known as the Feminoni, how he ranked its importance in relation to others being beauty, by the hand of Sansovino, that is had his architectural projects in Piazza San Marco commissioned to flank the main entrance to the Library. executed simultaneously (in terms of patron, setting, and both the architecture of the tomb as well (the Library, Mint, and Loggetta) transformed Venice’s artistic challenge), and to a lesser extent on how much as the aforementioned figures, [the body chief square beyond recognition but, during Venier’s Vittoria’s respective role in the Pietà and effigy can he was being paid for it, and impending deadlines.71 of] Francesco Venier, 80th Doge, [whose reign, he had been awarded the commission for a be established by analysis of the related payments in election] was in the year 1554.57 new building at the Rialto, the Fabbriche Nuove, which his account-book. Work on the Pietà began around An analysis of the payments made to Antonio di was in the process of giving Venice’s trading centre a mid-October 1557 and continued until early March Maestro Picio for work on both the Pietà and the This emphatic attribution, in which Jacopo Sansovino much-needed facelift. Sansovino was also well known 1558, with the final incoming payment disbursed dogal effigy demonstrates that Vittoria considered the is explicity named as both the architect and the sculptor to Venier in his role as architect of the Scuola Grande to Vittoria on 8 March 1558 (see fig. 10).63 In total, lunette to be more important, probably because of its of the niche figures – and not once, but twice – is della Misericordia (of which confraternity Venier was Vittoria received 70 ducats for the lunette;64 while he greater visibility and the creative scope it offered. The interesting because its formulation is remarkably similar a member), and as project lead on two key artistic paid out just 9 lire 6 soldi to Antonio di Maestro Picio payments to his assistant indicate that it was carved to the passing reference made by Vasari to the Venier commissions in the Doge’s Palace, both of which came for seven days’ work,65 and 4 lire 16 soldi to Tommaso first, in late 1557, with only seven days’ help from Monument in his 1568 edition of The Lives, but which during Venier’s reign: the colossal statues of Mars and da Zara for an unrecorded number of days’ work “for Antonio. This included five days of unspecified work occurs in the biography of Jacopo Sansovino’s most Neptune for the top of the external ceremonial staircase having cleaned the Virgin of the Pietà as the final in late October, perhaps for blocking out given its talented pupil, Alessandro Vittoria. Herein, Vasari in the courtyard (commissioned on 31 July 1554), and payment in our agreement”.66 Vittoria’s accounts show timing at the start of the commission, and two days in appears to attribute not only the Pietà to Vittoria, but the Scala d’Oro. It is possible that Procurator Antonio that work on the effigy only began once the Pietà had early December for “having worked on the Doge of also the two Virtues: Cappello influenced the decision (if any were needed): been finished: work on this started in late March 1558 the Pietà”.72 In contrast, the effigy (which conformed not only was he a confidant of Venier (having been one and must have been satisfactorily completed by 30 to the standard recumbent type, with cadaver slightly … and nearby he [Vittoria] made a of his electors in 1554), but he had also long been a May, when Vittoria received the final payment from inclined so as to render the facial features more visible Pietà, alongside two figures of stone that champion and consistent supporter of Sansovino.61 Giovanni Venier (see figs. 11 & 12).67 Vittoria was paid from below) was carved afterwards, and presumably are regarded as good, which are in San a total of 45 ducats for the effigy, and disbursed a total mostly by Antonio, given that he dedicated 25½ days Salvador in Venice.58 The construction of the Venier Monument’s of 5 ducats, 2 lire and 3 soldi to Antonio di Maestro to it between 26 March and 23 April 1558 – which architectural framework would have been contracted Picio for 25½ days of work.68 presumably accounts for its rather mechanical carving.73 The mirroring of Vasari’s syntax by Francesco Sansovino out to a trusted stonemason by Piero Venier directly, By delegating work on the gisant figure, Vittoria freed in his 1581 text, combined with his careful explication or by Sansovino on his behalf. While it remains Vittoria’s direct payment by the Venier estate suggests himself to begin a new commission, the over life- of Jacopo’s role, should surely be seen as a concerted undocumented as to which “tagliapietra” undertook that he was contracted separately by Piero Venier size figure of Fame to crown the Monument to Admiral attempt by Sansovino junior to put the published this work, Salvador quondam Vettor, Sansovino’s friend for both sculptures, rather than subcontracted by Alessandro Contarini in the Santo, Padua, for which he record straight. In fact, Jacopo Sansovino’s dual role and collaborator, is a strong possibility.62 Sansovino, through whom he would otherwise had been promised 60 ducats.74 Although not more within the Venier Monument is underscored by the presumably have been paid.69 This would make sense prestigious than the dogal effigy, Fame was certainly unusual and elaborate form of his signature, which In terms of the sculptural aspects of the monument, given that, on 25 July 1557, Vittoria had been accepted more challenging from an artistic point of view, and appears in identical form, spread over two lines, on the comments by Giorgio Vasari and Francesco as a master by the city’s stonemasons’ guild.70 While more prominent being the crowning element of the the square socle of each niche figure: “IACOBVS Sansovino together with the payments recorded in the Vittoria’s account-books show whom he employed, Contarini Monument. This is presumably why Vittoria SANSOVINVS SCVLPTOR / ET ARCHITECTVS account-book of Alessandro Vittoria discussed above, when, for how long and sometimes for which task, they devoted his energies to the Fame rather than splitting FLORENTINVS .F.” (“Jacopo Sansovino sculptor and have permitted scholars to assign the Virtues to Jacopo do not reveal how much time he himself devoted to a his time more equitably between it and the dogal effigy. architect from Florence made [this]”) (fig. 16).59 Sansovino and the lunette relief of the Pietà and the commission. Although the extent of Vittoria’s personal This uneven division of labour is underscored by the gisant figure of the doge to Alessandro Vittoria. It is not input therefore remains undocumented, there is a direct fact that Vittoria re-employed Antonio for only five Despite his advanced age and never having designed a clear why the latter elements were passed to Vittoria, correlation between the quality of the finished work days on the Fame, paying him for unspecified work on dogal funerary monument, there were many compelling but perhaps Sansovino was too busy to take these on and his active participation in it. An ambitious, busy 18 March 1558.75 He then set Antonio to work on the reasons why Jacopo Sansovino was awarded this as well, and so decided to give his former pupil, whom sculptor like Vittoria had to choose wisely how best to effigy of Doge Venier, freeing himself up to work on the prestigious commission, not least the fact that, by the he had loved like a son, a “leg up” by recommending manage his time, meaning that the number of hours he Fame from late March until late December 1558.76 104 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 105

After Vittoria’s final payment from Giovanni Venier on 1571 records how the procurators originally chose a decision. Resolving the issue, however, evidently 80 ducats each, with the express stipulation that the 30 May 1558,77 the archival record falls silent for some Paduan sculptor Francesco Segala (1535-1592) to continued to be problematic as, on 30 April (the sculptor had to place his name under each one “to thirteen years until 27 March 1571, when Francesco represent their interests, while Francesco Sansovino stipulated deadline), the trio was granted a two-week guarantee that he [the patron] would be well served”, Sansovino, son and heir of the recently deceased nominated Tuscan-born Veneto-based sculptor Danese extension.88 and how he had given the sculptor a bonus payment of Jacopo, and Piero Venier, the late doge’s brother, began Cattaneo (ca. 1512-1572).83 20 ducats, above and beyond the agreed price.98 arbitration.78 The hitherto unpublished documents Finally, on 14 May 1571, the joint decision was for these legal proceedings offer a new example of In the present case, the arbiters were nominated on delivered by Vittoria and Contin in the absence of These litigation documents are significant because Francesco’s concerted efforts to extract money from 27 March 1571, and were recorded as being .89 After a Latin summary outlining the issue they confirm a number of key facts about the Venier Jacopo’s patrons – part of his wider posthumous Cattaneo and Alessandro Vittoria. Although neither and naming those involved, their adjudication is given Monument over which there had previously been some campaign to protect and promote his late father’s was named as the specific nominee of either Sansovino in Italian.90 This deals first with Francesco’s claim about uncertainty, namely: first, it was Piero Venier (and not memory and reputation as a great artist.79 Interestingly, or Venier, it is more likely that Sansovino junior would the architectural aspects of the commission, finding Doge Francesco) who contracted Jacopo Sansovino just four days earlier, on 23 March 1571, he had made have favoured Cattaneo, who had been a good friend in favour of Piero Venier and confirming that Jacopo as architect-cum-proto; second, that in this capacity similar complaints against the Procuratori di San of his late father, and had recently acted as one of his Sansovino had indeed been adequately remunerated Sansovino not only designed the complex but also Marco de Supra for additional compensation for his executors.84 Indeed, as just mentioned, less than seven for all the work that this had entailed, namely “the provided the requisite drawings, architectural templates father’s work on the bronze Sacristy Door in the ducal months later, Francesco Sansovino was to nominate drawings, templates, models, and instructions as befits and models for use by the stonemasons; third, that church of San Marco, a project that had been actively Cattaneo as his assessor in the Sacristy Door litigation. such a work”.91 It then moved onto the sculptural the two niche figures were commissioned as a pair worked on during Doge Francesco Venier’s reign but And equally, Vittoria would have been the more aspects stating that with regard to the “two principal direct from Jacopo Sansovino by Piero Venier; fourth, which was not to be installed until early 1569.80 natural choice for Piero Venier, given that the younger figures of Rovigno stone, that is a Charity and a Hope, that the right-hand sculpture was intended to be read sculptor had actually worked on the commission and placed in the two large niches of the sepulchre, over as a personification of Hope (and not Faith); fifth, the In the case of the Venier Monument, the documents had signed an independent agreement with him for the which there was difficulty”,92 the arbiters accepted agreed price paid for each figure was 80 ducats; sixth, reveal that Francesco Sansovino appears to have Pietà and the dogal effigy. As no objections about either Piero Venier’s sworn statement that he had made an Sansovino’s signature was a contractual stipulation; initiated a formal disagreement with Piero Venier over arbiter appear to have been raised, presumably both agreement with the late Sansovino for the statues and and seventh, to guarantee quality a bonus payment payment for both the architectural aspects and the appointments were mutually agreed, no doubt because that this had been fulfilled on both sides, with the of 20 ducats was agreed at the start and disbursed at sculptural work that Jacopo had undertaken. Opting both Cattaneo and Vittoria had real expertise in the latter having received an additional payment either as the end, proving that the patron must have been fully for arbitration suggests that at least one complaint art of sculpture and a shared first-hand knowledge of a courtesy or at the specific request of the sculptor.93 satisfied with how both statues turned out. The practice (from Francesco) and one rebuttal (from Piero) Jacopo’s workshop and working practices. The arbiters further ruled that while Piero Venier of awarding a bonus for work well done was not had already been exchanged without resolution.81 was not obliged to disburse any further payments to uncommon, serving as an incentive for the timely and Arbitration could be sought out of court or via the The arbitration document further reveals that the two Francesco Sansovino, neither was Francesco Sansovino satisfactory completion of a commission. The bonus appropriate magistracy in Venice, and it basically sculptors were given until the end of the following obliged to repay the additional payment, which he could be an amount (unspecified in the contract) that involved independent experts investigating a case, and month to adjudicate the dispute: namely, to determine could keep “because the work truly merits it”.94 The was evaluated on completion by third-party experts, pronouncing judgement on it, which would legally settle whether or not Jacopo Sansovino had been adequately document ends with the standard statement that the known as “periti”, or it could be a fixed sum (or gift- it once and for all. In the case of disputes over works rewarded for his work on the Venier Monument as both matter was now settled, and that the arbiters were in-kind) detailed in the original contract.99 It remains of art and architecture, arbiters might be called upon sculptor and proto.85 As was standard, it was agreed that to be paid two scudi each by Piero Venier for their undocumented as to when and how the bonus payment to assess whether a completed commission was good should Vittoria and Cattaneo be unable to agree, then adjudication.95 Later that day, a third document records to Sansovino was determined and delivered.100 enough, determine what work remained to be done, a third arbiter could be appointed to enable a majority how the judgement had been read aloud to Francesco or assess the final value of the end result. Normally, decision to be reached.86 It appears that this is exactly Sansovino, who agreed to it and who swore an affidavit From these facts, other deductions can be made. Given arbitration involved the appointment of two expert what happened because eight days later, on 4 April, before the notary that he would abide by the arbiters’ that Piero Venier commissioned the architecture as well arbiters, one chosen by each party to represent their Giovanni Venier, on behalf of his father, nominated decision.96 The documents end with a final statement as the two niche statues from Sansovino, it follows that interests, with the appointment formally recorded the sculptor Tommaso Contin as a third arbiter.87 on the matter, made the following day by Piero Venier.97 the commission was posthumous (as Doge Francesco in a notarial act called a “compromesso” (Italian) or Two days after this, on 6 April, Francesco Sansovino Although short, this affidavit is important because it had only asked his brother to take over the project were “compromissum” (Latin).82 In the litigation over the approved Contin’s appointment; and the three arbiters records how Piero Venier had commissioned the niche it not started by the time he died). This means that it Sacristy Door, for example, a document of 23 October were granted the remainder of the month to reach figures of Charity and Hope from Jacopo Sansovino for cannot have started before 2 June 1556, and progress 106 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 107

must have been steady to warrant Vittoria being 3 June 1536, for example, when the Massari (overseers) sculptures, since the buildings of which I commissioned to carve the Pietà in mid-October 1557, of the Arca del Santo in Padua contracted Jacopo am in charge prevent me from having the if one assumes that work on this element would not have Sansovino to carve the relief of The Miracle of the Maiden time to sculpt with my own hand.106 begun until the inner arch’s dimensions were absolutely Carilla, they clearly held him in high regard, calling him secure, as it needed to fit so precisely. It remains “Messer Jacopo Sansoin [sic], Florentine, most excellent It was usually only when a sculpture was in its final unknown when Sansovino was contracted to carve the sculptor, resident in Venice”, and stipulated that he was stages of completion that the master would step in to Virtues, nor how long he was given to finish the work, but “obliged to place his carved name under the said relief ”.103 finish and perfect the carving of the most important given his generous bonus payment, it is fair to assume As Sarah Blake McHam observed, this requirement was elements, such as face and hands, which required that these were made within the necessary time-frames. proof of the Massari’s high esteem for him.104 Indeed, particularly sensitive treatment to imbue them with Given that Vittoria had completed his sculptures by the Piero’s insistence of a signature suggests a similar credible expression and emotion. Once the carving was end of May 1558, and that these may have been the appreciation of Jacopo Sansovino, and an intention completed, assistants would then be asked to carry out final elements contracted, delivered, and installed, it is to highlight the role of Venice’s leading architect and the final tasks of cleaning and polishing – again with possible that the Venier Monument was finished by June sculptor in the memorial that was to honour both his late the master’s non-tactile guidance. or July 1558 – and thus pretty much within the two-year brother and the Venier family name. But, the one reason time-frame demanded by Doge Francesco in his will. stated in the arbitration document was “to guarantee Although the statues of Hope and Charity are both Whatever the case, as stated above, the monument was that he [the patron] would be well served”. “signed” by Sansovino, they differ considerably definitely complete by 1561, a remarkable achievement in quality. Hope (figs. 14-16) is by far the more and one which would have put the heirs of Doge The practice of signing sculpture in sixteenth-century beautiful and compelling of the two, which suggests Leonardo Loredan to shame with their continuing lack Venice, which increased as the century progressed, that Sansovino personally intervened more in her of progress on his monument in Santi Giovanni e Paolo. belies the high levels of delegation and collaboration production than in that of her pendant, which behind the finished work.105 As Piero Venier would lacks emotional depth and whose face appears in The documents also provide helpful data about prices, have known, the art of carving was, by necessity, a comparison like an expressionless mask, or that the and confirm that there was a going rate for figure team effort, especially for sculptors who ran busy and majority of carving was assigned to a more talented sculpture irrespective of who made it: given that the successful workshops, such as Sansovino and Vittoria. assistant.107 So what does Sansovino’s signature on the average (labour-only) price for a life-size standing In many cases, the master’s direct intervention would two statues signify? As observed by Wolfgang Wolters, figure in Istrian stone was ca. 60 ducats in the mid- to be limited to making the small-scale preparatory the wholesale signing of sculpture only really took late sixteenth century, the 80-ducat price-tag for each model(s), normally in clay or wax. He would leave his off after Sansovino’s arrival in Venice in 1527,108 and Virtue seems fair, given their much larger dimensions.101 assistants to convert this into a full-scale plaster model, was undoubtedly tied up with the changing status of Although not explicitly stated, the fact that the and then translate this into carved form, from the initial sculptors over the course of the century, from manual arbitration was all about proper compensation for Jacopo blocking out (sometimes undertaken by professional artisan to intellectual artist, considered on an equal Sansovino’s artistic input, the basic fee of 80 ducats per “squadratori”) all the way through to carving the footing with painters and architects.109 In terms of figure almost certainly excluded the cost of the Istrian near final surface. The master would rarely intervene authorship and the collaborative nature of sculpture, the stone.102 It would follow that this was also true for the himself, but would keep a watchful eye on progress. As physical signing emphasizes the important concepts of sculpture commissioned from Alessandro Vittoria: so, the Sansovino candidly explained to the Duke of Ferrara in invention, intellect, and ingegno that lay behind a work’s 70 ducats for the lunette, and the 45 ducats for the Pietà a letter of September 1550, this “hands-off ” approach design.110 Thus, Sansovino’s signatures on Hope and were payment for Vittoria’s time and artistic input, and was standard practice in his own workshop: Charity, advertising the fact that he was both a sculptor did not include any costs for the materials. and architect, extend the stamp of his authorship to I agreed [to making a statue of Hercules], the design of the whole of the Venier Monument, and What of Sansovino’s signature and Piero Venier’s with the intention of having it made by (to paraphrase Francesco, his proud son and greatest insistence on it (fig. 16)? While this contractual stipulation one of my assistants, guiding him and champion) clearly mark this magnificent marble

does not appear frequently in the surviving records for correcting him, without touching it myself, Fig. 15 / Detail of head and sepulchre with its “figures of singular beauty” as a work sculpture in cinquecento Venice, it is not unknown. On as I am used to doing here with many other upper body of Hope. “by the hand of Sansovino”.111 108 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 109

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

Transcriptions by Emma Jones Contrascriptus Clarissimus D. Petrus Venerio audito tenore ob preceptum de eorum ordine nobis factum cui debemus Testes Reverendus Dominus Leonardus Belinus ecclesia contrascripti compromissi per me not. sibi lecti illud laudavit omnino obedire. Sedentes ad cancellum net[?] infrascripti Sancte Marie Formose Plebanus et D. Marcus Antonius The original spelling has been retained, excepting et ratificavit promittens habere firmum et ratum quicquid quem lecit elegimus pro idoneo ad hanc sententiam Capello q. D. Aloysii the letters ‘j’ and ‘u’, where ‘i’ or ‘v’ respectively were sententiatum fuerit pro dictos D. Iudicus etc preserendam Christi nomine reperito a quo cuneta iud.a ASVe, Notarile-Atti, busta 5614, fols. 271v-272r. First intended. Abbreviated Italian words have been expanded Mag.s D. Nicolaus Contareno q. Clarissimi D. Sebastiani eq. recta procedunt pro hanc sententiam [fol. 271r] quam de transcribed in Jones, “Business,” III, no. 4, doc. 4.10 where helpful to the reader, and a modicum of modern D. Andreas de Rubeis mercarius ad signum Clavium iure et de facto more veneto et inappellabiliter ferimus in his [unpublished PhD thesis]. Unpublished. punctuation and capitalisation of names and places has 1571 die mercurii 4 mensis aprilis ad cancellum scriptis vulgariter sententiamus: been inserted to aid comprehension. Contrascriptus Magnificus Dominus Io. Venerio paterno nomine in tertium coniudicem elegit D. Thomá dal Contino Che circa lopera de architetura de predetto Messer Doc. 4 [ill.] illegible word or gap in the document Sculptorem Francesco dicto nomine non possi dimandar cosa alcuna 1571, 15 May [?] suggested transcription of a word Testes D. Bernardinus de Nasis et S. Baptista Tonsor supra perche intendemo esser sta satisfatto il predetto quondam The final statement on the matter, agreed before the platea q. S. Io. Messer Giacomo con li denari per essa receputi de tutte le notary and witnesses on behalf of Piero Venier. 1571 die veneris .6. aprilis ad cancellum cose cioe dessegni, sagome, et modelli et ordinatione come Doc. 1 Contrascriptus D. Franciscus Sansovino ratificat et elegit ut se conviene a tal opera, quanto poi alle due figure principale 1571 die martis quintodecimo mensis maii ad cancellum 1571, 27 March supra de piera de Rovigno cioe una Charita et una Speranza poste Ratificatio [in margin] Appointment of arbiters in the litigation between Testes D. Dominicus de Saliis q. ex.tis D. Hieronimi Phisici nelli doi nichi maggiori della sepultura sopra le quale era Constituido nanti a mi nodaro et testis infrascripti al Francesco Sansovino and Piero Venier, brother of / D. Iacobus Chiedo q. Io. Michaelis difficulta terminamo che giurando el Clarissimo Messer sopradetto Clarissimo Messer Piero Venier odita la the late doge. Sculptors Alessandro Vittoria and [fol. 168v, in margin:] Piero Venier haver mercado con esso quondam Messer soprascritta sententia a si publicata quella voluntariamente Danese Cattaneo are appointed first. On 4 April 1571 die lunae 30 aprilis ad cancellum Giacomo se stia ad esso giuramento in tutto et per tutto ratifica et lauda et in essequutione de quella solenemente ha 1571, a third arbiter, Tommaso Contin, is appointed. Contrascriptae partes proprogant compromisum pro dies cum dicisione difficultatis. Ma pero terminiamo che si oltra giurato ad sana dei evangelia chel mercato che sua Signoria quindecim proxime futoros quello fusse sta concluso in mercato il detto quondam Messer Clarissima concluse col quondam Messer Giacomo fu in Compromissum [in margin] Reverendus D. F. Hieronimus Boldu ordinis cruciferorum Giacomo havesse receputo da esso Clarissimo Messer Piero ducati ottanta per ciascuna delle figure due sopradette con Die dicta ad cancellum D. Io. Savina qd. Francisci civis et notarius venetus alcuna cosa de piu per sua cortesia overo a rechiesta de esso questo che esso Messer Giacomo dovesse come se obligava Quia vertitur quaedam difficultas inter Cl.m D. Petrum Archivio di Stato di Venezia (hereafter ASVe): Notarile- quondam Messer Giacomo qual de piu non [fol. 271v] sia poner sotto il suo nome acio fosse ben servito non dimeno Venerio q. Cl.mi D. Ioannis exuna [fol. 168r] et ex.tem Il. Atti, busta 5614, fols 167v-168v. First transcribed in Jones, tenuto esso Messer Francesco restituir altrimente cosa alcuna esso Messer Iacomo hebbe da me ducati 20, in tutto altra il D. D. Franciscum Sansovinum filium, et heredem q. Sp. “Business,” III, no. 4, doc. 4.8 (unpublished PhD thesis). ma il tutto resti in esso Messer Francesco perche l’opera mercato sub quibus omnibus [fol. 272v] rogavit me no. hoc D. Iacobi ex altera exquo dictus D. Franciscus pretendit Unpublished. veramente merita. Et sic salvis promissis imponemo perpetuo publicum conficere instrumentum. satisfactionem causa sculpturae, et protariae ob sepulturam silentio et fine et mandemo ad esse parte che osservino Testes Reverendus Dominus Iulius Michael Clericus B. M. Serenissimi Principis D. Francisci Venerio in ecclesia questa sententia tacando al nodaro per la presente nostra Venetus et S. Salvatoris, Venetae et ex adverso idem Clarissimus Doc. 2 sententia scuti doi da esser pagati per esso Clarissimo Messer Dominus Philippus Foresto Domini Gabrielis Dominus Petrus intendit integraliter satisfecisse dictum D. 1571, 14 May 1571 Piero et cosi sententiemo. Laus Deo ASVe, Notarile-Atti, busta 5614, fol. 272r-v. First Iacobum Il.mi est pro supra hmoi. differentia Magnificus The final arbitration decision by Vittoria, Cattaneo transcribed in Jones, “Business,” III, no. 4, doc. 4.11 D. Ioannes Venerio filius predicti Clarissimi D. Petri agens and Contin. Lecta et promulgata fecit supra arbitralis sententia pro (unpublished PhD thesis). Unpublished. paterno nomine quem promisit ratificatarum ex una et suprascriptos d. iudices in loco suprascripto sub anno sup.tus ex.tus D. Franciscus nomine quo super ex altera Arbitraria [in margin] nativitatis Domini nostri Jesu Xti mille quingentesimo sese compromiserunt de iure et de facto more veneto, et In Christi nomine Amen. Nos Alexander Victoria et septuagesimo primo inditione quartadecimo die vero lune inappellabiliter in D. Alexandrum Victorium Sculptorem et Thomas de Continis electus á partibus in tertium coarbitrum 14 mensis maii presentibus Domino Ioanne Savina q. D. D. Danesium Cathaneum Sculptorem absentes tamquem Sculptores absente modo Domino Danesio Cataneo et Francisci cive et not. veneto et Domino Ioanne de Sanctis q. presentes in suos iudices arbitros arbitratores communes Sculptore coniudice et nobiscum non existente ut affirmamus D. Martini Testibus vocatis et rogatis. amicos et amicabiles compositores ad arbitrandum in opinione iudices arbitri arbitratores communes amici ASVe: Notarile-Atti, busta 5614, fols. 270r-271v. First terminandum modificarum componerum absoluerum, et et amicabiles compositores electi et assumpti pro et inter transcribed in Jones, “Business,” III, no. 4, doc. 4.9 condemnarum uni parti accipiendum et alteri dandum Clarissimum D. Petrum Venerio q. Clarissimi Domini (unpublished PhD thesis). Unpublished. et de iure et de facto more veneto, et inappellabiliter Ioannis ex una [fol. 270v] et Ex.m Il. Doctorem D. sententiandum qualiter die et hora ferriata et non ferriata Franciscum Sansovinum filium et heredem Domini presentibus partibus [fol. 168v] et absentibus citatis, et non Iacobi Sansovini ex altera d. et supra quadam difficultate Doc. 3 citatis iuris ordine servato, et pretermisso cum libertate ipsis pretensionis predicti Domini Francisci satisfactionis causa 1571, 14 May D. Iudicibus concessa in casu discordiae eligendi tertium Sculpture et Protharie ob sepulturam bon: mem: Serenissimi promittentes ipse partes se firmum ratum et inappellabile P. D. Francisci Venerio in ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris et Declaration by Francesco Sansovino that he accepts habituras quicquid pro partes D. Iudices arbitros vel exadverso predicti Clarissimi Domini Petri intendentis the arbiters’ decision. maiorem partem eorem si tertius fuerit electus de eo super satisfecisse dictum quondam Dominum Iacobum ex forma [fol. 271v] promissis terminatum iudicatum et sententiatum fuerit sub compromissi dici 27, martii proxime preteriti in actis 1571, die lune quartodecimo mensis maii ad cancellum obligatione, omnium suorum bonorum duraturo presenti notarum infrascriptum unde viso predicto compromisso et Ratificatio [in margin] compromisso pro totum mensem aprilis proxime venturem libertate nobis attribicte[?] visa petitione predicti Domini L’Exellente Messer Francesco Sansovino per nome come de cum libertate iudicibus concessa prorogandi semel et pluries. Francisci et respensione illices et replicis et aliis scripturis sopra udita la continentia et tenor della sopra sententia per Testes D. Hieronymus Zulberti q. D. Vincentii et D. pro actum quam partem productis viso quodam libro me nodaro [fol. 272r] a si letta et publicata quela quanto a si Dominicus de Saliis q. ex.tis D. Hieronimi Phisici product. pro dictum D. Franciscum et alio liberale etiam lauda ratifica et approba voluntariamente promette osservar 1571 die martis vigesimoseptimo martii visis deniquam videndis et consideratis considerandis et haverla ferma et ratha et inappellabile sotto obligar de [fol. 168r, in margin:] volontes ad expedictionem procedere et presentim etiam tutti sui beni de cadauna sorte presenti et futuri dec. et super Fig. 16 / Detail of Sansovino's 1571 die mercurii 28 martii ad cancellum mandato Clarissimum Dominorum Conservatorem Legum quibus [ill.] signature on Hope. 110 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 111

NOTES

1. Because family really does matter, this essay is dedicated took place in Santi Giovanni e Paolo “dove fu lodato da fabricari facere tam in pariete eiusdem ecclesium quam 25. “Volemo ancora che’l nostro corpo sii posto nell’archa umbilico urbis”, and the letter to collect funds for SEMPER IN PRINCIPATV[,] NIHIL PRAETER with fondest love, admiration, and gratitude to our Bernardino Loredano”. in terra sive pavimento.” ASVe: San Salvador, busta in terra che si fara, et non nel cassone nel muro, its reconstruction “miraculosam[ente] constructa et / ORNAMENTVM PRINCIPIS . QVOD EST “amantissimo et cordialissimo” father, Charles Avery, 8. Archivio di Stato di Venezia (hereafter ASVe): Notarile- 41, fol. 75r. et questo per la humiltà che dovemo havere, et fondata … nel Mezo el centro di questa amplissima IVSTVM IMPERIVM . / PVLCHERRIMVM on the joyful occasion of his eightieth birthday. Testamenti, busta 1207, no. 300. For a copy, see ASVe: 18. “Cum hoc, qui predictus Reverendus Dominus vergonessimento de la miseria nostra … .” ASVe: città sotto Titullo Del gloriosissimo salvator [nostro] LIBERIS CIVIBVS EXEMPLVM . / VIX[IT] Our grateful thanks to Professor Deborah Howard for Notarile-Testamenti, busta 1217, vol. 9, fols. 63v-64r. Visitator dicto nomine per se, suosque successores Notarile-Testamenti, busta 1207, no. 300. It is possible M[esser] Y[ehsu] X[risto] … essendo situata In AN[NOS] LXVII . DIES IIII . IN PRINCIPATV kindly reading an earlier draft of this article, and to Published Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. teneatur de tempore in tempus nominare et that the devout Venier was swayed by Catholic reform Visceribus suis merita [de] piu amplo et mag[nifico] AN[NVM] I MEN[SEM] XI . DIES XXII. / Matteo De Fina for his beautiful new photographs of 9. “Voglio esser sepulto a San Francesco di la Vigna con appresentare heredibus antedicti Serenissimi and the ruling that where burial within a church was Hedeficio esser constructa”: see Bohde, “Titian’s OBIIT IIII NO[NIS] IVNII . M.D.LVI.” This may the Venier Monument. pocca pompa et si come parera alli mei commissarii Principis unum ex suis fratribus Sancti Salvatoris in allowed, the dead should be buried in the ground, Three-Altar Project,” p. 465 and n. 48, who explains be translated as: “Francesco Venier, prince, truly a 2. For the Venier Monument, see principally Bruce … Lasso a San Francesco di la Vignia ducati quindese, mansionarium, elligendum postea et acceptandum not in wall-mounted tombs. For further discussion that the term “viscera” meant not only entrails, but follower of the ancient virtue and discipline of [our] Boucher, The Sculpture of Jacopo Sansovino, 2 vols. (New oltra quello li aspettara per el mio funeral …” Boucher, per dictos heredes de anno in annum; qui quidem and the influence of Gian Matteo Giberti, Bishop of more precisely the uterus. forebears, never the [spur?] to false glory, nor was Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1991), Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. This and all following mansionarius sic nominatus et ellectus celebrare Verona (1495-1543) on the Venetian patriciate and 35. For thorough visual analysis and detailed discussion [he] ever influenced by the sin of private gain. In I, pp. 118-123, 211-212, docs. 173-175, II, no. 32, translations are our own unless otherwise stated. habeat singulo die in perpetuum unam missam pro tomb building, see Kathryn Hiesinger, “The Fregoso of the monument’s likely sources, including its ruling the people [he observed] the utmost restraint, pp. 339-340; Jan Simane, Grabmonumente der Dogen: 10. “Lasso mei commissarii Messer Piero Venier, mio anima ipsius Serenissimi Principis, faciendo de ea Monument: A Study in Sixteenth-Century Tomb indebtedness to Sansovino’s Loggetta in Venice, and to in pronouncing judgement in the senate [he was full Venezianische Sepulkralkunst im Cinquecento (Sigmaringen: amantissimo et cordialissimo fratello, il qual voglio commemorationem… .” ASVe: San Salvador, busta Monuments and Catholic Reform,” The Burlington Peruzzi’s Tomb of Pope Hadrian VI in Rome, see Boucher, of] gravity and peace, and the most loving harmony Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1993), pp. 15-29; Victoria sia per la mazor parte.” Venier further nominated 41, fol. 75r. Magazine 118/878 (1976): pp. 282-293, and p. 287 for Sansovino, I, pp. 119-120; II, no. 32, pp. 339-340. See in all his most wise speech. Throughout his reign [he] Avery, “The Early Works of Alessandro Vittoria” four relatives: Chiara Venier, Cecilia Venier (widow of 19. “E contra vero supradictus Serenissimus Princeps reference to Venier. See also Simane, Grabmonumente, also Simane, Grabmonumente, pp. 18-25; and Morresi, never did anything that was not to the credit/honour (PhD diss., 3 vols, University of Cambridge, 1996), I, Federico Foscari), Zaccaria Vendramin, and Isabetta promisit scribi facere predictis Reverendis Patribus pp. 26-27. Sansovino, no. 60, pp. 333-335. For the Mocenigo of the prince, that is just rule [and] the most beautiful pp. 141-144, II, no. 36, pp. 436-437, (accessible via: Venier. Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. Monasterii Sancti Salvatoris ducatos quadrigentos 26. For the complex and extended building history of the Monument, see Anne Markham Schultz’s entry in La example to free citizens. He lived 67 years 4 days. In https://doi.org/10.17863/CAM.58379); Lorenzo 11. “Lasso che siano celebrate al tempo de la mia morte capitalis Montis Novissimi, sive subsidii ad ducatum pro Loredan Monument, see Victoria Avery, “Material Basilica dei Santi Giovanni e Paolo, ed. Giuseppe Pavanello the office of Doge: 1 year, 11 months, 22 days. Died the Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria: Architettura, scultura dove parereà alli mei commissarii messe 300 … Lasso ducato in ellectione ipsorum Reverendorum Patrum, Matters: Bronze and its (Non-)Employment in the (Venice: Marcianum Press, 2012), pp. 185-189. For an fourth day before the Nones of June 1556 [i.e. 2 June e decorazione nella Venezia del tardo Rinascimento (Udine: alla Scuola de la Misericordia, oltra el suo consueto, quorum prodia sint eorundem Dominorum Patrum.” Monuments to Venice’s Doges (1475-1625),” in The overview of earlier dogal tombs and monuments, see 1556].” With grateful thanks to Suzanne Reynolds and Forum, 1998), pp. 92-95; and Manuela Morresi, ducati vinti da esser dispensati per messer lo guardian ASVe: San Salvador, busta 41, fol. 75r. Mansionaries Tombs of the Doges of Venice: From the Beginning of the Paul, Tombs, with its useful bibliography. Deborah Howard for the translation of this inscription. Jacopo Sansovino (Milan: Electa, 2000), no. 60, pp. 333- et deputati alla bancha a poveri fratelli come a loro could be paid for upfront with a lump sum, through Serenissima to 1907, ed. Benjamin Paul (Rome: Viella, 36. For the Monument to Doge Antonio Venier, see Silvia According to Giuseppe Tassini, Iscrizioni della chiesa e 335. For a full bibliography, see Emma Jones, “The conscientia parera. Lasso siano dispensati nella contra a yearly payment, or via annual interest paid from 2016), pp. 282-292. d’Ambrosio’s entry in Pavanello, Santi Giovanni e Paolo, convento di S. Salvatore (Venice, 1895), no. 9, pp. 13-14, Business of Sculpture in Renaissance Venice” (PhD si troveremo habitare nel mese che Dio mi havrea an investment in one of the state loan funds, such as 27. Avery, “Material Matters,” pp. 284-285, and p. 285 n. 79. pp. 110-114. the inscription was composed by Giovanni Donà. diss., 3 vols, University of Cambridge, 2016), III, no. chiamato de questa vita ducati quindese a persone Venier’s. For further discussion, see Jones, “Business,” I, 28. Avery, “Material Matters,” p. 286 n. 82. 37. Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 119. Taken from Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 267 n. 76. 4, p. 41 (accessible via: https://doi.org/10.17863/ miserabili.” Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. p. 45. For Venetian state loan funds, see Frederic Lane, 29. The mier was based on the heavy pound (or gross 38. The late fifteenth-century group in glazed terracotta 44. This point was also made by Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 120. CAM.58516). 12. As Simane noted, Venier had not sought a concession Venice: a Maritime Republic (Baltimore and London: John measure); one mier equalled ca. 477kg. For an overview at the Ospedaletto is a notable example that may 45. Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 121. 3. Francesco Venier’s date of birth may be calculated for any of the chapels in the nave of San Francesco Hopkins University Press, 1973), p. 150; and Luciano of bronze prices in this period, see Jones, “Business,” have lain at the back of the mind of both patron and 46. For discussion of the architectural aspects of the Venier from the inscription on his funerary monument, which della Vigna, as other Venetian patricians had done. Pezzolo, “The Venetian Economy,” in A Companion to I, pp. 115-117; and III, pp. 234-235 (Table 3: Copper), p. sculptor. Monument, and its sources of inspiration, see Boucher, ends: “VIX[IT] AN[NOS] LXVII . DIES IIII . … Simane, Grabmonumente, p. 16. For a list of the principal Venetian History, 1400-1797, ed. Eric Dursteler (Leiden 236 (Table 4: Tin), and pp. 237-238 (Table 5: Bronze). 39. As found, for example, on the dogal monuments to Sansovino, I, p. 120; and II, pp. 339-340; Simane, OBIIT IIII NO[NIS] IVNII . M.D.LVI .” which concessions of burial spaces and chapels in San and Boston: Brill, first published 2013, ed. 2014), p. 30. Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 119. Pietro Mocenigo (15 figures), Andrea Vendramin (19 Grabmonumente, pp. 15-16, 19-20; and Morresi, Sansovino, translates as: “He lived 67 years 4 days. … Died the Francesco, see Deborah Howard, Jacopo Sansovino: 270. 31. By 1581, Sansovino noted in his guidebook that “in figures), and Nicolò Tron (22 figures; see fig. 6), the no. 60, pp. 333-335. The total cost of the monument fourth day before the Nones of June 1556”, that is Architecture and Patronage in Renaissance Venice (New Haven 20. ASVe: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 1207, no. 300. For a questo Tempio giacciono sedici Principe di Venetia.” first two located in Santi Giovanni e Paolo, the third in is not known, but the high-value materials would have 2 June 1556 in the calendar. The following and London: Yale University Press, first published copy, see ASVe: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 1217, vol. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 17r. For Venier’s funeral, see note Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari. added considerably to its cost. biographical information is derived from Andrea Da 1975, ed. 1987), p. 159. 9, fol. 64r-v. Published Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, 7. 40. Both are over 2 m tall: Charity is 239.4 cm; Hope is 241 47. The extent of the gilding was revealed when the Mosto, I dogi di Venezia (Florence: Giunti, 2007), pp. 13. For San Francesco della Vigna’s reconstruction (1534- doc. 173. 32. For further discussion of Antonio Venier’s Monument, cm. For a full discussion of their stylistic traits and tomb was cleaned by the Soprintendenza ai Beni 259-262. 1558/61), see Howard, Sansovino, pp. 64-74; Antonio 21. Venier left a small monetary bequest to the friars: in relation to Francesco’s, see below. sources, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 121-122. Architettonici di Venezia in 1986-1987 (under the 4. Venier was one of only a small number of doges not Foscari and Manfredo Tafuri, L’armonia e i conflitti: la “revochemo l’ordine che per el testamento preditto 33. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 47v. For the rebuilding of San 41. Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 122, and 267-268 n. 86. See direction of Ettore Merkel). See Melissa Conn and to have been a Procurator of Saint Mark, although he chiesa di San Francesco della Vigna nella Venezia del’500 davemo di esser sepulto a San Francesco di la Vigna. Salvador, see principally Manfredo Tafuri, “Pietas also Simane, Grabmonumente, pp. 23-24, for a discussion David Rosand, ed., Save Venice Inc. Four Decades of tried five times to be elected to this prestigious office. (Turin: Einaudi, 1983); and Morresi, Sansovino, no. 23, Ittem, quelle parole dove dicemo. Lasso a San Francesco repubblicana, neobizantinismo e umanesimo. Giorgio of the Virtues as personifications of the active and Restoration in Venice (New York and Venice: Grafiche See Da Mosto, Dogi, p. 260. Only four of the fifteen pp. 134-152. di la Vigna ducati xv, oltra quello li spettera per el mio Spavento e Tullio Lombardo nella chiesa di San contemplative life. For the importance of charity to Veneziane / Save Venice Inc., 2011), pp. 388-389. doges elected in the sixteenth century had not first been 14. ASVe: San Salvador, busta 41, fols. 74v-75v. Published funeral, et in loco de ditti legati, li lassemo ducati vinti Salvador,” Ricerche di Storia dell’Arte 19 (1983): pp. 5-36; Venetian Statecraft, see Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in 48. See Boucher, Sansovino, II, p. 339. procurators (Marcantonio Trevisan, Francesco Venier, Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 174. For a discussion 20 … .” Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. Ennio Concina, “Una fabbrica ‘in mezzo della città’: Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, 49. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 273r: “fu posto nella Chiesa di S. Lorenzo Priuli, Pietro Loredan). Although Francesco of concession agreements generally and for San 22. “volemo quanto alle exequie che si siegui quello che alli la chiesa e il convento di San Salvador,” in Progetto S. to 1620 (Cambridge, MA: Press, Salvadore, in ricchissimo, & Regal sepolcro di marmor, Sansovino, Venetia città nobilissima et singolare (Venice: Salvador specifically, see Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 44-48. altri predecessori nostri è sta solito farsi per li heredi Salvador. Un restauro per l’innovazione a Venezia, ed. Fulvio 1971), esp. pp. 7-8, and 214-216. posto alla memoria sua da Pietro suo fratello.” Domenico Farri, 1581), p. 273r, stated that Venier was 15. “qui cupit habere locum in ecclesia predicti Monasteri dei altri principi piu di quello che per el publico è Caputo (Venice: Albrizzi, 1988), pp. 73-153; and Ennio 42. For further discussion of the iconographic readings of 50. Victoria Avery, “Documenti sulla vita e le opere di sixty-four years old when he became doge, Da Mosto, Sancti Salvatoris, pro facienda sive fabricanda una costume di fare.” Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 211, doc. 173. Concina, “San Salvador: la fabbrica, l’architettura,” in this figure, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 122 and 268 Alessandro Vittoria (c. 1525-1608),” Studi Trentini Dogi, p. 260 correctly noted that he was sixty-five. honorifica sepultura ad sepellendum cadaver, sive ossa Translation taken from Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 119. La chiesa di San Salvador a Venezia. Storia, Arte, Teologia, ed. nn. 90-91. di Scienze Storiche, Sezione Prima, 78/1 (1999): 5. For further discussion of this portrait, see: https:// sua, et heredum suorum.” ASVe: San Salvador, busta 23. “Volemo che per el fare de la ditta nostra archa et Gianmario Guidarelli (Padua: Il , 2009), pp. 9-27. 43. The epitaph reads: “FRANCISCVS VENERIVS Supplemento, p. 206, doc. 34(i)-(iv). www.museothyssen.org/en/collection/artists/titian/ 41, fol. 74v. adornamento nella faza del muro et nel salizado sia For further discussion of San Salvador’s significance as PRINCEPS[,] PRISCAE MAIORVM / VIRTVTIS. 51. “ali .30. hotobrio .1557. L. 6. S. 10. A Antonio di portrait-doge-francesco-venier (accessed August 2020). 16. “ex opposite organi et januae per quam eggreditur in speso al meno ducati mille, et cusì etiam non più a burial site, see Simane, Grabmonumente, pp. 27-28; and AC DISCIPLINAE VERE IMITATOR[,] NVLLO Maestro Picio per aver lavorato cinque giornate sula 6. His funerary inscription records “IN PRINCIPATV Merzzariam, ac inter altaria et pillastris capellarum de ducati mille et cinquecento.” ASVe: Notarile- Daniela Bohde, “Titian’s Three-Altar Project in the NEC / ADVMBRATAE LAVDIS STIMVLO . NEC Pieta di Clarissimo Venier fratelo dil Principe. Val – L. AN[NVM] I MEN[SEM] XI . DIES XXII”. (“In the Sanctae Mariae et Sancti Augustini.” ASVe: San Testamenti, busta 1207, no. 300. Venetian Church of San Salvador: Strategies of Self- PRIVATAE VTILITATIS / ERRORE VNQVAM 6. S. 10.”: Avery, “Documenti,” p. 205, doc. 34(i). office of Doge: 1 year, 11 months, 22 days”). Salvador, busta 41, fol. 75r. 24. “ad arbitrio de nostro fratello Messer Piero, overo de Representation by Members of the Scuola Grande di San PERMOTVS . IN REGEN[DIS] POPVLIS 52. “ali .6. novembrio .1557. Ricevi dal Magnifico 7. “lautissime pompe dei conviti e dei banchetti delle 17. “In quo loco predictus Serenissimus Princeps suoi fioli, et del fare questa opera quando per nui in Rocco,” Renaissance Studies 15/4 (2001): pp. 450-472, esp. SVMMAE / CONTINENTIAE . IN DICVNDA Signor Giovani Veniero a bon conto dela Pieta va ornate credenze, dei preziosi suoi vestiti e di altre tali fieri et fabricari facere possit unam honoratam vita nostra non fusse sta fatta, li aggravamo molto la pp. 454 and 465. SENTENTIA SENATORIAE / GRAVITATIS . Posta ala sepoltura dil Prencipe a santo Salvadore magnificenze”; as cited by Da Mosto, Dogi, p. 260. sepulturam cum suis ornamentis juxta eius voluntatem conscientia che al meno in spatio di anni doi la sia 34. For Leonardo Loredan’s letter of 18 April 1515 PACIS . ET CONCORDIAE AMANTISS[IMVS]. Ducati numero – 10 –”. Avery, “Documenti,” p. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 273r recorded that the funeral beneplacitur, et dispositarum ipsamque sepulturam fornida.” ASVe: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 1207, no. 300. that talks of San Salvador’s construction “in IN OMNI / SERMONE SAPIENTISS[IMVS]. 206, doc. 34(ii). 112 Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice Family matters: Jacopo Sansovino’s Monument to Doge Francesco Venier in San Salvador, Venice 113

53. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, docs. 34(ii) and 34(iv). 64. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, doc. 34(ii). Works,” I, pp. 136-141; II, no. 33, pp. 430-432; and 85. Appendix, doc. 1, from “Quia vertitur” to “semel et nome scholpito soto dito quadro …” McHam, Chapel, called the “paragone”) about which was superior: 54. Simane, Grabmonumente, p. 17, citing a document 65. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 205, doc. 34(i). As was Finocchi Ghersi, Vittoria, pp. 81-92. pluries”. p. 221, doc. 63. The massari were “members of the painting or sculpture. For the changing status of the in Eugenia Carol Burns, San Salvatore and Venetian common, Vittoria generally used one of two main 75. “ali .18. Marzo 1558 / Lire 6 soldi 10 a Maestro 86. Appendix, doc. 1, fol. 168v: from “in casu discordiae board of overseers” at the Santo (McHam, Chapel, p. 2), artist in Renaissance Italy, see Emma Barker, Nick Church Architecture, 1490-1530 (Ann Arbor: University systems of “money of account” in his book-keeping. Antonio de Picio per aver lavorato .5. giorni sula Fama eligendi tertium …” i.e. the close equivalent of ecclesiastical lay procurators. Webb, and Kim Woods, eds., The Changing Status of the Microfilms International, 1987), p. 69. The currency recorded in these payments was based deli soprascritti Contarini”: Avery, “Documenti,” p. 87. “1571 die mercurii 4 mensis aprilis ad cancellum. 104. The only reliefs in the chapel that had previously been Artist (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 55. “E in Venezia dà splendore alla piazza la facciata di on the lira di piccoli. The breakdown was: 1 ducat (of 198, doc. 24(iv), under 18 March 1558. The work was Contrascriptus Magnificus Dominus Io. Venerio signed were those by Tullio and Antonio Lombardo 1999) and Francis Ames-Lewis, The Intellectual Life of the San Gimignano, e nella merceria la facciata di San account) = 6 lire 4 soldi; 1 lira = 20 soldi, or 240 denarii. 1 most likely blocking out, given that this payment dates paterno nomine in tertium coniudicem elegit D. but the inclusion of their signatures had not been a Early Renaissance Artist (New Haven and London: Yale Giuliano, e in San Salvador la ricchissima sepoltura ducat of account = 124 soldi. There was an actual gold to the start of the project. Thomá dal Contino Sculptorem.” Appendix, doc. contractual obligation. McHam, Chapel, p. 56. University Press, 2000). del Principe Francesco Veniero”. Giorgio Vasari, Vita coin called a ducat (or zecchino) which was worth 10 lire 76. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 197, doc. 24(iii): Vittoria 1, fol. 168r. It is unclear as to which Tommaso “dal 105. For an overview of sculptors’ workshops in Venice from 110. For these concepts in the broader context of de M. Jacopo Sansovino, scultore e architetto della Repubblica di at this time. The ducats mentioned in the documents received instalments from Pietro and Pandolfo Contino” this was. The well-documented architect- the fifteenth to mid-sixteenth centuries, see Wolfgang Renaissance Italy, see Martin Kemp, Behind the Picture: Venezia (First published 1570; ed. Venice: Antonio Zatta cited here are ducats of account. For the other system, Contarini on 21 March (10 ducats); 24 July (13 ducats); cum-proto Bernardino Contin (1530-1596) had three Wolters, “Sculpture”, in Norbert Huse and Wolfgang Art and Evidence in the Italian Renaissance (New Haven and e figli, 1789), p. 27. based on the gold ducat, see Jones, “Business,” III, p. 1. 25 September (8 ducats); 20 November (10 ducats); and sons, Antonio, Francesco, and Tommaso, but as the Wolters, The Art of Renaissance Venice: Architecture, London: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 226-255. 56. For Sansovino’s biography in the Vite of 1568, see 66. “ali 22 Zenaro .1558. / Lire 4 soldi 16 A Tomaso the final settlement of the agreed 60-ducats fee on 22 latter was only born in 1570, it cannot have been him. Sculpture and Painting 1460-1590, trans. Edward Jephcott Sansovino’s double signature and self-portrait on his Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ piu eccellenti pittori, scultori, e da Zara per aver polito la Madona dela soprascritta December (19 ducats). Giovanni had been nominated to act on his father’s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 129- Sacristy Door in San Marco, for example, was surely architettori, 3 vols. (Florence: Appresso i Giunti, 1568), Pieta per saldo e resto del nostro mercato”: Avery, 77. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, doc. 34(iv). behalf in the original “compromissum”. 134 (letter also discussed pp. 133-134); for the period his way of acknowledging the primacy of his role in III, pp. 822-831. For further discussion of the 1570 “Documenti,” p. 205, doc. 34(i). 78. See Appendix, doc. 1. 88. “1571 die lunae 30 aprilis ad cancellum. Contrascriptae 1525-1625, see Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 128-140. the commission, despite the large team of assistants biography, published as a stand-alone volume, see 67. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, docs 34(iii) and 34(iv). 79. For further discussion, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 140. partes proprogant compromisum pro dies quindecim 106. “io dovessi far una statua d’Hercole … , mi accordai and other specialists behind its execution. As with the Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 161-162, 276 n. 23. 68. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, docs 34(iii) and 34(iv). 80. For the Sacristy Door litigation, which involved several proxime futoros.” Appendix, doc. 1, fol. 168v. seco, con animo di farla fare a qualche mio giovane, Venier Monument, the door would not have existed 57. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 48r: “Et poco discosto, è collocate 69. Patrons commonly directly employed the various (and changes in arbiters, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 89. Appendix, doc. 2. giudandolo, e correggendolo’io senza provi le mani, without Sansovino’s design, nor his management of its in sepoltura di marmo, con 2. figure di singolare often many) artisans and artists needed to construct 71-72, 235-240, docs. 262-294; and Victoria Avery, 90. Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271r-v. com’io soglio far qua di molte altre scolture, non production. bellezza, di mano del Sansovino, cosi l’architettura a complex commission such as this, rather than the Vulcan’s Forge in Venus’ City: The Story of Bronze in Venice, 91. “tutte le cose cioe dessegni, sagome, et modelli havendo tempo per esser impedito ne le fabriche de 111. See note 57 above. Sansovino’s unusual signature set del sepolcro come anco le predette figure, Francesco designer, architect or a proto doing so. For further 1350-1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), et ordinatione come se conviene a tal opera …”. le quali ho carico, di scolpir di mia mano.” Boucher, a precedent for other sculptors in San Salvador, who Veniero Doge 80. che fu l’anno 1554 …”. discussion of how sculptors and stonemasons were pp. 101-103, 109-110. Francesco also made claims for Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271r. Sansovino, I, p. 220, doc. 204. For the commission of this proceeded to record their authorship in particularly 58. Vasari, Vite, III, p. 833: “… & apresso fece [Vittoria] contracted in quattrocento Venice, see Susan Connell, compensation for other works by Jacopo, including the 92. Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271r, from “quanto poi alle due colossal statue for Ercole II d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, see novel or elaborate ways. Vittoria, for example, una Pietà, con due figure di pietra tenute buone, che The Employment of Sculptors and Stonemasons in Venice in Madonna and Child, now in the Chiesetta of the Doge’s figure” to “sopra le quale era difficulta”. Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 130-134 (letter discussed p. cunningly placed his signature on the pendant Saint sono a san Salvadore in Vinetia.” It is unclear why he the Fifteenth Century (New York and London: Garland, Palace, and the figures of Mars and Neptune on the Scala 93. Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271r, from “terminiamo che” to 131); and II, no. 34, p. 341. Sebastian and (late 1580s) on the Pork- did not also attribute the dogal effigy to Vittoria. 1988); for sculptors in the Cinquecento, see Jones, dei Giganti of the same building. For the documents, see “Messer Giacomo”. 107. For a sensitive analysis of the differences between these butchers’ altar across the two most visible sides of both 59. For further discussion of Sansovino’s signature, see “Business”. A proto (or protomaestro) was essentially a Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 240-243, docs. 295-303, and 94. Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271v, from “qual de piu” to figures, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 121-122. For a sculptures’ socles, so that his name was fully legible below. Although Boucher states that “the statues of project manager or foreman but could denote a more pp. 224-227, docs. 226-239 respectively. “veritamente merita”. summary of the qualitative assessment of these figures from all viewing points. Similarly, Giulio del Moro Hope and Charity are signed in the conventional manner senior position – a superintendent of buildings – such 81. In notarial acts, these are usually called “protestatio” 95. Appendix, doc. 2, fol. 271v, from “Et sic salvis by previous scholars, see Boucher, Sansovino, II, no. 32, boldly signed his statue of the Risen Christ (ca. 1595- employed by Sansovino elsewhere” (Boucher, Sansovino, as Jacopo Sansovino’s role as proto for the Procuratori and “refutatio.” It remains unknown as to whether promissis” to “et cosi sententiamo”. pp. 32-33. 1604) on the monument to Andrea Dolfin and his wife II, p. 339), it was unusual for Sansovino to include di San Marco de Supra (responsible for the fabric of Francesco Sansovino and Piero Venier involved a 96. Appendix, doc. 3. 108. Wolters, “Sculpture,” p. 133. As he points out, few ‘IVLIVS MAVRVS VERONENSIS / SCVLPTOR even one of his professions, let alone both of them. San Marco and the Piazza). For further discussion of notary before going to arbitration. 97. Appendix, doc. 4. sculptures produced in Venice prior to Sansovino’s PICTOR ET / ARCHITECTVS F.’, proclaiming for The only other time Sansovino employed a similar proti, see Deborah Howard, Venice Disputed: Marc’Antonio 82. The “compromissum” recorded the appointment of 98. Appendix, doc. 4, from “solenemente ha giurato” to arrival were signed (pertinent exceptions being all to see that he was not only its Veronese author, but signature was on his relief of The Miracle of the Maiden Barbaro and Venetian Architecture (New Haven and London: arbiters, normally whom they were representing, and “in tutto altra il mercato”. Donatello’s Baptist [Frari], Antonio Rizzo’s Eve [Arco also a sculptor, architect, and painter, thus trumping Carilla for the Cappella di Sant’Antonio, in the Santo, Yale University Press, 2011), pp. 134-136; and Martin outlined the case under investigation. On occasion, 99. For further discussion, see Jones, “Business,” I, pp. Foscari], Tullio Lombardo’s Coronation of the Virgin even Sansovino’s professional credentials. Padua, which he signed, “IACOBVS SANSOVINVS Gaier, Architettura “venetiana.” I proti veneziani e la politica it might also include the arbiters’ final decision. For 76-78. [Cappella Bernabò, San Giovanni Crisostomo], and a SCVLP. ET ARCHITEC. FLORENT. F”. For this edilizia del Cinquecento (Sommacampagna [Verona]: further discussion of litigation and legal redress in the 100. Final settlement of complex commissions could be handful of works by Pyrgoteles and Simone Bianco), relief, see principally Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 94-99; II, Cierre, 2019). business of sculpture in sixteenth-century Venice, see lengthy and complicated. See, for example, Sansovino’s plus the earlier reliefs in the Cappella dell’Arca, in no. 30, pp. 337-338; Sarah Blake McHam, The Chapel 70. In his account-book, under 25 July 1557, Vittoria Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 151-158; and Emma Jones, aforementioned relief of The Miracle of the Maiden the Santo. This is quite distinct from the practice of St Anthony at the Santo and the Development of Venetian proudly recorded how he had become a padrone in the “Love, Lies and Litigation: The saga of Alessandro Carilla: contracted in 1536, settled in March 1562, of painters in Venice, who commonly, and often Renaissance Sculpture (Cambridge: Cambridge University guild. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 204, doc. 31. Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist,” Colnaghi Studies 2 (2018): finally installed in 1563. See note 59 above; and prominently, signed their work long before Sansovino’s Press, 1994), pp. 56-58; and pp. 220-224, docs. 60-70; 71. For Vittoria’s workshop and division of labour, see pp. 58-59. See also Connell, Employment, pp. 208-221, Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 208-210, docs. 159-167, for arrival. For signatures on Venetian bronzes, see Avery, and below. Victoria Avery, “La bottega di Alessandro Vittoria,” in whose research on arbitration and its employment the documents. Vulcan�s Forge, pp. 90-92; and Claudia Kryza-Gersch, 60. For further discussion of the reasons for Sansovino’s “La bellissima maniera”: Alessandro Vittoria e la scultura veneta in the sphere of fifteenth-century sculptors and 101. See Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 78-79; III, pp. 224-233, “Confusing Signatures on Bronzes: Sculptor and Caster choice, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 118 and 135. del Cinquecento, eds. Andrea Bacchi, Lia Camerlengho, stonemasons is invaluable. Table 2: Sculptors’ Fees. in Renaissance Venice,” Artibus et Historiae 76 (2017): 61. For Cappello’s support of Sansovino, see Boucher, and Manfred Leithe-Jasper, exh. cat. (Trent: Provincia 83. “che per perito per la parte di essi clarissimi procuratori 102. Who supplied the materials for the complex, and pp. 95-112. For sculptors’ signatures and identity Sansovino, I, p. 42. Autonoma di Trento, 2008), pp. 126-139. nella causa con Domino Francesco Sansuin, doctor, from where remains unknown, but Sansovino and/or in Renaissance Italy, see David Boffa, “Sculptors’ 62. See Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 120: it was Salvador and 72. “per aver lavorato 2 giornate sul Dose di la dita Pieta.” nomina messer Francesco Segala, sculptor, et the stonemasons involved may well have assisted the Signatures and the Construction of Identity,” in A his business partners who executed the architectural Avery, “Documenti,” p. 205, doc. 34(i), under 30 medesimamente il predetto Domino Francesco Sansuin patron fully or in part. For a broader discussion, see Scarlet Renaissance: Essays in Honor of Sarah Blake McHam, elements of Archbishop Livio Podocataro’s tomb (after October and 9 December respectively. nomina messer Danese Cathaneo, sculptor, per la parte most recently Emma Jones, “The Sculptural Stones of ed. Arnold Victor Coonin (New York: Italica, 2013), a design by Sansovino) in San Sebastiano (1557-1565). 73. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, doc. 34(iii). sua”: Boucher, Sansovino, I, p. 237, doc. 273. Venice: The Selection, Supply, and Cost of Marble and pp. 35-56; and for a case-study on why, when and For this commission, see Boucher, Sansovino, I, pp. 123- 74. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 197, doc. 24(iii). For the 84. Cattaneo was not only named as an executor in Stone in the Sixteenth Century,” in Making and Moving how Vittoria signed his works, see Victoria Avery, 125, 218-220, docs. 196-199; II, no. 33, pp. 340-341; Contarini Monument, see Charles Davis, “Il Sansovino’s final will of 10 September 1568 (“el Sculpture in Early Modern Italy, ed. Kelley Helmstutler “Alessandro Vittoria's Socles: Shaping and Naming,” Morresi, Sansovino, pp. 340-343; and more recently, monumento di Alessandro Contarini al Santo di maestro caro Danese Cattaneo schultor [sic]”), but he Di Dio (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015), in Display and Displacement: Sculpture and the Pedestal from Sarah Blake McHam, “Cyprus meets Venice and Padova,” in Michele Sanmicheli: Architettura, linguaggio was also gifted various models and casts. See Boucher, pp. 111-136; and Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 85-101, with Renaissance to Post-Modern, ed. Alexandra Gerstein Rome: The Tomb of Livio Podocataro,” Source: Notes in e cultura artistica nel Cinquecento, eds. Howard Burns, Sansovino, I, pp. 233-234, doc. 256, at p. 234. For extensive bibliography. (London: Courtauld Institute of Art Research Forum Art History 36, 3/4 (2017): pp. 190-200. Christoph Frommel, and Leonello Puppi (Vicenza: Sansovino’s workshop and assistants, see Boucher, 103. “Messer Iacopo Sansoin, fiorentino, schultore and Paul Holberton Publishing, 2007), pp. 16-32. 63. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 206, doc. 34(ii). CISA, 1995), pp. 180-195, 306-313; Avery, “Early Sansovino, I, pp. 142-158. exelentissimo, sta in Venetia … obligato a meter el suo 109. This was influenced in part by the related debate (later For Charles Avery 115

1 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani

JEREMY WARREN

Alabaster, a form of gypsum, has long been popular During the period under discussion, the island as a material for sculpture, for its relative softness of formed part of the Spanish Habsburg and ease of carving, and also for its attractive domains in Italy, with centres in Milan and Naples, translucency and whiteness, even if it could rarely and it subsequently came under the rule of the match the purity of the best marble.2 It was, however, Bourbon monarchs in Naples. Trapani has long very much less expensive than marble and so, for been renowned as a centre for artistic production all these reasons, alabaster from an early date has but has also often been seen as a place with its own lent itself to the production of sculptures, often on a individuality, standing somewhat apart from the rest smallish scale and on a serial basis. Some schools of of Sicily. Patrick Brydone wrote in 1774 that “The European alabaster carving have long been easily people of Trapani are esteemed the most industrious recognizable, each centre with its own distinctive of the island; they are the authors of many useful aesthetic. The best-known are perhaps the carvings and ornamental inventions.”6 In 1782, the scientist produced in vast numbers by workshops in the Michael Johann von der Borch described the English Midlands, from the twelfth through to the Trapanese in very similar terms, whilst also lauding sixteenth centuries,3 but there was also an important the city’s freedom from or “bothersome school of alabaster sculpture in the southern insects” that he claimed infested other Sicilian Netherlandish towns of Mechelen (Malines) and cities.7 Early nineteenth-century travellers also wrote Antwerp, widely exported throughout central and warmly of the city and of Trapanese skills in the northern Europe,4 whilst alabaster was also used arts, in particular sculpture. Thus, the British naval extensively in Spain.5 hydographer William Henry Smyth:

The present essay explores the role of the Sicilian its inhabitants, amounting to about port city of Trapani, the classical Drépanon or twenty-five thousand, are industrious and Drepanum, as a major centre for the production of enterprising, and afford the best artizans alabaster carvings, from the late sixteenth through to and sailors in the island. It has not the eighteenth centuries (fig. 1). It aims to demonstrate only produced more excellent scholars, that Trapani alabasters are in their own ways as distinct painters, and architects, but claims the and recognizable as, for example, those produced in recovery of the art of engraving on gems, the Southern Netherlands and will suggest, through which had been lost during the dark ages, the publication of a number of works that are today and was again brought to perfection by Fig. 1 / School of Jacques in British public collections or have passed through Mazarielli; indeed, their principal talent, Callot, View of Trapani, the British art market, that this country seems to have at present, seems to be in sculpture, and 1620, pen and brown ink, watercolour, London, British been a (perhaps unexpectedly) significant market for it is exerted on coral, amber, wood, shell, Museum. the Trapani alabaster sculptors. ivory, and alabaster.8 116 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 117

Around the same time, another naval officer Edward I confess Italy affords finest Alabaster (whereof quarries of Sicily or known about [….] they carve from had been attributed to the eighteenth-century sculptor Boid wrote that “It is now become a place of great these imagilets wrought at are made) it nude figures that are rather lovely, because of the Alberto Tipa demonstrates how difficult it can be to consideration in the island, various branches of traffic which indeed apes ivory in the whiteness and stone’s resemblance to human flesh.”18 The scale of the date many of these figures and, indeed, how patchy our are actively pursued, and it contains a population of smoothness thereof. But such alabaster is growth of the industry in the seventeenth century and knowledge of Trapani alabaster sculpture still is. twenty-five thousand souls, whose industry has acquired found in small bunches and little proportions: the serial nature of much production can be seen from a great proportion of individual affluence, when it riseth not (to use the language of workmen) a contract of 1645, detailing the sale by the alabaster The Tartaglio and Tipa families produced the best- compared with the present state of Sicilian politics.”9 in great blocks, as our English doth.13 carver Francesco Muzzunico (or Mussonico) to his known alabaster carvers from Trapani. Giacomo A few years earlier, another British traveller, John Galt, brother Perrio of “forty-five Madonnas, three Tartaglio (1678-1751), who worked mostly in marble had charmingly written that It is not known what the imagilets produced in Livorno and twenty worked or unworked figures or statues of and alabaster, is recorded as having made a statuette in looked like and, indeed, there is little evidence in alabaster and a small cabinet in alabaster” in return pietra incarnata of the dead Christ for the Cathedral in Trapani is one of those kind of places, sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Italy for the use for an agreed sum of money, as well as “the facility to Trapani, where it survives to this day.25 On his death in which I had imagined existed no longer. of alabaster for sculpture. One outstanding exception be allowed to exercise his art as a master alabaster carver 1751, Giacomo bequeathed to his brother Giuseppe all It is an Italian town in the style of the was the Flemish-born sculptor Giambologna, who free of charges and for the love he bears him, in the the works in pietra incarnata and in other alabaster in his sixteenth century. It has an academy of would have been closely familiar with the material from workshop of the said master Perrio”.19 workshop, both finished and unfinished, as well as all design, and two literary societies, which his native Flanders. Giambologna used alabaster for his his models, suggesting that alabaster sculpture formed have also the title of academies. This earliest relief carving, an Allegory of Prince Francesco de’ The growth in the industry of alabaster sculpture was the major portion of his output. 26 The Tartaglio and place has been the mother of so many Medici, made in Florence ca. 1560-1561,14 whilst a group accompanied by years of bitter disputes over status Tipa workshops were linked through familial ties. eminent artists, who have ornamented of four alabaster reductions of Michelangelo’s famous with the sculptors in coral.20 Settlement was finally Giacomo’s niece Anna Tartaglio was married to Andrea it with their earliest productions, that statues for the Medici Chapel in San Lorenzo, first reached in 1669, after which date members of the (1725-1766), brother of Alberto Tipa (1732-1783), who it would be unpardonable to pass them recorded in the Dresden Kunstkammer in 1587, have corporation of sculptors were permitted to work in a was the most celebrated carver of alabaster sculptures without notice.10 recently been attributed to the young Giambologna.15 range of materials, including coral, alabaster, turtle from Trapani, cited in the biographies in particular for shell, amber, onyx and ivory. Whilst many names of his sculpture in pietra incarnata, although he also worked Trapani has historically been justly celebrated for the A variety of types of alabaster were to be found in the sculptors are known from seventeenth- and eighteenth- in marble, wood, ivory, and in mother-of-pearl. Andrea carving of coral. 11 Alabaster carving in the city, whilst vicinity of Trapani. The more common was a white century Trapani, for only relatively few does any on the other hand was best-known for his work in ivory, enjoying some recent attention from scholars in Sicily, stone, sometimes flecked with darker elements, but the information survive as to their precise activities and, coral, mother-of-pearl, and amber, although he also made has been much less well studied and has remained little most celebrated by far was a type of red-veined alabaster, when it does, this generally concerns work in the small figures in alabaster, as discussed further below.27 understood, especially beyond the island. The impetus known as pietra incarnata or alabastro rosa, which lent itself nobler material of marble or, often, wood.21 Very When Andrea Tipa died in 1766, a short dispute, settled for the present study lay in recent re-examination in particular to images from Christ’s Passion, the veins in few sculptors are specifically described as working in a few months later, ensued between his widow Anna and of the wide-ranging collections of sculpture at the the stone much enhancing the lividity of figures of the alabaster, the principal exceptions being the workshops Alberto Tipa, concerning compensation for and for National Trust property of Anglesey Abbey, near suffering Saviour.16 In two general histories of Trapani of the Tartaglio and Tipa families. Sculptures made the incomplete works of art, cameos, and statuettes, left Cambridge.12 These include four distinctive alabaster written around 1600, by Giovan Francesco Pugnatore in alabaster are only very rarely signed or dated. One in the workshop by her late husband.28 The sheer variety carvings of different subjects, previously variously and by Leonardo Orlandini, the flourishing coral carving notable exception is the Calvary group that has recently of objects being made in the Tipa workshop becomes catalogued as Flemish, German or Spanish, but all, as industry was described at some length, but no mention come to light, signed by the Trapanese sculptor Pietro clear from both the inventory taken after Andrea’s death will be demonstrated, in fact made in Trapani. was made of alabaster sculpture, suggesting that use of Orlando (1651-1699), an ambitious sculpture of which and the legal papers documenting the family dispute and the material was limited at this time.17 It was in the course the sculptor was doubtless especially proud.22 A statuette its settlement; they included, in alabaster, a Crucifixion in Trapani was one of two main centres in Italy for the of the seventeenth century that alabaster sculpture grew of the Madonna of Trapani formerly on the art market pietra incarnata by Andrea and a Saint John Preaching and carving of alabaster sculpture, the other Volterra in in importance and seems to have been well-established by was initialled and dated on the reverse “R.S./1642”,23 a Nativity by Alberto, an ivory statuette of the Immaculate Tuscany, where the trade continues to this day. The around the middle of the century, when the local collector whilst an unattributed pietra incarnata figure of Christ at Conception on a touchstone pedestal by Andrea, and other English historian Thomas Fuller was probably referring Antonio Cordici wrote that “in the quarry at Casalbianco the Column in the church of the Carmine in Trapani has works in ivory, mother-of-pearl, turtleshell, and cameo. to Volterra alabaster when he wrote in his Worthies of has been discovered an alabaster the colour of which recently been discovered to bear the date 1656.24 The Alberto Tipa, who died unmarried in 1783, is said to have England, first published in 1662, that resembles flesh, of a type hitherto never seen in the fact that before the discovery of the date this figure laboured for many years on an ivory group of Saint Michael 118 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 119

Fig. 2 / Pisan School, The Vanquishing the Devil, the perfecting of which obsessed him into the base of Pietro Orlando’s Calvary. Given that scale and of high quality, several of them by leading Madonna of Trapani, ca. 1360, marble, Trapani, Basilica- to the point that it eventually drove him into insanity. almost all the sculptors’ workshops made use of a wide sculptors such as Domenico Gagini (ca. 1425/30-1492) Sanctuary of Maria Santissima range of materials, it is not surprising to find alabaster and the Dalmatian Francesco Laurana (ca. 1430-before Annunziata. Despite the small number of documented works and being quite frequently used in conjunction with other 1532),34 who pioneered the use of alabaster as a 35 Fig. 3 / Trapani workshop, The the general lack of signatures, alabaster sculptures materials, especially for the elaborate narrative tableaux sculptural material in Sicily. Towards the end of the Holyrood Madonna and Child, made in Trapani are usually quite distinctive. The such as Nativity scenes (presepi), often associated with the fifteenth century, copies on a smaller scale intended for ca. 1500-1600, alabaster with stone, especially the easily recognizable pietra incarnata, Tipa workshop. Good examples include a Nativity in the private devotion began to be made, just as the fame traces of gilding, Edinburgh, 29 National Museums of Scotland. is generally quite different in appearance from the Museo Pepoli and an early eighteenth-century Flight of the Madonna of Trapani began to spread rapidly, purer northern European alabaster. Unlike English into Egypt in the March collection, in which the main with Trapani quickly becoming a centre for pilgrims Fig. 4 / The Via Torrearsa, and Netherlandish alabaster carving, relief sculpture scene, made from ivory, coral, and silver, is set on an from throughout the Mediterranean and beyond.36 As Trapani, present-day view. is very rare. Almost all Trapani alabaster sculpture is alabaster base, the centre of which has a small figurative a consequence, the demand for transportable and figurative, with the average sizes of figures ranging vignette depicting the Adoration of the Shepherds.30 relatively inexpensive small copies grew exponentially. from around 20 to around 40 cm, although smaller and Another remarkable eighteenth-century assemblage in An alabaster statuette of the Madonna of Trapani in larger figures are also found. Some alabaster carving a private collection in Malta, depicting Saint Jerome in a private collection in is dated 1565,37 whilst could be on a minute scale, for example the multi- a rocky landscape, has the figure of the saint, his lion a small early version now in the National Museums of figure scene with Christ on the way to Calvary inserted and the base made from alabaster, partly-painted, whilst Scotland in Edinburgh is claimed to have been found other materials include coral, mother-of-pearl, shell, in one of the sixteenth-century Scottish royal tombs jasper, cork, and even moss.31 in Holyrood Chapel (fig. 3).38 Otherwise, most of the copies that survive to this day are thought to have been The style of the carving in the larger figures is produced in the period ca. 1650-1750, the heyday of almost always broad, not especially sophisticated, but the alabaster sculpture tradition in Trapani. nevertheless often quite lively, with an unexpected eye for unusual and quirky details. As with northern The workshops making smaller-scale sculptures, whether alabasters, the surfaces of the sculptures were sometimes in alabaster, coral or other materials, were clustered embellished with gilded and painted decoration. along a single street, the so-called via degli scultori or via dei corallari, today’s Via Torrearsa in the middle of The earliest alabaster sculptures known to have been Trapani’s historic centre (fig. 4). Around the turn of made in Trapani are reproductions of the Madonna the seventeenth century, Giovan Francesco Pugnatore of Trapani, a celebrated life-size votive marble statue and Leonardo Orlandini in their histories of Trapani of the Virgin and Child, said to have been given to the both recorded around twenty-five workshops along city by a Pisan merchant who, on his return from the this street, all of them at this time apparently engaged Levant, found shelter from a violent storm in Trapani largely in the carving of coral,39 although in 1609, and, in thanks for his deliverance, gave the figure to the thirty-two workshops in which some alabaster was city as an ex voto. The work of a Pisan sculptor, often in worked were recorded.40 Later in the century, in the the past said to be Nino Pisano, this beautiful sculpture 1672 edition of his Atlas Marianus, the Jesuit theologian (fig. 2) is housed in the Basilica of Maria Santissima Wilhelm Gumppenberg (1609-1675), who had his Annunziata,32 in a dedicated chapel, the splendid information from his fellow Jesuit Girolamo Laguna, entrance to which was designed by Antonello Gagini priest in Trapani, wrote that there were around forty and his sons and completed around 1539.33 Copies workshops in the city, the principal occupations of of the Madonna of Trapani were already being made which were carvings in coral and the manufacture of in the fifteenth century, but these were on a larger small images of the Madonna of Trapani in alabaster. 120 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 121

According to Gumppenberg, around 5,000 of these Because of its subject, the figure of the Madonna were exported every year, whilst hardly a house was to of Trapani was the simplest of the four alabaster be found in Sicily that did not have one of these statues.41 sculptures in the collection at Anglesey Abbey to A few years later, in 1698, the Trapanese historian identify as a product of the Trapani workshops Vincenzo Nobile, who similarly recorded forty or more (fig. 6).54 Of good quality, marred only by the workshops, wrote of how “there is not a foreigner that loss of the Virgin’s right hand and clumsy arrives in Trapani who does not take back with him to restoration of the head of the Christ Child, the his country some statuette of Our Lady in coral or in figure exemplifies several characteristic features of alabaster, as an aid to his own devotions and those of the reductions of the Madonna of Trapani, as well his people.”42 Thus the coral carving workshops seem as Trapani alabasters more generally. It is mounted gradually to have expanded their activity to encompass on an elaborate separately carved base, supported sculpture carved from alabaster, an inexpensive material by three muscular putti, around whom flutter lengths easily obtainable locally, that could be worked on a of drapery which echo the supporting arches of the larger scale than coral.43 base. Above the putti there is a cartouche bearing the arms of the city of Trapani, with five towers upon a Gumppenberg’s number of 5,000 figures was probably three-arched bridge below a sickle, surmounted by a in reality meant to include both coral and alabaster crown. It was common for the arms of the city to be reductions. In 1698 Vincenzo Nobile estimated that represented on the bases of these figures, a further around 5,000 alabaster figures of the Madonna of indication that many were intended for export. They Trapani had been exported from Trapani over the may for example also be found on the base of the preceding decades,44 so the total numbers, if those made statue dated 1565, in debased form on an alabaster after 1698 are included, must have run into tens of version in the Victoria and Albert Museum,55 or in thousands. Copies of the Madonna of Trapani are today other examples in the Museo Arqueológico Nacional to be found throughout Europe, but especially in the in Madrid.56 An excellent example in the private Mediterranean regions. Angela Franco Mata for example apartments of Palazzo Colonna, Rome, has on the recorded some fifty in Spain alone,45 whilst a significant other hand the Colonna arms applied to the base. number are still today to be found on the nearby island The Anglesey Abbey statuette may have been made of Malta,46 including one that is documented in 1636, in in the same workshop as another example in the the Church of Our Lady of Loreto in Gudja.47 Copies Palazzo Vescovile in Trapani, the base of which has frequently appear on the art market.48 As well as in very similar crouching putti and volutes.57 On both alabaster, reduced copies were made in other materials, figures, gilded ornamentation on the robes of the coral of course, and invariably very small in scale,49 but Virgin and the Christ Child, reflecting a decorative also ivory. An early example in ivory, and what appears scheme that is now largely lost from the original to be a nineteenth-century copy of it, are both in the Madonna di Trapani, is delicately picked out in gold.58 Fig. 5 / Trapani workshop, Victoria and Albert Museum.50 The V&A also owns a Virgin and Child (Madonna of later ivory version (fig. 5),51 whilst a similar statuette is The subject matter of Trapani alabaster carving is Trapani), after 1734, ivory on a 52 wood, alabaster, and mother- in the British Museum. Although these two figures are principally religious although, as will be discussed, of-pearl base, London, Victoria currently dated by the museums to the mid-seventeenth secular work formed a larger part of the sculptors’ and Albert Museum. century, the fact that in both groups the Virgin and repertoire than hitherto assumed. From the early

Fig. 6 / Trapani workshop, Christ are each equipped with elaborate crowns would seventeenth century, alongside the ubiquitous copies Virgin and Child (Madonna suggest that they in fact postdate 1734, when Pope of the Madonna of Trapani, there was a strong of Trapani), ca. 1650-1700, Clement XII issued a decree, permitting the statue growth in interest in representations of scenes alabaster with gilding, Anglesey Abbey, National in the Sanctuary of the Basilica of Maria Santissima from the Passion of Christ, associated with the Trust. Annunziata to be crowned in this way.53 cult ritual known as the Misteri, elaborate tableaux 122 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 123

and processions performed at Eastertide that were popular in Sicily and elsewhere in southern Europe.59 One of the most remarkable ensembles of Trapani alabaster work of religious subject to survive is the sculptural decoration of the chapel of Saint Ignatius Loyola in the church of the Jesuit college in Trapani, commissioned from Giacomo Tartaglio in 1714 to designs by the Trapanese architect Giovan Biagio Amico, who wrote evocatively of alabaster and the “small figures” made by “the excellent sculptors of my native city”.60 The work in the Cappella di Sant’Ignazio includes statues of putti, busts and some excellent figurative pieces, among these a representation of Saint Ignatius convalescing whilst lying on a carefully observed bed.61 Also in the church of the Jesuit College is a superb sculpture of the recumbent Saint Rosalia, patron saint of Palermo, signed by Giacomo Tartaglia and dated 1717.62

After the Madonna of Trapani, the most popular subjects were figures of the suffering Christ for which pietra incarnata stone was especially suited (fig. 7),63 and major saints such as George and Sebastian, the latter popular as a protector against the recurrent menace of the plague.64 The large statue at Anglesey Abbey of Saint Sebastian (fig. 8) is a masterpiece of Trapani alabaster carving, the figure of the saint elegantly posed against an angular bare tree, his right foot placed upon his helmet, standing upon a complex base, formed from an elaborate trophy of arms, including a Fig. 7 / Trapani workshop, cuirass, a helmet, a drum and quivers of arrows.65 Christ at the Column, ca. 1650-1700, alabaster (pietra The sculpture is made from pietra incarnata, with the incarnata), Zebbug, Malta, points where the arrows embedded themselves in Parish Church of Saint Philip the saint’s body cleverly making use of the reddish of Agira.

patches in the stone in the area of the torso. In Fig. 8 / Trapani workshop the centre of the base is an openwork carved (perhaps of Alberto Tipa?), medallion similar in conception to that on the Saint Sebastian, ca. 1750, alabaster with polychromy base of the coral, ivory, and alabaster Flight into and gilding, Anglesey Abbey, Egypt in the March collection. National Trust. 124 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 125

Miniature figures depict the episode in Sebastian’s partly painted figure formerly on the art market,68 story when, having been nursed back to health after and a fragmentary torso in the Ashmolean having been shot through with arrows, the martyr Museum, Oxford.69 A figure in the Museo was brought before the Emperor and, after Sebastian Diocesano in Palermo has a very similar base to the had again refused to renounce his faith, was clubbed Anglesey Abbey figure, also formed from a trophy to death. The Anglesey Abbey is one of the larger, of arms, and incorporating two small medallions more complex and ambitious examples of this subject depicting scenes from Saint Sebastian’s life, the matter from Trapani, the distinctive bare branches emperor’s condemnation of the saint, and his of Sebastian’s tree strongly recalling the branches of tending by Saint Irene after the soldiers had fired coral. Similar figures include an alabaster group at their arrows into him.70 Yet another very similar Burghley House, mounted on a simpler base,66 one in openwork narrative medallion is in the centre of the the Wignacourt Museum in Rabat, Malta,67 a refined base of an exceptionally fine pietra incarnata statue of Christ at the Column attributed to Alberto Tipa, in a private collection.71 The Anglesey Abbey Saint Sebastian relates closely in other respects to the Christ at the Column, including the fluid modelling of the anatomy and the draperies, so may also have been made in the workshop of the Tipa

Other more conventional religious subjects included the Archangel Michael,72 the Immaculate Conception,73 Saint John the Baptist, an example in pietra incarnata in the Capuchin church in Floriana, Malta,74 as well as two unpublished statuettes in English regional collections that have emerged as a result of the Art UK sculpture cataloguing project, a Saint Apollonia in the Beaney, Canterbury (fig. 9),75 and a Saint Anthony of Padua in King’s Lynn Museum (fig. 10).76 An Adam and Eve group, remarkable for its three- dimensional depiction of the tree of knowledge, appeared at auction in 1995,77 and an elaborate figure of a male saint, possibly Saint Sylvester of Rome, in 1996.78 A very beautiful statue of Saint Agatha in Saint Agatha’s Crypt, Catacombs and Museum, Rabat, Malta, commissioned for the church of Saint Agatha in 1666, has even more

Fig. 9 / Trapani workshop, intricate and diaphanous carving of the tree to Saint Apollonia, ca. 1650- Fig. 10/ Trapani workshop, which the saint is bound.79 Another statue on Malta, 1700, alabaster, Canterbury Saint Anthony of Padua, the Saint Francis of Paola in the museum of the Museums and Galleries, The ca. 1650-1750, alabaster Beaney House of Art and with gilding, King’s Lynn church of Saint Francis in Valletta, must have been Knowledge. Museum. made before 1737, when it is first documented.80 126 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 127

Two other unusual sculptures of religious subjects have to the Iberian mainland. The sculpture (fig. 13) shows recently passed through the art market, a reclining Christ naked and sunk in deep meditation as if asleep, image of the Penitent Mary Magdalen (fig. 11),81 and a his head leant against his left hand, seated in a chair group depicting Saint Anne with the Virgin and Child, in ornamented with cabochon gems. In his right hand Fig. 12 / Trapani workshop, which the stately figure of Saint Anne is seated on is a small heart whilst under his feet are, respectively, Saint Anne with Christ and a chair much recalling Saint Ignatius’s bed (fig. 12).82 an orb and a skull. The figure is a type popular in the Virgin Mary, ca. 1650- 1700, alabaster with traces In a similarly homely idiom is the early eighteenth- the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in of paint, Courtesy Finch & Co, century Saint Joseph Walking with the Young Christ in Spain, where it is known as Niño Jesús dormido. Most London. Saint Agatha’s Museum in Rabat, the iconography of surviving Spanish sculptures of this type are made of 83 Fig. 11 / Trapani workshop, Fig. 13/ Trapani workshop, which probably reflects Spanish prototypes. A fine polychromed wood, whilst many show the infant Christ Penitent , ca. Christ as the Redeemer of depiction of the Infant Jesus Meditating on the Passion to dressed in formal contemporary dress. One of the 1650-1700, alabaster with the World, ca. 1650-1700, Come, sold in Amsterdam in 2003,84 is another useful finest is the example in walnut in the Monasterio de las traces of paint, Courtesy alabaster with polychromy, 85 Garret and Hurst, Burwash, gilding and inserted stones, reminder of those close cultural and commercial ties Descalzas Reales in Madrid, and there is another in East Sussex. Courtesy Christie’s. that linked Spain and Trapani, the closest port in Sicily the Museo Diocesano in Zamora. 128 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 129

Although very popular in smaller-scale coral carvings relief was intended to be displayed in conjunction with and more broadly in the well-known presepe Nativity some form of candlelight source, which would have scenes made from coral, wood and other materials, shone through the smaller openings, simulating stars. the Nativity of Christ seems to have been relatively unusual as a larger-scale subject in alabaster. A good The overall concept of the Anglesey Abbey Nativity example is at Anglesey Abbey (fig. 14). Recalling the seems to derive from fifteenth-century small-scale format of the presepi,86 this sculpture is in the form of Sicilian reliefs of this subject by Laurana and members a high relief, with a large empty space in the middle.87 of the Gagini of sculptors; these often form The infant Christ, lying upon a mat of straw, is at the part of the base of Virgin and Child statues, for centre of the composition, flanked by the kneeling example, the relief of the Nativity on the base of a Mary and Joseph whilst behind the crib are the ox and Virgin and Child group from the workshop of Francesco the ass, charmingly also kneeling in adoration. On Laurana, in the Cappella Mastrantonio in the Basilica either side of the group of the Holy Family stands a of San Francesco d’Assisi in Palermo.88 The active shepherd, the two vigorous figures acting as supporters participation of the ox and the ass in the scene of to an arch formed by a bank of clouds, within which is adoration seems to be a particular characteristic of a banderole held by three angels, who appear to hurtle these Sicilian Nativity compositions. Another such bullet-like towards the spectator. As well as the large scene by Antonello Gagini (1478-1536) forms the base space in the centre of the relief, there are four smaller of the Virgin and Child of Divine Love figure in the church holes within the clouds, suggesting perhaps that the of Santa Maria di Gesù in San Piero Patti.89 Its setting within a cavern, with an open sky visible through the cave’s entrance, might have been the starting point for the unusual form of the Anglesey Abbey sculpture.

Stylistically, the lively and charming – if not especially sophisticated – figures in the Anglesey Abbey relief are entirely characteristic of Trapani alabaster work. A very similar small Nativity scene is in the Museo Diocesano in Caltanisetta in central Sicily, on deposit from the church of the Anime Sante in Santa Caterina Villarmosa (fig. 15).90 This version has no fewer than eight putti frolicking in the clouds and is mounted on an elaborate carved alabaster base, which no doubt would also have been the case originally for the Anglesey Abbey relief. Other representations of the subject, quite varied in their designs but all still recognizably Trapani work, have passed through the art market, Fig. 14 / Trapani workshop, The Nativity with the a more naturalistic scene formerly with the Galleria Adoration of the Shepherds, Sangiorgi in Rome,91 another with Hansueli Fröhlich ca. 1600-1700, alabaster, Antiquitäten in St. Gallen,92 and a more refined, Anglesey Abbey, National Trust. somewhat rococo scene, attributed to the workshop of Andrea Tipa, formerly with Trinity Fine Art.93 Two Fig. 15 / Trapani workshop, early eighteenth-century scenes in the Church of the The Nativity, ca. 1600-1700, alabaster, Caltanisetta, Assumption in Mosta in Malta depict respectively the Museo Diocesano. Adoration of the Shepherds and of the Magi.94 130 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 131

a single secular sculpture, a figure of the Farnese Hercules, was discovered by Alessandra Migliorato in the reserves of the Museo Pepoli in Trapani.95 In the course of research for this article, however, a number of alabasters of secular subject matter could be identified as characteristic works from Trapani. They divide essentially into two main groups, mythological subjects together with reductions after antique models, and a highly individualistic and distinct group of allegorical figures.

Sicily was an important staging point on the Grand Tour, with travellers to the island flocking to its celebrated monuments of antiquity and admiring the magnificence and beauty of its natural environment.96 So it is not surprising that the alabaster carvers in Trapani should have wanted to cash in on the demand for reduced copies of the famous Greek and Roman sculptures to be seen in Rome and elsewhere in Italy. The Farnese Hercules, at that time on display in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome, was in the eighteenth Venus pudica, an iconographical innovation that century regarded as one of the very greatest sculptures in sculpture is principally associated with Antonio in existence and was widely reproduced, from the Canova’s much later Three Graces. The Oxford Three time of its discovery in the mid-sixteenth century Graces exhibit a delightful relaxed informality as well onwards.97 The fact that the small copy in the Museo as touches of humour, with each protagonist treading Pepoli is a relatively close copy of the original statue firmly on the toes of his or her neighbour. Perhaps makes it something of an exception among other the closest comparisons are in fact with some of Peter Trapani alabaster sculptures after the Antique Paul Rubens’s roughly contemporary interpretations which, collectively, show some remarkably original of the subject, which share the iconography of all interpretations of antique themes. This is certainly the three women facing forward, but also the sculpture’s case with a Trapani group recently on the art market,98 humorous and mildly titillating mood, for example derived from another masterpiece formerly in the in a drawing in the British Museum from ca. 1635, Palazzo Farnese, the complex multi-figure group late in the artist’s career (fig. 19).102 The addition known as the Farnese Bull (fig. 16).99 The alabaster of the two flanking putti also suggests knowledge reduction varies considerably from the original Other takes on the antique are no less original. A of Leone Leoni’s medal of Isabella of Portugal, sculpture, with the numbers of figures reduced and group of the Three Graces in the Ashmolean Museum consort of the Emperor Charles V, the reverse of those that remain reordered, for example the woman (fig. 18), hitherto catalogued as Netherlandish, is in which depicts the Three Graces, in similarly rather at left in the original shifted to the right and here fact evidently Trapani work.100 Although it might be fluid and relaxed poses and with, on either side, 103 appearing to caress the bull’s left hoof. The small and Fig. 18 / Trapani workshop, assumed that the group would be based on the widely draped putti reaching up for flowers. Another rather static young male at the right in the original The Three Graces, ca. 1650- copied classic Hellenic interpretation of the subject, fresh view of a standard theme is a statue of Venus Fig. 16 / Trapani workshop, By contrast with the mass of religious subjects, secular sculpture is shifted left, transformed into a lively small 1700, alabaster, Oxford, best-known in Renaissance Italy from the Roman Marina formerly in the Antonovich collection, with The Farnese Bull, ca. 1650- Ashmolean Museum. 1700, alabaster, Courtesy sculpture that can be associated with the Trapani boy in contemporary dress, who points upwards, as if marble group in the Piccolomini Library in Siena a dolphin, Cupid and another putto, and splendid Giovanni Asioli Martini, Imola. alabaster carvers has until now been of the greatest drawing the viewer’s attention to some moral message Fig. 19/ , Cathedral,101 this turns out not to be the case. The billowing drapery.104 It is likely that the sculpture rarity. None was included in the most comprehensive in the main image. Towards the bottom of the base at The Three Graces, ca. 1635, trio of women is accompanied by two lively winged was originally, probably like most Trapani figures, Fig. 17/ Detail of fig. 16, pen and brown ink, over the star-shaped presumed survey of the subject to date, the 2002 Materiali preziosi the front is an incised five-pointed star, presumably a red chalk, London, British putti whilst, most significantly, the woman at centre mounted on a separately carved base with an iron workshop mark. exhibition in Trapani. It was only very recently that workshop mark (fig. 17). Museum. is seen not from the back but frontally, as a sort of tang set into the middle, used to hold the figure firm. 132 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 133

An extraordinary base, in which a dolphin thrashes through waves that are almost modernist in their sense of semi-abstract line (fig. 20), was probably made to support a figure of Venus Marina or Neptune.105 It retains the typical quadrilateral iron spike onto which the crowning figure would have been secured.

Yet another innovative interpretation of the antique is to be seen in a well-carved pair of seated figures of a young man and woman,106 both engaged in pulling thorns from their feet (fig. 21). The source is the celebrated Roman bronze figure of the Spinario,107 which the sculptor has followed relatively closely for the male figure, albeit turning the boy into a slightly androgenous young man, his carefully combed hair lengthened, so that it now cascades over his shoulders. The pose of the matching figure of a comely young girl essentially mirrors that of her partner, to create a felicitous pairing.

Two highly individualistic statues of the gods and recently sold at auction are more bizarre interpretations of the antique, especially Saturn.108 Whilst Jupiter is a relatively conventional mature bearded man holding the end of his thunderbolt, Saturn on the other hand is shown as a rather effete young man, with his staff and cloak more resembling a shepherd (fig. 22). The unfortunate spread-eagled child whom he is about to devour is the twin of one of the divebombing angels at the top of the Anglesey Abbey Nativity. Fig. 20 / Trapani workshop, The Jupiter and Saturn figures have much in common Base with a Dolphin amidst Waves, ca. 1650-1700, with, and provide a useful transition to, the last major alabaster, London, Private group of alabaster sculptures from Trapani to be Collection. discussed, secular allegorical subjects, almost invariably Fig. 21 / Trapani workshop, in the form of single standing figures and nearly always Young Man and Woman accompanied by the naked figure of a young boy. The Pulling Thorns from their Feet, fourth of the sculptures at Anglesey Abbey is one of these ca. 1650-1750, alabaster with traces of paint, London, figures, easily identifiable as a representation of Private Collection. from her attributes of sword and scales (fig. 23).109 In other respects, though, this is an extraordinary image of this Fig. 22 / Trapani workshop, Jupiter and Saturn, ca. 1650- common allegorical subject, quite unlike the usual 1700, alabaster, Courtesy rather grave and decorous female figure. Woolley and Wallis, Salisbury. 134 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 135

Instead, Justice has been depicted as a young girl with an Fig. 24 / Trapani workshop, inviting smile, wearing a skimpy partly feathered tunic Justice, ca. 1650-1700, alabaster, London, British Museum. that barely preserves decorum, and a broad hat over a full head of cascading hair. Such an image appears to Fig. 25 / Trapani workshop, be unprecedented in Italian art, the closest parallels in Justice, ca. 1650-1700, alabaster, Courtesy Christie's. fact to be found in later sixteenth-century Germany, in a woodcut of Justice designed by the print-maker Jost Fig. 26 / Probably Florentine, Amman for his 1578 publication Enchiridion Artis, showing circle of Jacques Callot, Two drawings of a Woman in a Wide- her as an attractive and scantily-clad seated woman, Brimmed Hat, 1620, black chalk, with luxuriant hair and breasts visible through her dress.110 London, British Museum. The silversmith Paul Hübner (master 1583, d. 1614) adapted another woodcut by Amman of a young woman on horseback, to create a daring figure of Justice on a silver-gilt tazza, one of a set of twelve dishes featuring the Virtues and the Elements in the Waddesdon Bequest at the British Museum. Here Justice, likewise flimsily dressed, has her back to the spectator, with a shapely leg projecting forward.111 Presumably an image of this sort must have found its way to Trapani.

Two other statues of Justice, although both clearly Trapani work, could not be more different from one another. One in the British Museum is a stately figure in a robe with long hanging sleeves, but with similar hat and flowing hair to the Anglesey Abbey figure (fig. 24).112 The second, on the other hand, is an even more provocative solution, with Justice entirely naked except for her hat and a flimsy swag of drapery (fig. 25).113 These hats, although fantastical in appearance, are in fact quite typical of the sort of wide-brimmed headgear, often adorned with large feathers, worn by men and women in the hot climes of southern Italy throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Hats of this type may be seen in two standing figures of ladies, probably Sicilian (fig. 26), from an album of drawings and watercolours in the Fig. 23 / Trapani workshop, British Museum. The work of an anonymous, possibly Justice, ca. 1650- Tuscan artist, the album documents a tour made in 1700, alabaster with polychromy, Anglesey 1620 of towns in Sicily, including Trapani (see fig. 1), Abbey, National Trust. and elsewhere in the southern Mediterranean.114 136 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 137

The existence of so many Trapani alabaster sculptures of Justice suggests this was quite a popular subject, making it tempting to recall the ferocious disputes between the alabaster carvers and the coral sculptors in the city. Although it seems on the evidence of currently identified surviving sculptures to have been the commonest, it was by no means the only allegorical subject treated in the alabaster workshops in Trapani. A more conventional figure of Temperance, on a small base, was recently on the art market,115 whilst another relatively conventional figure, possibly not intended to be allegorical, is a young naked woman reclining against a tree, from which is suspended an unidentified coat-of-arms.116

On the other hand, so close in style to the Anglesey Abbey Justice that they might have been made in the same workshop are a pair of rather larger essentially naked figures at Burghley House, representing Fortitude, holding a column, and Religion, with the tablets of the Law (fig. 27).117 A figure of Charity sold at auction in 1994 depicts another naked woman, her genitals just covered by a wisp of drapery held up by a slim strap, accompanied by three chubby children.118 Swags are used in an identical manner in two allegorical figures of Spring and Summer, each figure once again accompanied by the characteristic small naked boy.119

The two allegorical figures at Burghley are likely to have been collected by John Cecil, 5th Earl of Exeter (1648- 1700) on one of his Grand Tours to Italy, so are of great importance in providing a terminus ante quem for this type of figure. Lord Exeter made three tours to Italy, in 1679- 1681, 1683-1684, and 1699-1700.120 Although he never ventured as far as Sicily, in 1684 Lord Exeter spent time in Naples, where he bought a number of outstanding paintings, many of which are still at Burghley House. It is very likely that it would have been in that city that he Fig. 27 / Trapani workshop, Religion also acquired a large group of alabaster figures. The 1688 and Fortitude, ca. 1680, alabaster, inventory of Burghley House lists, in the Marble Salloone Burghley House Collection, 121 Stamford, . Roome, “18 Allablaster figures upon pedistalls”. By the time of the next inventory, taken in 1738, all mention of Fig. 28 / Trapani workshop, the alabaster figures had disappeared, so it may be that Woman with a Young Child, ca. 1680, alabaster, Burghley House many were, like some of the paintings he had acquired, Collection, Stamford, Lincolnshire. sold off after the 5th Earl’s death in 1700. 138 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 139

A similar pair of lions without riders has also recently appeared at auction.125 With their bulbous heads and open snarling mouths, the lions in these groups seem unquestionably to show knowledge of the small jade and soapstone figures of guardian lion dogs (“dogs of fo”) made in China that would by this time have been circulating widely in Europe.126

Assuming she was not made to illustrate some allegory or fable, the young countrywoman at Burghley is one of the exceptionally rare Trapani alabaster images of contemporary men and women. It is certainly though not a portrait, nor are a pair of decorative busts of a young man and woman, formerly on the art market.127 Only one figure is currently known that may or may not be a stylized portrait, but certainly represents a contemporary figure: a small partly-gilded statuette depicting a Knight of the Order of Saint John, in the Museum of the Order of Saint John in London (figs. 30-31).128 The island of Malta, home to the Knights of Saint John from 1530 to 1798, was long historically and culturally closely connected to Sicily.129 The coasts of Sicily were among the areas regularly patrolled by the knights’ galleys in attempts to protect commerce and to combat the ever-present threats from Barbary pirates and the Ottomans.130 Knights of Saint Today four Trapani alabaster sculptures remain John were clearly a familiar sight in Trapani with, at Burghley, the Saint Sebastian, the two allegorical according to Vincenzo Nobile, more to be seen there figures, and a charming statuette of a young woman than anywhere else in Sicily.131 Many Knights came apparently in contemporary dress and with the to worship at the shrine of the Madonna of Trapani, usual broad-rimmed hat, carrying a basket of fruit including Grand Master Nicolas Cotoner (1608- and holding a tightly swaddled baby (fig. 28).122 The 1680), who gave to the shrine a portrait of himself, depiction of the young countrywoman is very close to a now in the Museo Pepoli, in thanks for his deliverance young woman engaged in feeding a variety of birds in from the plague that devastated Malta in 1676.132 An a plaquette recently on the art market (fig. 29).123 This enormous number of bejewelled Crosses of Malta is so close to the Burghley figure – but also, in its very were given to the shrine, some of which survive in particular and slightly bizarre individualism, to the the Museo Pepoli,133 whilst an anonymous painting whole series of allegorical figures – that it might be a of the Madonna of Trapani in Saint Augustine’s rare work in metal from one of the Trapani sculpture Convent in Valletta, dated 1634, actually depicts workshops. the Virgin wearing a Maltese Cross pendant.134 The Fig. 30 / Trapani workshop, A Knight of Malta, ca. little alabaster figure of the Knight therefore helps 1650-1700, alabaster with No less idiosyncratic but very different in subject is document the especially close relationship between gilding, London, Museum Fig. 29 / Perhaps a Trapani a pair of figures identifiable from their helmets as Trapani and the island of Malta, also reflected in the of the Order of Saint John. workshop, Woman Feeding Birds, ca. 1650-1700, metal, soldiers who sit astride and grapple with distinctly large number of statues of the Madonna of Trapani Fig. 31 / View of fig. 31, London, Private Collection. oriental-looking lions, last sold at auction in 2008.124 still to be found on the island.135 The armour worn from back. 140 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 141

by the knight, with its full skirt, suggests a dating in the in the wine of the Marsala region, just down the coast In the second half of the eighteenth century and with The marble and alabaster quarries were closing, as second half of the seventeenth century. The object at from Trapani, whilst the Whitaker family, who also the deaths of Giacomo Tartaglio and the Tipa brothers, Giuseppe di Ferro lamented: the knight’s feet appears to be an Ottoman turban, so made their fortune exporting Marsala wine, were to the inventive quality of alabaster carving in Trapani the sculpture might originally have been intended to become deeply embedded in Sicilian society.140 In his seems to have begun inexorably to decline. In 1782 It is however only with sadness that I can celebrate some victory and perhaps was even made as lives of Trapanese sculptors, Giuseppe Di Ferro on Borch noted how “the proximity of the marble and turn my thoughts to the two splendid some form of votive figure. more than one occasion referred to major works that alabaster quarries facilitates the production by workers quarries of Libeccio marble, and the had gone to England, and even one sculptor, Gaspare here of a thousand knick-knacks and children’s toys, with flesh-coloured alabaster stone. Both are One perhaps unexpected outcome of this brief survey Nicolino, who left Trapani for London in around which, thanks to English and Dutch vessels, the fairs of in effect no longer in use, because people of Trapani alabaster sculptures is the realization that 1770, in order to set up a sculpture academy.141 Di Germany are much enriched”.147 Sculpture was still an wanted to fill them in so as to be able to a good number seem to have ended up in Britain, Ferro lamented the loss to Sicily of a marble statue important industry in Trapani at this time, the Danish cultivate trees on the ground above them. especially the mythological and allegorical images, by Giacomo Tartaglio of Saint Paul Preaching in Athens, traveller Friedrich Münter, who visited Sicily in 1785- They could easily be reopened and the but also some sculptures of religious subject matter. which he evidently regarded as the sculptor’s greatest 1786, reporting that there were some three thousand stone used to make a range of objects for This should not perhaps be so surprising, given the achievement, describing it in such detail that, should people in the city employed in carving coral, ivory, comfort and luxury.152 historically close cultural and commercial links it survive today, it should be easily identifiable.142 An amber, marble, and alabaster.148 Some sort of activity between Britain and Sicily. Early sixteenth- and ivory statue of Juno by Alberto Tipa, carved from a must have gone on into the nineteenth century, since in In conclusion, for a period of around 150 years, seventeenth-century British travellers such as Thomas large tusk and described no less fully, was “acquired 1812 John Galt wrote that “There are also shops, where alabaster carving flourished in Trapani in Sicily. Hoby and William Lithgow made their way to the for a considerable sum with the generous purse of an little statues of alabaster are made, some of which are Whilst reproductions of the Madonna of Trapani island long before the classic Grand Tour.136 Between English traveller and carried away across the seas. singularly well executed.”149 However, just a few years may have formed the mainstay of the alabaster 1806 and 1815, in the midst of the Napoleonic Such a price, whilst celebrating the spirit of genius of later William Henry Smyth suggested that “The art sculptors’ trade, the range of subjects they covered wars, Britain intervened militarily in the island, the fine arts, only goes to demonstrate the scandalous of sculpture at present is in so very languid a state, that was in fact significantly greater, as this essay seen as a critical bulwark against French ambitions greed of our own countrymen.”143 A remarkable pair I cannot recollect a specimen worth particular notice, has aimed to demonstrate. It may be observed in the Mediterranean, so that many British found of ivory statuettes of Cleopatra and Dido recently on the though the works of Gaggini, Tipa, and other natives of how, in contrast to the often very beautiful, but themselves in Sicily, as the spate of early nineteenth- art market are quite similar to the secular alabaster the island, who had made some progress in this art, are nevertheless more or less formulaic depictions of century accounts in English of the island suggests. figures and demonstrate the quality that in sufficient number to stimulate exertion.”150 Writing the Madonna of Trapani and major saints, the Throughout the centuries, close trading links have could attain in Trapani.144 Di Ferro also recorded a around the same time, Edward Boid likewise suggested sculptors’ interpretations of antique, allegorical and existed between the two islands; by way of example, work in alabaster as having made its way to Britain, a that alabaster sculpture was in decline in Trapani: secular subjects are more distinctive, demonstrating in 1450, almost half the contents of a shop in Trapani fascinating-sounding commission awarded “by some at their best considerable originality. Sculptures of was made up of imported English cloth.137 In the 1738 English travellers” to Andrea Tipa for the production Many artists are employed in the sculpture these subjects have hitherto all but escaped scholarly edition of his Remarks on Several Parts of Europe, John of a sculpture of a group of naiads emerging from of alabaster, wood, and Sicilian shells; in the attention, because very few seem to have remained Breval observed at the port of Agrigento “English a river, a stipulation of the commission being that two latter they are the most skilful, though in Sicily. The new evidence presented here for Vessels in abundance loading Corn”,138 no doubt a the tiny alabaster figures were to be made in pietra the Cameos will admit of no comparison their occurrence in British collections suggests that common sight across the island. Eighteenth-century incarnata.145 The work must have been some sort of with the beautifully executed ones of Rome. such works may have been made principally with London newspapers frequently reported the arrival tableau, resembling the presepe made from alabaster The sculptors of wood have long enjoyed the an eye to northern European markets. Whilst not of vessels from Trapani, an important centre for the and coral attributed to Andrea Tipa, in the Museo fame of superiority in this place, and have the most sophisticated sculptures to have come out production and export of salt, as well as recording Pepoli in Trapani.146 The description of the actual produced many wonderful specimens of the of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Italy, the the all too common attacks on shipping in its waters tableau with the naiads recalls on the other hand the peculiar art, particularly that in the oratorio of works of the Trapani alabaster carvers at their best by Barbary pirates, who were also heavily engaged in larger allegorical figures in alabaster. Perhaps these San Michele, representing the subject of our can boast wonderful vitality, wit, and imagination. the business of slaving.139 It was the British, led by the works, with their often slightly lubricious undertones, Saviour's passion; but their alabasters are very Alabaster carving in Trapani deserves henceforth English trader John Woodhouse, who from the late were particularly appreciated by British and other inferior, and lose all claim to admiration when to be seen as no less distinctive a school than its eighteenth century developed a new export industry northern European collectors. brought in contact with those of Florence.151 northern European counterparts. 142 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 143

NOTES

1. Charles Avery has been an inspiration and a guide to series of Letters to William Beckford, Esq., 2nd ed., 2 vols. Kunstsammlungen, 2018), no. 20, pp. 174-175. so many of us. For my own part, I owe him a great (London: W. Strahan, 1774), II, p. 281. For Brydone 15. Koja and Kryza-Gersch, Shadows of Time, esp. pp. debt of gratitude for many kindnesses to me over the and his influential book which was translated into 17-37. years. Like me, Charles has always had an interest in French and German, see recently Sergio Intorre, 16. For varieties of alabaster in Sicily, see Michal Borch, the lesser known highways and byways of sculpture. Beauty and Splendour. Le Arti Decorative siciliane nei diari dei Lythologie Sicilienne, ou Connaissance de la nature des pierres When I told him of my interest in Trapani alabaster viaggiatori inglesi tra XVIII e XIX secolo (Palermo: UNIPA de la Sicile (Rome: Benoit Francesi, 1778), pp. 161-168, sculptures, with characteristic generosity he made Press, 2018), pp. 30-37. esp. for Trapanese alabasters, pp. 161-162, 164; more available to me material he has gathered over the years, 7. “Les Trapanais peuvent à juste titre être regardés recently Giuseppe Montana and Valentina Gagliardo which has been of great use for the present essay. comme le people le plus laborieux de la Sicile, on ne Briuccia, I marmi ed i diaspri del Barocco siciliano: rassegna I am also grateful to many other colleagues and voit point dans les rues cet essaim de mendians, insectes dei materiali lapidei di pregio utilizzati per la decorazione ad friends for precious help and advice during a year incommodes, qui tout autre part s’acharnent sur les intarsio (Palermo: Flaccovio Editore, 1998), pp. 70- when research has been in many ways altogether passans…. ” Comte de Borch, Lettres sur la Sicile et sur l’ile de 71. For pietra incarnata, see Novara, “La pietra more difficult; I am especially grateful to Roberta Malthe, 2 vols. (Turin: Les Freres Reycends, 1782), II, p. 38. incarnata di Valderice nella scultura trapanese,” in Cruciata for her generous help. I would also like to 8. William Henry Smyth, Memoir descriptive of the Resources, Valderice 2009 Scuola e territorio (Valderice: Scuola 1° thank Salvatore Accardi, Giovanni Asioli Martini, Inhabitants, and Hydrography, of Sicily and its Islands grado “G. Mazzini”, 2009), pp. 16-20, available online An van Camp, Peter Bartolo Parnis, Irene Brooke, (London: J. Murray, 1824), p. 240. For Smyth, see also at https://issuu.com/lapis/docs/pietra_incarnata_ Tobias Capwell, Mark Carnall, Deborah and Michael Intorre, Beauty and Splendour, pp. 73-74. “Mazarielli” novara (accessed September 2020). Clarke, Maria Concetta Di Natale, Grace Conium, is probably Salvatore Mazzarese, an engraver who is 17. Giovan Francesco Pugnatore, Istoria di Trapani. Prima Abigail Cornick, Leda and Stefano Cosentino, Jon recorded as having been one of the first to take up edizione dall’autografo del secolo XVI, ed. Salvatore Culverhouse, Danielle Czerkaszyn, Godfrey Evans, the art of carving marine shells (Intorre, Beauty and Costanza (Trapani: Corrao, s.p.a., 1984), Pugnatore’s Craig Finch, Harry Fletcher, Sarah Gallagher, Wendy Splendour, p. 74). epilogue (pp. 199-203) is dated 1595; Leonardo Grellman, Matthew Holder, Sergio Intorre, Alex 9. Edward Boid, Travels through Sicily and the Islands, in Orlandini, Trapani in una breve descrittione (Palermo: Gio. Kader, Joseph Mizzi, Rachael Osborn-Howard, Walter the Month of December, 1824 (London: T. Flint, 1827), pp. Antonio Franceschi, 1605). For the descriptions of the Padovani, Alice Rylance-Watson, Diana Scarisbrick, 59-60. For Boid, see also Intorre, Beauty and Splendour, coral sculpting industry, Pugnatore, Istoria di Trapani, Amy Taylor, Dora Thornton, Alexandra Toscano, pp. 76-79. pp. 157-163, 201-202; Leonardi, Trapani in una breve Holly Trusted, Francesca Vanke. Thanks are also due 10. John Galt, Voyages and Travels, in the Years 1809, 1810, descrittione, pp. 46-47. to Art UK for the photographs of works of art at and 1811; Containing Observations on Gibraltar, Sardinia, 18. “nella cava di Casalbianco si ha scoperto l’alabastro Anglesey Abbey. Sicily, Malta, Serigo, and Turkey (London: T. Cadell and W. color incarnato per l’innanzi non più visto né mai 2. For recent considerations of alabaster as a material Davies, 1812), p. 61. For Galt, see also Intorre, Beauty conosciuto nelle cave di Sicilia […] e se ne scolpiscono and the symbolisms in its use, see Aleksandra Lipińska, and Splendour, pp. 54-57. figure ignude assai vaghe per la similitudine che se ne ha Moving Sculptures. Southern Netherlandish Alabasters from the 11. There is an extensive literature on coral sculpture and con le carni umane.ˮ Antonio Cordici, Storia della città del 16th to 17th Centuries in Central and Northern Europe (Leiden Trapani. See for example, Coralli. Talismani sacri e profani, Monte S. Giuliano o sia Monte Erice, ed. Salvatore Denaro and Boston: Brill, 2015), pp. 17-34; Kim Woods, Cut in exh. cat. (Trapani: Museo Regionale Pepoli, 1986); (Erice: Città di Erice, 2009), fol. 5v, cited in Alessandra Alabaster. A Material of Sculpture and its European Traditions Maria Concetta Di Natale, ed., Splendori di Sicilia. Arti Migliorato, “Fonti e storia critica per l’alabastro trapanese: 1330-1530 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), pp. 7-46 and Decorative dal Rinascimento al Barocco, exh. cat. (Palermo: una parabola artistica dall’apice alla decadenza,” Ars & pp. 154-178. For more general discussion of alabaster Albergo dei Poveri, 2000), pp. 466-511; Maria Renovatio 7 (2019): pp. 165-185, p. 167. as a material, see also Marjorie Trusted, The Making of Concetta Di Natale, “I maestri corollari trapanesi dal 19. “quarantacinque madonni tre fonti e vinti figure seu Sculpture. The Materials and Techniques of European Sculpture XVI al XIX secolo,” in Materiali preziosi dalla terra e dal statue di alabastro operate nec non et uno stipo di (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 2007), pp. 105- mare nell’arte trapanese e della Sicilia occidentale tra il XVIII alabastro [….] la commodità di poter esercitare la 113 (Fergun Cannan). e il XIX secolo, ed. Maria Concetta Di Natale, exh. cat. propria arte di magistro alabastraro nella potega di 3. For English alabaster carving, see Francis Cheetham, (Trapani: Museo Regionale Pepoli, 2003), pp. 23-56; magistro Perri et hoc gratis et amore…”. Migliorato, English Medieval Alabasters. With a Catalogue of the Collection Clelia Arnaldi di Balme and Simonetta Castronovo, “Fonti e storia critica per l’alabastro trapanese,” pp. in the Victoria and Albert Museum, 2nd ed. (Woodbridge: eds., Rosso Corallo. Arti Preziose della Sicilia Barocca, exh. 167-168, p. 178, App. 1. Boydell Press, 2005); and, recently, Zuleika Murat, cat. (Turin: Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Palazzo 20. Annamaria Procopi Lombardi, “Scultori Trapanesi ed., English Alabaster Carvings and their Cultural Contexts Madama, 2008). ‘d’ogni materia in piccolo e in grande’ nella dinamica (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2019). 12. The work on sculpture at Anglesey Abbey was artistico-artigianale tra XVIII e il XIX secolo,” in Di 4. For Malines alabasters, see Ghislaine Derveaux-van undertaken as part of the National Trust’s Sculpture Natale, Materiali preziosi, pp. 77-93, esp. pp. 82-83. Ussel, Mechelner Alabaster, exh. cat. (Trier: Städtisches Research project, supported by the Royal Oak 21. Giuseppe di Ferro, Biografia degli Uomini Illustri Trapanesi, Museum, 1967); Guy Bès de Berc, Sculptures d’Albâtre Foundation, the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, and the 3 vols. (Trapani: Mannone e Solina, 1830); Mario de Malines. Les reliefs de devotion fin XVIème début XVIIème Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art. Serraino, Trapani nella vita civile e religiosa (Trapani: Editrice siècle (Saint Armel: Autoedtion, 2003); Jacek Kriegseisen 13. Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England, Cartograf, 1968), pp. 124-150; Luigi Sarullo, ed., and Aleksandra Lipínska, Materia światła i ciała/Matter 3 vols. (London: F.C. & J. Rivington, 1840), III, pp. Dizionario degli Artisti Siciliani, 4 vols. (Palermo: Novecento, of Light and Flesh. Alabaster in the Netherlandish Sculpture 124-125. 1993), III, ed. Benedetto Patera, La Scultura, 1994. of the 16th and 17th Centuries, exh. cat. (Gdańsk: National 14. Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado. inv. 296E. Charles 22. Signed “Petrus Orlando Inventor Del(ineavit et) Fecit Museum in Gdańsk, 2011). Avery, Giambologna. The Complete Sculpture (Oxford: Drepani”. Pandolfini, Florence, Un secolo tra collezionismo 5. See recently Carmen Morte, ed., El alabastro. Usos Phaidon, 1987), pp. 177-179, fig. 188; Stephan Koja e mercato antiquario a Firenze,19 October 2016, lot 85; artísticos y procedencia del material (Zaragoza: Prensas de la and Claudia Kryza-Gersch, eds., Shadows of Time. Migliorato, “Fonti e storia critica per l’alabastro Universidad de Zaragoza, 2018). Giambologna, Michelangelo and the Medici Chapel, exh. trapanese,” pp. 168-169, fig. 1. 6. Patrick Brydone, A Tour through Sicily and Malta. In a cat. (Dresden: Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche 23. Christie’s, London, 5 December 1995, lot 89. 144 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 145

24. The discovery was made during conservation, by Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 14 44. “Molti poi maestri nella medesima strada s’impegnano Museum. Baroque and Later Ivories (London: V&A Ashmolean Museum, 2014), II, no. 134, pp. 481-482, collection, . Tommaso Guastella. https://www.slideshare.net/ (1970): pp. 297-322, pp. 298-302, figs. 1-4. in lavorar statue alabastrine della Vergine d’ogni Publishing, 2013), no. 295, pp. 301-302. where dated too early, to the first half of the sixteenth 83. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.11, pp. 157-158. siciliambiente/attpt-il-restauro-delle-opere-darte-del- 33. Hanno-Walter Kruft, Antonello Gagini und seine Söhne misura, delle quali migliaia sen’estraggon fuori del 52. Inv. 1856,0623.155. Ormonde Maddock Dalton, century. The torso is probably in fact to be dated to ca. 84. Christie’s, Amsterdam, 7 March 2001, lot 201. Height trapanesetommaso-convegno-6-dicembre-2014?next_ (Munich: Bruckmann, 1980), no. 139, pp. 420-421, Regno per ogn’anno, e tal’hora sono arrivate al numero Catalogue of the Ivory Carvings of the Christian Era… in 1650-1750. 19.5 cm. slideshow=1 (accessed in September 2020); Alessandra figs. 409-412; Maria Concetta Gulisano, “Antonello di 5000.” Nobile, Il tesoro nascosto, p. 581, cited by Di the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and 70. Inv. 304. Height 56 cm. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. 85. Inv. 612014. Clausuras. Tesoros artísticos en los conventos y Migliorato, “La Scultura in Alabastro a Trapani: Nuovi Gagini e la decorazione scultorea cinquecentesca Natale, Il Tesoro Nascosto, p. 15. Ethnography of the British Museum (London: British V.10.3, p. 258. monasterios madrileños, exh. cat. (Madrid: Real Academia Spunti di Ricerca,” in Morte, El alabastro, pp. 239-254, nella Cappella della Madonna,” in Di Natale, Il Tesoro 45. Angela Franco Mata, “La ‘Madonna di Trapani’ y su Museum, 1909), no. 537, p. 167, Pl. CXXII. 71. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. IV.4, pp. 181-182. de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, 2007), pp. 212- p. 254. Nascosto, pp. 76-85. repercusion en España,” Boletin del Seminario de Estudios 53. Procopi Lombardi, “Scultori Trapanesi,” p. 83. 72. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, pp. 86-87, fig. 1 for a figure 215; Ana García Sanz, El Niño Jesús en el Monasterio 25. Di Ferro, Biografia, I, pp. 237-242, p. 239, “un Cristo 34. Kruft, “Die Madonna von Trapani,” esp. pp. 304 ff. de Arte y Arqueologia 49 (1983): pp. 267-282; Angela 54. Inv. 516604. Height 42.4 cm with base. Acquired by in the Chapel of the Palazzo Reale in Naples. For two de las Descalzas Reales de Madrid (Madrid: Patrimonio morte, e lo fece sul nostro alabastrino color di carne, 35. Alessandra Migliorato, “La produzione scultorea di Franco Mata, “Hacia un corpus de las copias de la Huttleston Rogers Broughton, 1st Lord Fairhaven figures in Malta, in the Wignacourt Museum, Rabat Nacional, 2010), pp. 363-366, figs. 33, 132, 269, 312. chiamato volgarmente pietra incarnata. Egli è questo souvenir in alabastro a Trapani,” in La città, il viaggio, il ‘Madonna di Trapani’ tipo A (España),” Boletin del (1896-1966), before 1932. and in a private collection, both with bases composed 86. For Sicilian presepi, see Berliner, Die Weihnachtskrippe, pp. un marmo dolce, trattabile, ed ubbidiente al bulino turismo: Percezione, produzione e trasformazione, eds. Gemma Museo Arqueológico Nacional 10 (1992): pp. 73-92. For 55. Inv. A.7-1921. John Pope-Hennessy, Catalogue of Italian of twisted figures of the damned, Cruciata, Intrecci 81-88 and 117-120, figs. 12-14, 26, 74-75. […..] Si studiò Giacomo di marcare a proposito gli Belli, Francesca Capano, and Maria Ines Pascariello figures of the Madonna of Trapani and Spain, see Sculpture in the Victoria and Albert Museum, 3 vols. (London: preziosi, nos. III.12-13, pp. 158-159. For a figure, dated 87. Inv. NT 516581. Height 32.5 cms, width 33.4 cm. accidenti della natura, ed esprimere i caratteri della (Naples: FedOA, 2017), pp. 2049-2053; and Migliorato, also: Figures of the Madonna di Trapani in the Collections H.M. Stationery Office, 1964), II, no. 676, pp. 635- after 1684, in the Cappella Roano of the Duomo in Acquired by Lord Fairhaven between 1932 and 1940. flagellazione sofferta dal Redentore. Egli cercò perfino “La Scultura in Alabastro a Trapani,” p. 240. of the Hispanic Society of America (New York: Trustees 636, fig. 670. Monreale, see Intorre, Beauty and Splendour, p. 56. A 88. Maria Concetta di Natale and Vincenzo Abbate, eds., di farci rimarcare in certi opportuni siti, una qualche 36. For illustrious visitors to the shrine, see Mondello, La of the Hispanic Society of America, 1927); Roberta 56. Franco Mata, “Hacia un corpus,” no. 41, p. 82, figs. remarkable group, in which the base is formed from In Epiphania Domini. L’adorazione dei Magi nell’arte siciliana, ricorrenza di umori, e quasi un certo sudore di morte.”; Madonna di Trapani, pp. 77-93. Cruciata, “The Circulation of Alabaster Versions 9-10. the gaping mouth of Hell, into which little figures of exh. cat. (Palermo: Cattedrale di Palermo, 1992), pp. for Tartaglio, see also Serraino, Trapani nella vita civile e 37. Giovanna Cassata, “Le copie ‘piccole e preziose della of the Madonna of Trapani in the Mediterranean 57. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. I.4, p. 116. the damned are hurled, was sold at Sotheby’s, London, 41-42, fig. 4; Hanno-Walter Kruft, Francesco Laurana. Ein religiosa, pp. 131-132; Sarullo and Patera, La Scultura, pp. Madonna di Trapani’,” in Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, Area (Sicily, Malta and Spain). An Artistic, Cultural, 58. For the present appearance of the Madonna following Old Master Sculpture and Works of Art, 8 July 2010, lot Bildhauer der Frührenaissance (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1995), 323-324; Salvatore Accardi, Le carte scoperte. Personaggi pp. 109-114, p. 110, fig. 1. Religious and Social Phenomenon of the Modern recent restoration, see Scuderi, La Madonna di Trapani e 87, and again, from the Hester Diamond collection, pp. 103-05, figs. 83-84. illustri trapanesi (secoli XVII-XIX) (Trapani: Margana 38. Inv. A.1905.927. Height 16.5 cm. See Private Catalogue Period,” in ESRARC 2019. 11th European Symposium on il suo Santuario, p. 12. at Sotheby’s, New York, 29 January 2021, lot 118. 89. In Epiphania Domini, p. 45, fig. 9. Edizioni, 2019), pp. 37-42. of Armour, Weapons, and Other Objects of Antiquity, in Religious Art, Restoration & Conservation Proceedings, eds. 59. Migliorato, “La Scultura in alabastro a Trapani,” pp. Other examples that have passed through the art 90. Sarullo and Patera, La Scultura, pl. 41. 26. Serraino, Trapani nella vita civile e religiosa, pp. 131-132; the Collection of Sir Noël Paton (Edinburgh, 1879), no. Maria Luisa Vázquez de Áredos-Pascual, Iulian Rusu, 246-247. market: Christie’s, London, 5 December 1989, lot 175; 91. Berliner, Die Weihnachtskrippe, p. 118, fig. 25. Accardi, Le carte scoperte, pp. 38-39. 451, p. 50. https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/ Claudia Pelosi, Luca Lanteri, Angela Lo Monaco and 60. “Si trova ancora un altro marmo bianco molto tenero Sotheby’s, London, 11 July 2001, lot 141; Christie’s, 92. Advertisement in Weltkunst, 1 December 1986. 27. For Alberto and the Tipa family, see Di Ferro, Biografia, I, holyrood-madonna-and-child-269533/view_as/grid/ Nicolas Apostolescu (Turin: Kermes, 2019), pp. 56-58. di picciola grandezza, che dicono Alabastro; ma è London, 6 July 2012, lot 97, unusually with an integral 93. Trinity Fine Art, A Selection of Works of Art (New York, pp. 243-249; Serraino, Trapani nella vita civile e religiosa, pp. search/keyword:alabaster-madonna/page/1 (accessed 46. Roberta Cruciata, “Devozione per la Madonna di una certa specie di gesso, secondo Mattioli, di cui ne background forming a sort of high relief. 2009), no. 11, pp. 30-31. 137-138; Sarullo and Patera, La Scultura, p. 326; Accardi, September 2020). Trapani tra Sei e Settecento: La Statua del Convento di lavorano picciole Figurine, sopra che ne sono eccellenti 73. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, nos. II.1-II.6, pp. 127-129; 94. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, pp. 92-94, figs. 84-85. Le carte scoperte, pp. 70-73. For Andrea Tipa, see Di Ferro, 39. Pugnatore, Istoria di Trapani, pp. 201-202; Orlandini, Santa Maria di Gesù di Valletta e altre opere siciliane,” i Scultori della mia Patria. Si trova ancora un’altra Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.16, pp. 161-162. See also 95. Migliorato, “Fonti e storia critica per l’alabastro Biografia, II, pp. 243-249; Sarullo and Patera, La Scultura, Trapani in una breve descrittione, pp. 46-47. in Scientia et Religio. Studies in Honour of Fr George Aquilina simile pietra a color di carne, e sparsa di lividure, che Sotheby’s, London, Old Master Sculpture and Works of Art, trapanese,” pp. 176-177, fig. 8. p. 327; Accardi, Le carte scoperte, pp. 64-69. See also Sergio 40. Cassata, “Le copie ‘piccole e preziose della Madonna OFM (1939-2012), Scholar, Archivist and Franciscan Friar, ed. riesce eccellente per lavorare Crocifissi.” Giovanni 8 July 2010, lot 76; Chiswick Auctions, London, Fine 96. For Sicily and the Grand Tour, see Edward Chaney, Intorre, “Il Cristo deriso della chiesa di san Calogero a di Trapani’,” p. 111. John Azzopardi (Rabat: Wignacourt Museum, 2014), pp. Biagio Amico, L’Architetto pratico, vol. 1 (Palermo: Nella European Works of Art and Clocks, 10 March 2020, lot 34. The Evolution of the Grand Tour. Anglo-Italian Cultural Naro,” OADI. Rivista dell’Osservatorio per le Arti Decorative in 41. “Emunt hi statuas ex alabastro factas, et secum ferunt. 276-295, esp. pp . 280-285, figs. 6-15; Cruciata, Intrecci stamperia di Giovanni Battista Aiccardo, 1726), p. 48. 74. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.4, pp. 151-152. Relations since the Renaissance (London and Portland, OR: Italia 12 (2105): pp. 79-84. Quadraginta omnino sunt officinae optimorum preziosi, pp. 73-75, 154-155, nos. III.7-8. 61. Maria Concetta Di Natale Guggino, “Il simbolismo 75. Inv. ArtUK_05. Height 42 cm. https://artuk.org/ Frank Cass, 1998), pp. 1-40. For British visitors to Sicily 28. Accardi, Le carte scoperte, pp. 65-66; Migliorato, “La sculptorum, quorum, si corallij laborem excipias, 47. Cruciata, “Devozione per la Madonna di Trapani,” p. della decorazione architettonica nel Trattato dell’Amico discover/artworks/saint-apollonia-d-ad-249-259656/ and their responses to the modern arts and architecture Scultura in alabastro a Trapani,” p. 253. unicus labor est, statuas Trapanitanae Virginis ex 281, fig. 6; Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, pp. 74-75, fig. 53. e nelle arti decorative,” in Giovanni Biagio Amico (1684- view_as/grid/search/keyword:apollonia/page/1 they saw there, Intorre, Beauty and Splendour. 29. Rudolf Berliner, Die Weihnachtskrippe (Munich: Prestel alabastro sculpere. Certè ut in rationibus invenitur, 48. Some recent examples: Christie’s, London, 11 1754). Teologo, architetto, trattista. Atti delle giornate di studio, (accessed September 2020). 97. Francis Haskell and Nicholas Penny, Taste and the Antique. Verlag, 1955), p. 83, figs. 12-14; Vincenzo Scuderi, Il plures quinque millibus extra Siciliam exportantur December 1990, lot 40; Sotheby’s, New York, Blumka Trapani, 8-9-10 marzo 1985 (Rome: Multigrafica, 1987), 76. Inv. KILLM: 1991.116. Height 20.5 cm. Transferred The Lure of Classical Sculpture 1500-1900 (New Haven and Museo Nazionale Pepoli in Trapani, 2nd. ed. (Rome: Istituto annuatim; haec enim sola est, quae extra Siciliam Collection, 10 January 1996, lot 179; Sotheby’s, New pp. 93-104, p. 95, fig. 14; Migliorato, “La Scultura in from Kings Lynn town hall to the museum in 1939. London: Yale University Press, 1981), no. 46, pp. 229-232; Poligrafico di Stato, 1965), p. 84, fig. 52. exportatur. In ipsa insula non facilè domus reperietur York, 23 September 1998, lot 144; Tajan, Paris, 18 Alabastro a Trapani,” pp. 247-251. https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/saint-anthony- for copies, see Salvatore Settis, Anna Anguissola, and 30. Sergio Intorre, Coralli trapanesi nella collezione March (ita ad me scribit idem, qui suprà) in qua Trapanitania December 2001, lot 51, an exceptionally large and 62. Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. V.9.2, pp. 247-249. of-padua-11951231-277694/view_as/grid/search/ Davide Gasparotto, eds., Serial/Portable Classic. The Greek (Palermo: UNIPAPRESS, 2016), no. 30, pp. 75-76. statua non vide itur.” Wilhelm Gumppenberg, Atlas finely decorated version, with the initials M.M./D.E.; 63. See for example Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, nos. IV.3-4, keyword:alabaster-padua/page/1 (accessed September Canon and its Multiplications, exh. cat. (Milan and Venice: 31. Roberta Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi. Arti Decorative Siciliane Marianus quo sanctae Dei Genitricis Mariae Imaginum Sotheby’s, London, 10 December 2004, lot 42; pp. 181-183; Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, nos. III.2-3, pp. 2020). For a similar figure in ivory, attributed to the Fondazione Prada, 2015), nos. PC 11-19, pp. 232-234. a Malta 1565-1798 (Palermo: Plumelia Edizioni, 2016), Miraculosarum origines duodecim historiarum centurijs Sotheby’s, Amsterdam, 21 November 2007, lot 19; 150-151. Tipa workshop, see Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. 98. With Giovanni Asioli Martini, Imola, and shown at the no. III.15, pp. 91-93, 160-161, fig. 82, and fig. 83, for expplicantur (Munich: Johann Jaecklin, 1672), p. 120. Sotheby’s, New York, 29-30 January 2009, lot 346; 64. For Saint George, see Maria Concetta Di Natale, “San V.1.1, p. 204. Florence Biennale in September 2019. Giovanni Asioli a closely related group of Saint in the Desert, in 42. “non viene in Trapani forestiero che non riporti seco Christie’s, Amsterdam, 19-20 June 2012, lot 34A; Giorgio,” in Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, pp. 223-228, 77. Christie’s, London, 5 December 1995, lot 88. Height Martini, “Sacro e Profano”. L’anima e il corpo (Imola, 2019), the Museo di Casa Professa, Palermo. alla Patria qualche statuetta di corallo o di alabastro Christie’s, London, 6 December 2016, lot 5; Lempertz, and for Saint Sebastian, Maria Concetta Di Natale, 30.5 cm. no. 11, pp. 38-39. Height 45 cm. Bonhams, London, 32. For the Madonna of Trapani and the history of the di Nostra Signora per provedere alla devozione sua e Cologne, 18 November 2017, lot 2189; Bonhams, “San Sebastiano,” in Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, pp. 78. Sotheby’s, New York, 12 January 1996, lot 1153. Period Design, 24 September 2013, lot 317. Sanctuary, see Fortunato Mondello, La Madonna di dei paesani.” Vincenzo Nobile, Il tesoro nascosto riscoperto London, 11 April 2018, lot 54; Sotheby’s, London, 3 255-259. Height 49.5 cm. 99. Haskell and Penny, Taste and the Antique, no. 15, pp. Trapani. Memorie Patrio-Storico-Artistiche (Palermo: Pietro a tempi nostri dalla consecrata penna di D. Vincenzo Nobile July 2018, lot 114; Sotheby’s, Paris, 26 June 2019, lot 75. 65. Inv. NT 516597. Height 101 cm. Acquired by Lord 79. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.1, pp. 87-91, 149-150, 165-167. Montaina, 1878); Vincenzo Scuderi, “La Madonna trapanese cioè le gratie, glorie ed eccellenze del Religiosissimo 49. For a pendant from the Treasury of the Santuario Fairhaven on 22 July 1948, from Barling, 111 Mount figs. 76-77. 100. Inv. WA 1997.82. Warren, Medieval and Renaissance di Trapani,” in Il Tesoro Nascosto. Gioie e Argenti per la Santuario di Nostra Signora di Trapani (Palermo: per dell’Annunziata with the Madonna of Trapani, see Street, London W1, for £100. 80. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.9, pp. 86-88, 155-156, fig. 74. Sculpture, II, no. S15, p. 708. Height 29 cm. Madonna di Trapani, ed. Maria Concetta Di Natale, Costanzo, 1698), p. 579, cited by Cassata, “Le copie Coralli. Talismani sacri e profani, no. 47, p. 201; Di 66. Inv. EWA 08682. Height 68.5 cm. Heavenly Bodies. 81. Formerly Garret and Hurst. Exhibited LAPADA Fair, 101. Phyllis Pray Bober and Ruth Rubinstein, Renaissance exh. cat. (Trapani: Museo Regionale Pepoli, 1995), ‘piccole e preziose della Madonna di Trapani’,” pp. Natale, Il Tesoro Nascosto, no. I.20, pp. 117-118; Di Sculptural Responses to the Human Form, exh. cat. London, September 2019. Acquired ca. 2011 from Artists and Antique Sculpture. A Handbook of Sources pp. 62-66; Vicenzo Scuderi, La Madonna di Trapani e il 109-114, p. 109. Natale, Splendori di Sicilia, no. 24, p. 318, and for a small (Stamford: Burghley House, 2006), no. 9, pp. 24-25. a private collection in the West Country. For Mary (Lonon: Harvey Miller, 1986), no. 60, pp. 96-97. suo Santuario. Momenti, opere e culture artistiche (Trapani: 43. The increased popularity of alabaster may also domestic shrine, no. 55, pp. 509-510. 67. Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, no. III.14, pp. 159-160. Magdalene in the history and art of the province of 102. Inv. P&D 1981,0725.31. Michael Jaffé, “Rubens as Edizioni del Santuario della Madonna, 2011). For a have been connected with a temporary decline in 50. Invs. 208-1867 and A.550-1910. Paul Williamson and 68. Christie’s, London, 7 July 1998, lot 101 and 15 Trapani, see Vincenzo Regina, Maria Maddalena nella a Draughtsman. Some Fresh Examples,” in Essays summary of the attributional history, Hanno-Walter the production of coral in the latter decades of the Glyn Davies, Victoria and Albert Museum. Medieval Ivory December 1998, lot 3. storia, nella tradizione, nella legenda e nelle arti figurative della in Northern European Art, Presented to Egbert Haverkamp- Kruft, “Die Madonna von Trapani und ihre Kopien. seventeenth century. See Salvatore Costanza, “Per una Carvings 1200-1550, 2 vols. (London: V&A Publishing, 69. Inv. WA 1961.63.9. Jeremy Warren, Medieval and provincia di Trapani (: n.p., 1993). Begemann on his Sixtieth Birthday (Doornspijk: Davaco, Studien zur Madonnen-Typologie und zum Begriff der storia dei corallari di Trapani,” in Coralli. Talismani sacri 2014), I, nos. 18-19, pp. 70-73. Renaissance Sculpture. A Catalogue of the Collection in 82. Height 41 cm. Finch & Co., Visions and Visitations 1983), pp. 117-118, p. 118, fig. 5. Kopie in der sizilianischen Skulptur des Quattrocento,” e profani, pp. 25-49, pp. 41-42. 51. Inv. 984-1907. Marjorie Trusted, Victoria and Albert the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 3 vols. (Oxford: The (London, 2019), no. 66. Formerly in a private 103. Philip Attwood, Italian Medals c. 1530-1600 in British 146 New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani 147

Public Collections, 2 vols. (London: British Museum Press, Banknotes, 4 November 2020, lot 33 (part). Diameter Discourse of The Rare Adventures and Painfull Peregrinations pietra incarnata, che abbonda nelle nostre latomìe. [….] 2003), I, no. 28, p. 102; Jeremy Warren, The Wallace 8.75 cm. (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1906), p. 341. le dispose come giovanette entrate nella primavera Collection. Catalogue of Italian Sculpture, 2 vols. (London: 124. Sotheby’s, New York, 30 September 2005, lot 37; 140. Tina Whitaker, Sicily & England: Political and Social della vita, e capaci a sentire il vigore, e la floridezza. The Wallace Collection, 2016), no. 75, pp. 354-356. Sotheby’s, New York, 3 October 2008, lot 32. Height Reminiscences 1848-1870 (London: A. Constable & Co. […] Le fece quindi con teste piccole, per avere più di Leoni’s medal reverse was subsequently re-used or 22 cm. Ltd., 1907); Claudio d’Aleo and Salvatore Girgenti, nobiltà, ed un non so che di capriccioso. Annodò ad adapted on a number of medals by other artists. 125. Sotheby’s, New York, 8 June 2007, lot 463. Lengths eds., I Whitaker e il capitale inglese tra l’ottocento e il novecento alcune i cappelli verso l’occipite, ma senza che fossero 104. Christie’s, Paris, Le cabinet de curiosités de François 18.5 and 17.2 cm. in Sicilia (Trapani: Libera università del Mediterraneo, imprigionate dall’arte. Li fece in alcune variamente Antonovich, 6 October 2014, lot 20. Height 58 cm. 126. Stanley Charles Nott, Chinese Jade throughout the Ages 1992); Rosario Lentini and Pietro Silvestri, eds., I Whitaker sparsi, e leggieri. Li portavano altre o ricci, o ad anelli, 105. Formerly with Matthew Holder. Height 15.4 cm, 17.5 (London: Batsford, 1936), pp. 78-79, pls. LXI, LXIII, di villa Malfitano. Seminario di Studi, Palermo 16-18 marzo ma senza che vi si scorgesse l’opera del calamistro cm including tang. LXVI. See also a soapstone seal of 1696 surmounted 1995 (Palermo: Fondazione Giuseppe Whitaker, 1995). maneggiato del pettinatore. Con occhi piccioli, e 106. Chiswick Auctions, London, Fine European Works of Art by a lion, in the British Museum, Inv. 1998,0122.1- 141. Di Ferro, Biografia, III, p. 203. No evidence of con palpebra inferiore tirata un poco all’in su, volle and Clocks, 10 March 2020, lot 30. Height 30 cm. 2. https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/ Nicolino’s activity in London appears to be known. improntar loro una certa grazia lascivetta. Le fece egli 107. Haskell and Penny, Taste and the Antique, no. 78, pp. object/A_1998-0122-1-2 (accessed September 2020). 142. “Noi deploriamo la perdita di un S. Paolo sopra a tutte belle: ma non già di una consimile, e ripetuta 308-310. 127. Sotheby’s, New York, 23 September 1998, lot 142. marmo bianco, di palmi quattro, e mezzo circa, che bellezza. Ogni najade variava per un indole particolare 108. Woolley and Wallis, Salisbury, 8 January 2020, lot 508. Heights 24.1 and 21.9 cm. passò in Inghilterra. Giacomo volle assicurarsi in questa di vaghezza, o di leggiadria. Alcune si tenevano Maximum heights 60.2 cm. 128. Inv. LDOSJ 3011. Height 22.0 cm. Acquired in 1934. statua di quella gloria scultorica, della quale parlava la abbracciate; altre per le mani; questa portava qualche 109. Inv. NT 516591. Height 37.2 cm. Acquired by Lord 129. For a recent survey of artistic cross-currents between fama in suo favore. Ei rappresentò quell’eroe nell’atto vaso in atto di versarne l’acqua; e quella giuocava con Fairhaven at an unknown date. Malta and Sicily from the sixteenth to the eighteenth che predicava all’Areopago. Gli fece accanto un vaso varie conchiglie. Per esprimere finalmente le offerte, e 110. Gero Seelig, The New Hollstein. German Engravings, centuries, see Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi. all’uso degli scaldini ebrei, simbolo di essere egli stato le libazioni facevansi a queste dee di fonti, sparse lungo Etchings and Woodcuts. Jost Amman, Book Illustrations, Part 130. Anne Brogini, Malte, frontière de Chrétienté (1530-1670) deputato per vaso di elezione. Finse che Paolo avesse quelle rive capre, agnelli, ceste con fiori, e frutta, ed VI (Rotterdam: Sound and Vision Publishers, 2003), no. (Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, deposto a’ suoi piedi la spada, che apparteneva per alcune fiale da riempirsi d’olio, di vino, di mele, e di 134.65 (2068), p. 27. 2006), pp. 130-132. emblema a colui, che doveva essere la spada della parola latte.” Di Ferro, Biografia, II, pp. 246-247. 111. Inv. WB.97.D. Hugh Tait, Catalogue of the Waddesdon 131. “Vi sono in Trapani più Cavalieri Gerosolimitani che presso tutte le nazioni del mondo. Sempre ragionato 146. Inv. 602. Serraino, Trapani nella vita civile e religiosa, p. Bequest in the British Museum. II. The Silver Plate (London: in tutto il Regno... vi sono altresì dei cavalieri di S. ne’ suoi principj, credè Tartaglio che disconvenisse 137; Geneviève Bresc-Bautier, Vincenzo Abbate, Maria British Museum Press, 1988), no. 27, pp. 170-172. Giacomo, di S. Stefano, di S. Maurizio e Lazaro, di all’Apostolo il portare in mano, o tenere sotto al braccio Concetta Di Natale, and Rossella Giglio, Trapani. Museo 112. Inv. BEP 1908,0626.1. Formerly in the Department of Calatrava, d’Alcantara, di S. Michele e dello Spirito quel suo brando, nel momento che arringava d’innanzi Pepoli (Palermo: Novecento Editore, 1991), pp. 63-64, fig. Oriental Manuscripts. Height 24.5 cm. Santo.” Nobile, Il tesoro nascosto, p. 756, cited in Di al primo magistrato della Grecia. Possessore della 55; Di Natale, Materiali preziosi, no. III.4, pp. 156-157. 113. Christie’s, London, European Sculpture & Works of Art, 6 Natale, Il Tesoro Nascosto, p. 32. scienza iconografica, lo decorò di tutto il costume ebreo, 147. “La proximité des carriers de marbre et d’albâtre December 2016, lot 4. 132. Cruciata, “Devozione per la Madonna di Trapani a condito di quella semplicità, che apparteneva all’eroe di facilitent ici aux Ouvriers la facture de mille brimborions 114. Inv. P&D 1913, 1231.1-48. The drawings of a lady Malta,” p. 279, fig. 5; Cruciata, Intrecci preziosi, p. 60, fig. Tarso. Fece egli quell’eccelso personaggio di mosse vive, & joujoux d’enfans, dont les Vaisseaux Anglais & are 1231.44 and 1231.46, the view of Trapani from 35; Cruciata, “The Circulation of Alabaster Versions ignee, e risentite. Gl’improntò nel volto tutto il fuoco Hollandais enrichissent les foires d’Allemagne.” Borch, the sea, 1231.10. For the album, see Emanuele Fidone of the Madonna of Trapani,” p. 57. For the portrait of della grandezza, degno di un uomo destinato a portare Lettres sur la Sicile et sur l’ile de Malthe, p. 39. and Marco Nobile, “La Sicilia vista da Jacques Callot,” Nicolas Cotoner, see also Vincenzo Abbate, “Il Tesoro la luce della verità fin sopra al trono della mensogna. 148. “Die Corallen nemlich werden überall auf den Kalos. Arte in Sicilia 12/4 (2000): pp. 8-13. come Musæm,” in Di Natale, Il Tesoro Nascosto, pp. 46- Monumenti di questa natura, che decorano le arti di Felsen, die im Hafen und rund umber am Strande 115. Astetrionfante, Palermo, 7-11 June 2017, lot 755. 60, pp. 54-56, fig. 12. una nazione, si dovrebbero rispettare di meglio.” Di sind, gefunden, und denn zu mancherlei häuslichem Height 37 cm. 133. Di Natale, Il Tesoro Nascosto, no. 70 a-c, p. 32, pp. Ferro, Biografia, I, pp. 239-240. Gebrauch, zu Rosenkränzen, und besonders zu kleinen 116. Sotheby’s, New York, 1 June 1991, lot 193. Length 23 cm. 164-166. 143. “la scolpì di una maestosa fierezza. Le pose sul capo Heiligen-Statuen verarbeitet, die zum Theil recht 117. Both figures Invs. EWA08685. Height 50 cm. 134. Cruciata, “Devozione per la Madonna di Trapani a una pelle di capra, che le valeva per suo cimerio. gut gerathen. Man braucht zu dergleichen Arbeit 118. Christie’s, London, 20 April 1994, lot 58, bought in; Malta,” pp. 276-277, figs. 2-3. Sopra ad una lunga tunica, vi adattò una mezza veste ausser den Corallen, die, wenn die Stükken gros find, Sotheby’s, London, 8 December 1994, lot 117. Height 135. Roberta Cruciata and Edgar Vella, “Piccole brillante, e leggiera, che legava di sotto al seno. Era zu kostbar seyn würden, Elfenbein, den Bernstein, 65 cm. Meraviglie in Alabastro, Avorio e Corallo: Nuove questa così dilicata, che agitavasi anche al soffio di der auf der Küste gefunden wird, und gesprenkelten 119. Sotheby’s, London, 6 July 1995, lot 161. Height 65.5 cm. aggiunte alle arti decorative siciliane a Malta,” OADI. un zefiretto. Le adattò il suo piccolo scudo; le pose sicilianischen Marmor, oder sehr schönen und weissen 120. For Lord Exeter’s tours, Hugh Brigstocke, “The 5th Rivista dell’Osservatorio per le Arti Decorative in Italia 15 in mano la picca; e la calzò di scarpe colla punta Alabaster.” Friedrich Münter, Nachrichten von Neapel Earl of Exeter as Grand Tourist and Collector,” Papers (2017): pp. 87-92, esp. pp. 90-91, fig. 5; Cruciata, d’innanzi ripiegata. Le mise a canto il pavone, uccello und Sicilien auf einer Reise in den Jahren 1785 und 1786 of the British School at Rome 72 (2004): pp. 331-356. See “The Circulation of Alabaster Versions of the a lei caro, e che i gentili non diedero giammai per gesammlet (Copenhagen: C. G. Proft, 1790), p. 227. also Hugh Brigstocke and John Somerville, Italian Madonna of Trapani,” p. 57. compagno a verun altra divinità. Questo così diligente 149. Galt, Voyages and Travels, p. 64. Paintings from Burghley House, exh. cat. (, VA: 136. Chaney, “British and American Travellers,” pp. 6-15. lavoro venne acquistato dalla mano generosa di un 150. Smyth, Memoir descriptive, p. 30. Art Services International, 1995); Oliver Impey, Four 137. Denis Mack Smith, A History of Sicily, 2 vols. (London: viaggiatore Inglese per una somma considerevole, 151. Boid, Travels through Sicily and the Lipari islands, pp. 59-60. Centuries of Decorative Arts from Burghley House, exh. cat. Chatto & Windus, 1968), I, p. 104. e fu portato al di là dei mari. Una tale ricompensa By “Florence”, Boid presumably meant the alabaster (Alexandria, VA: Art Services International, 1998). 138. John Breval, Remarks on Several Parts of Europe, Relating vivificante il genio delle belle arti, divenne lo scandalo sculptures made in Volterra. 121. “An Inventory of the Goods in Burghley House Chiefly to Their Antiquities and History. Collected ... in Several dell’avarizia dei proprj nazionali.” Di Ferro, Biografia, I, 152. “Non posso però senza dolore rivolgere il mio pensiere belonging to the Right Honble John Earle of Exeter Tours Since the Year 1723 (London: H. Lintot, 1738), p. 31. pp. 246-247. alle due bellissime cave del marmo Libeccio, e della and Ann Countesse of Exeter. Taken August 21st 139. The early seventeenth-century traveller William Lithgow 144. Art Enchères, , 3 October 2018, lot 99. pietra alabastrina color di carne. E l’una, e l�altra 1688,” fol. 34. I am extremely grateful to Jon wrote of the West coast of Sicily that “It is dangerous Heights 23.6 and 23.5 cm. Subsequently with Dario si sono in certo modo inutilizzate, poichè si vollero Culverhouse, Curator of the Burghley House to travell by the Marine of the Sea-Coast Creekes in Ghio, by whom shown at the Florence Biennale ricoprire di terra, onde farvi vegetare gli alberi al di Collection, for providing me with a copy of this page of the West parts, especially in the mornings, least he finde dell’Antiquariato, September 2019. sopra. Esse pero potrebbero venir facilmente discoperte the inventory and for other information on alabasters a Moorish Frigot lodged all night, under colour of a 145. “Fu incaricato Andrea da alcuni viaggiatori Inglesi, onde destinarsi a varj oggetti di agio, e di lusso.” still in the Burghley House Collection. Fisher-boat, to give him a slavish breakfast; for so they per un gruppo di Najadi, di piccola grandezza, in atto G.M. Di Ferro, Guida per gli stranieri in Trapani (Trapani: 122. Inv. EWA08688. Height 38 cm. steale labouring people off the fields, carrying them di uscire dalle acque. Gli si prescrisse solo di scolpirle Mannone e Solina, 1825), p. 154. 123. Morton and Eden, London, Coins, Medals, Plaquettes and away captives to Barbary…” William Lithgow, The Totall sull’alabastrino color di carne, detto communemente For Charles Avery 149

Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver”1

MARJORIE TRUSTED

Since1 the inception of the international ivories group in The present ivory stands on an integral bevelled ivory 2009 Charles Avery has been a highly valued contributor socle with rounded corners, placed on a bevelled wood to our meetings and publications.2 Charles is recognized base that echoes the shape and curves of the ivory as a renowned expert in the field of the baroque and socle. Before considering the ivory in more detail it later ivories, the focus of the group, as evinced by is necessary to discuss its sixteenth-century source, his seminal book and exhibition of 1996, devoted to Giambologna’s Cesarini Venus. the early eighteenth-century ivory sculptor David Le Marchand (1674-1726).3 He is also well known to us as GIAMBOLOGNA’S MARBLE CESARINI VENUS AND an eminent authority on Giambologna and Florentine THE RELATED BRONZE VERSIONS bronzes. It is therefore a great pleasure to contribute an essay on a baroque ivory with close connections to Giambologna produced a life size version of the Woman Giambologna for this Festschrift in his honour. after the Bath in marble for Giovanni Giorgio Cesarini (1550-1585) for his garden in Rome in 1583 (fig. 3).5 I am directly indebted to Charles for the specific subject In 1623 the statue was given to Cardinal Ludovisi of this essay. Early in 2020 he drew my attention to a (1595-1632), and was transferred to the Ludovisi Villa, sculpture on the London art market, a monogrammed which was to be mostly demolished in the nineteenth ivory statuette depicting a Woman after the Bath, a copy of century. The Palazzo Margherita (formerly the a female nude by Giambologna (1529-1608), sometimes Palazzo Piombino), built on the site of the Ludovisi known as the Cesarini Venus (figs. 1 & 2), this name Villa, is now the United States Embassy, where deriving from the marble version to be discussed below Giambologna’s marble remains today.6 Numerous (fig. 3).4 The ivory (h. 37 cm without wood socle; h. 44 bronze statuettes of the same subject exist, reduced cm with socle) shows a female nude drying herself after versions of the marble made for Cesarini.7 The exact her bath, standing on her right foot, her left upraised dating of these statuettes, and their relation to the foot resting on a low polygonal pedestal. In her left marble in Rome, is contentious. The prime bronze hand she holds a small crumpled-up towel against version (h. 24.9 cm), signed by Giambologna, is in the Fig. 1 / Jacob Dobbermann (monogrammed), Woman her left breast. She dries her right thigh with her right Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (fig. 4). Some feel after the Bath, ca. 1711-1715, hand, using a long towel draped around her upraised that this bronze statuette pre-dates the 1583 marble.8 ivory figure on wood socle, h. bent left leg. This graceful composition of the body Although undated, it was once thought to have been 37 cm without socle; 44 cm with socle, London, Tomasso turned almost in a spiral, the so-called figura serpentinata, given to the Habsburg Emperor Maximilian II (1527- Brothers. was perfected and disseminated by Giambologna. 1576) in Vienna in about 1565, because of a reference 150 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 151

to a “figurina di metallo” apparently presented to Maximilian in about that year, meaning that it would have been an early work by the artist. However, this rather general phrase, “figurina di metallo”, does not necessarily refer to Giambologna’s Venus. Conversely a recently discovered letter alluding to the sending of a small bronze version of a Venus to the Emperor Rudolf II (1552-1612) in 1586 may well relate to the signed bronze now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum. If so, this would imply that the other bronze reductions were likewise not made until the 1580s or later, after the completion of the marble. Claudia Kryza-Gersch has convincingly stated that a 1580s date for the Vienna bronze is inherently more likely than an earlier time.9

The Vienna bronze could well have been cast by the Florentine sculptor Antonio Susini (1558-1624), Giambologna’s chief assistant and principal bronze caster, whilst the other known versions are almost certainly somewhat later. These versions differ in quality from one another, and are generally inferior in finish to the one in Vienna. Most are also significantly bigger than that statuette, and are in fact closer in size to the present ivory. For example, the height of a bronze statuette in the Wallace Collection is 33.9 cm, whilst the example at Anglesey Abbey in Cambridgeshire (owned by the National Trust) is 33.8 cm high (fig. 5).10 One of these later bronzes could have served as the source for the ivory, although exactly which one, if any, is unknown. The bronzes were clearly greatly admired, and were widely dispersed within Italy and northern Europe from the seventeenth century onwards. Even during Giambologna’s lifetime in 1612 one was included in a large group of bronzes sent from Florence to Henry, Prince of Wales (1594- Fig. 2 / Another view of 1612) in London. It was recorded twice by Abraham fig. 1. van der Doort (1575/80-1640) in Whitehall in 1639: Fig. 3 / Giovanni Bologna “Item a stoopeing standing woeman upon one legg (Giambologna), The Cesarini with her right hand covering her left breast and Venus, 1583, marble, life size, Rome, United States with her left hand houlding a drapery to hide – her Embassy. nakedness, being upon a black wooden peddistall”, 152 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 153

and “A Woeman standing on her right foote, her left hand on her left nipple”.11 This statuette no longer survives in the , and its present location is unfortunately unknown.

In addition to the bronzes mentioned above and the Fig. 4 / Giovanni Bologna present ivory, a number of other small-scale sculptures (Giambologna) (signed), Woman after the Bath, ca. of the Venus are known, in ivory and in wood. For 1585?, bronze, h. 24.9 cm, example a slightly smaller ivory figure by the Flemish Vienna, Kunsthistorisches sculptor Ambrosius Gallé (active 1713/14-1747), signed Museum.

“AMBROSIUS GALLÈ ANTVERPIAE 1747” (h. 31.4 Fig. 5 / After Giambologna, cm without socle) was acquired by the Liechtenstein Woman after the Bath, Collections in 2006 (fig. 6).12 A fine boxwood statuette seventeenth century?, bronze, h. 33.8 cm, Cambridgeshire, of the same subject in the Wallace Collection is also Anglesey Abbey (the National thought to be Netherlandish, and to date from the Trust). early seventeenth century (h. 25.5 cm) (fig. 7).13 Its Fig. 6 / Ambrosius Gallé, early provenance is unknown, though it may have Woman after the Bath, signed been acquired in Paris by Richard Seymour-Conway, and dated 1747, ivory, Vaduz, 4th Marquess of Hertford (1800-1870) in the mid- Liechtenstein Collections.

nineteenth century. The existence of these and other Fig. 7 / Anonymous versions implies that the Giambologna prototype was Netherlandish sculptor, Woman widely admired, and indeed emulated in the form of after the Bath, probably early seventeenth century, boxwood, carved sculpture, rather than as a reproductive cast, by h. 25.5 cm, London, The Wallace highly skilled European artists beyond Italy.14 Collection. 154 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 155

THE ATTRIBUTION OF THE IVORY STATUETTE Homage to Venus, particularly in the reclining figure of TO JACOB DOBBERMANN Venus herself. Characteristically Dobbermann used a The ivory statuette (figs. 1 & 2) is inscribed under print for the composition of that relief; it is based on an the base with a monogram which can be read as the engraving by Jan Muller (1571-1628) after a drawing elided letters “JD”, and two initials in a different by Bartholomaeus Spranger (1546-1611), signifying hand: “E.B.” (fig. 8). The monogram JD must be Dobbermann’s readiness to draw on earlier artistic that of the renowned German sculptor in ivory and sources for his own work. amber in the first half of the eighteenth century, Jacob Dobbermann (1682-1745). It corresponds with that The initials EB on the underside of the Woman after the on other autograph works by Dobbermann, such as Bath next to the JD monogram are more problematic, his ivory relief, the Homage to Venus, of ca. 1730-1740 and have not as yet been identified. They could at the Victoria and Albert Museum (figs. 9 & 10).15 have been added somewhat later by the then owner. The sensitive quality of the carving of the Woman The underside of the ivory also exhibits marks and after the Bath stylistically endorses the evidence of the scratches, suggesting it was affixed to a base over a long monogram. The graceful pose of the figure skilfully period. It is curious that the monogram, as well as the echoes the bronze versions of the Woman after the Bath, probable later lettering, were therefore hidden from while the drapery is delicately and subtly rendered. view. However, the lack of visibility of the monogram is Analogous carving can be seen in the V&A ivory relief, likewise true of the Homage to Venus, where it is discreetly inscribed on the back, out of sight to most viewers.

JACOB DOBBERMANN Jacob Dobbermann was a leading German sculptor of ivory and amber, employed by the court at Kassel for at least fourteen years, having spent significant time in London prior to that court appointment. He was born in Gdańsk (Danzig), probably the son of the amber worker Christian Dobbermann, and must surely have known Christoph Maucher (1642-1706), the leading ivory and amber sculptor in Gdańsk in the late seventeenth century.16 Dobbermann’s early training is uncertain, though he may have spent his Fig. 8 / The underside of fig. 1 youth travelling (his Wanderjahre) in Germany and the Dobbermann’s Woman after the Bath. Netherlands. By 1711 he was recorded in London by the artist and antiquarian George Vertue (1684- Fig. 9 / Jacob Dobbermann 1756), whose Notebook of 1711 mentions a “Mr (monogrammed), Homage to Venus, ca. 1730-1740, ivory, 17 Dubbermann … Ivory Carver”. Dobbermann h. 14 cm; w. 10.5 cm, London, evidently formed part of a convivial circle of artists in Victoria and Albert Museum. London at that time; he was known to be a member Fig. 10 / The back of fig. 9, of the Rose and Crown Club (which flourished from showing Dobbermann’s at least 1704 until 1745), a gathering of artists and monogram. 156 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 157

connoisseurs, whose members included the painters (h. 22 cm with amber and gilt metal socle) by Christoph William Hogarth (1697-1764) and Gawen Hamilton Maucher in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, (ca. 1698-1737), as well as Vertue himself.18 From 1711 dating from ca. 1690/1700.24 Another amber statuette onwards Dobbermann was also a member of the of a female nude, credibly attributed to Dobbermann, Kneller Academy of Painting and Drawing in London; analogous with the present ivory, and, like the Kassel this Academy was directed by the court painter Sir ambers just noted, thought to date from around 1725 Godfrey Kneller (1646-1723), a native of Lübeck, who (h. 16 cm with socle), is housed in the Grünes Gewölbe, had settled in London in 1676. Whether Dobbermann Dresden (fig. 13).25 That figure stands on a wood and also knew David Le Marchand is not recorded, but amber socle, leaning against a column and holding a it seems virtually certain that the two ivory sculptors, long swathe of drapery; it is considerably smaller than both immigrants living in London at the same time, the ivory Woman after the Bath. Rather than Venus, it is would have come across each other professionally. By believed to represent Phaethon’s sister, Lampetia, one early 1716 Dobbermann had left London. On 20 April of the Heliades, a daughter of Helios and Clymene, of that year he was documented in Kassel, where he because a gilded crown (now lost) was once fixed to her was appointed amber and ivory worker (“Bernstein- und head, and because the tears of the Heliades, weeping Helffenbein arbeiter”) to the court of Landgrave Charles over their brother Phaethon’s death, were transformed of Hesse-Kassel (1654-1730). He was employed as a into amber, according to classical myth.26 court artist until at least 1729; in addition to carving amber and ivory, his duties included carving ostrich eggs, as well as curating the Landgrave’s art collections, for a salary of 200 Reichsthaler per annum. He almost certainly served the Landgrave Charles’s successors, King Frederick I of Sweden (1676-1751), and Landgrave William VIII (1682-1760), after Charles’s death in 1730.19 The thirty-six amber and ivory works by Dobbermann now in the Hessisches Landesmuseum in Kassel, formerly in the Landgraves’ collections, provide benchmarks for his style.20 Other ivories from his hand are in the Victoria and Albert Museum, such as the Homage to Venus discussed above, the Bode Museum, Berlin, and in the Reiner Winkler Collection, now housed at the Liebieghaus in Frankfurt am Main.21

Dobbermann seems to have produced a number of small-scale statuettes of female nudes that drew on mythological sources, often derived from engraved prototypes, as in the Homage to Venus. Three of his ambers illustrate his facility in carving such subjects in that rare and treasured material. Two small amber Fig. 11 / Jacob Dobbermann, groups by him in the collection at Kassel depict female Time Seizing Truth, ca. 1725, amber group on ivory socle, nudes set on ivory socles: Time Seizing Truth (h. 25.7 cm h. 25.7 cm with socle, Kassel, with socle), and Cleopatra (h. 26.6 cm with socle), both Hessisches Landesmuseum. thought to date from around 1725 (figs. 11 & 12). Time Fig. 12 / Jacob Dobbermann, Seizing Truth is based on a French engraving published Cleopatra, ca. 1725, amber in 1694 by Simon Thomassin (1655-1733) after the figure on ivory socle, h. 26.6 cm monumental group in Versailles by Thomas Regnaudin with socle, Kassel, Hessisches Landesmuseum. (1622-1706).22 Interestingly David Le Marchand had produced an ivory version of the same group (now in the Fig. 13 / Jacob Dobbermann, Victoria and Albert Museum), dated to ca. 1700-1720.23 Cleopatra, ca. 1725, amber figure on wood and amber Dobbermann’s Cleopatra meanwhile is comparable socle, h. 16 cm with socle, with a slightly smaller amber statuette of Cleopatra Dresden, Grünes Gewölbe. 158 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 159

None of these ambers is as expertly carved as the ivory by Charles Beale (1660-1714/26), now in the British Woman after the Bath. This need not reflect any diminution Museum.29 The fact that this ivory does not form part of skill on the part of the sculptor, but rather typifies of the Kassel collection – and may never have done the challenge of working amber, a material which does so – could mean that it was made before Dobbermann not allow for detailed carving with the same finesse that was employed by the Landgrave, when he was freer to can be achieved with ivory. They do however imply the undertake commissions outside the court. In addition, strong taste at European courts for small-scale sculptures if, as seems virtually certain, he was acquainted with in precious materials, depicting beautiful female nudes David Le Marchand while he was in London, he may with classical connotations. have considered rivalling his older contemporary by carving a virtuoso ivory after a Renaissance prototype. It should be said that although a bronze statuette is the THE DATE OF THE IVORY WOMAN AFTER THE BATH most likely source, it is also feasible that Dobbermann Jacob Dobbermann can then reasonably be asserted as used a print as the basis for the Woman after the Bath. the author of this ivory sculpture of the Woman after the One of the Giambologna bronze statuettes of the Bath, though its date and place of manufacture are less Woman after the Bath was illustrated in an engraving in certain. It was apparently sold recently from a French René Charpentier’s Galerie of the sculptures in François collection. A previously unpublished photograph in the Girardon’s collection, published in Paris in 1710.30 Country Life digital archive dating from 1920 shows the Dobbermann could have used this or another engraved ivory statuette in an interior, labelled “the Astor Estate source after he had gone to Kassel in 1716, if no such Office” (fig. 14). It was therefore almost certainly in Renaissance bronzes were at the Landgrave’s court. the former collection of William Waldorf Astor (1848- However, a print source is intrinsically less likely than a 1919) at Two Temple Place, London at that date.27 three-dimensional prototype, given the skill with which William Waldorf Astor’s sons sold the contents of Two the ivory is carved in the round. Temple Place after his death. Nothing is known of the ivory’s whereabouts between 1920 and its appearance In conclusion, although we do not know where and in a French collection before it was acquired by the when Dobbermann carved the ivory Woman after the present owners, and so its exact provenance during the Bath, it seems reasonable to suppose that he produced it twentieth century and earlier remains uncertain.28 as a young man while he was in London at some time from 1711 to 1715, for the following reasons. First, A bronze statuette after Giambologna is the most it is inherently more probable that the genesis of the plausible source for the ivory, but the eighteenth- ivory was three-dimensional, almost certainly a bronze century art collections at Kassel do not record any statuette associated with Giambologna’s Cesarini Venus; specific bronzes which could have served as such a it is likely that such a bronze was available in London, prototype for Dobbermann. Perhaps then the artist a thriving international artistic centre in the early studied a version of the Giambologna bronze during eighteenth century, whereas none is recorded at Kassel. his time in London? Although none is securely Secondly, the fact that the ivory does not form part of known to have been in a British collection during the the collections at Kassel (the “E.B.” was almost certainly eighteenth century, it is certainly possible that one a later owner, whose identity remains mysterious) also could have become available to the young German suggests that it was not made during Dobbermann’s time sculptor for study, especially as he was mingling socially as a court artist there. While neither of these arguments with artists and collectors. The bronze statuette in the is conclusive, the balance of probability indicates that the

seventeenth-century royal collection noted above for ivory dates from Dobbermann’s London period, and that Fig. 14 / Interior of example could have stayed in London after Charles I’s it was produced for a discerning collector as a virtuoso Two Temple Place, collections were dispersed. The taste for Giambologna piece, exemplifying the talents of a contemporary ivory London showing Jacob Dobbermann’s Woman after in early eighteenth-century Britain is epitomized by the sculptor at the start of his career, whilst at the same time the Bath, photograph, 1920, drawings after some of Giambologna’s sculptures made redolent of the great art of the Italian Renaissance. Country Life digital archive. 160 Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” Woman after the Bath, an ivory statuette by “Mr Dubbermann, Ivory Carver” 161

NOTES

1. I am most grateful to the following colleagues for their Millar, “Abraham van der Doort’s catalogue of the Theuerkauff, Nachmittelalterliche Elfenbeine, pp. 62-68. generous help in the preparation of this essay: Charles collections of Charles I,” The Walpole Society 24 (1960): For those from the Winkler Collection, now at the Avery, Emile van Binnebeke, Irene Brooke, Elisabeth p. 94 and p. 212. Liebieghaus, see Scherner, “Jacob Dobbermann”; Burk, Tom Davies, Sarah Gallagher, Alexandra 12. Johann Kräftner, ed., Der Fürst als Sammler. Christian Theuerkauff, Elfenbein Sammlung Reiner Hanzl, Antje Scherner, Emanuela Tarizzo, the Neuerwerbungen unter Hans-Adam II, von und zu Winkler (Munich: Kastner & Callwey, 1984), pp. 33-37; Tomasso Brothers and Jeremy Warren. Liechtenstein, exh. cat. (Vienna: Liechtenstein Museum, and Christian Theuerkauff, Elfenbein Sammlung Reiner 2. The international ivories group was established in 2010), pp. 270-271. The ivory was previously with Winkler Band II, mit Addenda und Corrigenda zu Teil I, London in 2009 by Jutta Kappel and myself to further Daniel Katz Ltd, London. I am most grateful to Tom 1984 (Munich: Wolf & Sohn, 1994), pp. 26-32. the study of baroque and later ivories. See Charles Davies for letting me have information about this 22. Inv. KP B VI/L19 and inv. KP B VI/L18. Antje Avery’s contribution to the Festschrift published by the piece. For Gallé see Marjorie Trusted, Baroque and Later Scherner and Stefanie Cossalter-Dallmann, Aus group in honour of Christian Theuerkauff in 2011: Ivories. The Victoria and Albert Museum (London: Victoria der : der Geschichte vom Mittelalter bis Charles Avery, “David Le Marchand (1674-1726): and Albert Museum, 2013), p. 136. ins 19.Jahrhundert, Hessisches Landesmuseum, Kassel Addenda to the Catalogue,” in Barocke Kunststücke. 13. Inv. no. S276. Warren, Wallace Collection, p. 455, and (Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag, 2016), no. 56, p. Festschrift für Christian Theuerkauff. Sculpture Studies in fig. 104.1 on p. 454. A later inked inscription on the 130. Honour of Christian Theuerkauff, eds. Regine Marth and pedestal dating from the eighteenth or nineteenth 23. Avery, David Le Marchand, no. 3, pp. 52-53; Trusted, Marjorie Trusted (Munich: Hirmer Verlag, 2011), pp. century reads “jan de bolona.f ”. Baroque and Later Ivories, no. 146, pp. 172-173. 140-155. 14. Another ivory version is in the Royal Museum for 24. Sabine Haag in Bernstein für Thron und Altar. Das Gold 3. Charles Avery, David Le Marchand 1674-1726. ‘An Art and History, Brussels (h. 37 cm), inv. no. 1029, des Meeres in fürstlichen Kunst- und Schatzkammern, ed. Ingenious Man for Carving in Ivory’, exh. cat. (Edinburgh: acquired in August 1892 from L. Stein. A second Wilfried Seipel, exh. cat. (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches National Gallery of Scotland; London: British boxwood version is in the collection of the Musée Museum, Alte Geistliche Schatzkammer, 2005- Museum; Leeds: City Art Gallery, 1996). du Louvre. See Charles Louis M. Émile Molinier, 2006), no. 67, p. 90. See also Trusted, “Four Amber 4. The ivory was with Tomasso Brothers Fine Art, Leeds Histoire générale des arts appliqués à l’industrie du ve à la Statuettes”. and London in 2020. fin du xviiie siècle, 4 vols. (Paris: E. Lévy, 1896-1902), 25. Inv. III 94. Jutta Kappel, Bernsteinkunst aus dem Grünen 5. Charles Avery, Giambologna. The Complete Sculpture II, p. 207. A pearwood version is in the Musée de la Gewölbe (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2005), pp. (Oxford: Phaidon, 1987), p. 107. Renaissance, Écouen, inv. E.Cl.21300. The Brussels, 104-105. 6. Jeremy Warren, The Wallace Collection. Catalogue of Wallace Collection, and Louvre versions are listed by 26. Cf. Arnold W. Buffum, Tears of the Heliades, or Amber as Italian Sculpture, 2 vols. (London: Paul Holberton, Manfred Leithe-Jasper, “Venere dopo il bagno,” in a Gem (London: Sampson Low Marston & Company, 2016), I, no. 104, p. 452; and Avery, Giambologna, p. Paolozzi Strozzi and Zikos, Giambologna, pp. 188-191. 1897). 107. Leithe-Jasper also notes a boxwood in the Museum 27. The photograph was probably originally intended for 7. See Warren, Wallace Collection, I, no. 104, pp. 452-455, für Kunsthandwerk, Frankfurt am Main, signed “L.P. an article on Two Temple Place published in 1920, where the different bronze versions are listed. 1579”, as well as two ivories, one in the Art Institute, though in the end it was not in fact included. See 8. Charles Avery and Anthony Radcliffe, eds., Chicago, inv. 37.826, h. 23.5 cm. My thanks to Jeremy R. Randal Phillips, “The Astor Estate Office on the Giambologna (1529-1608). Sculptor to the Medici, exh. Warren for letting me know about all these examples, Victoria Embankment,” Country Life, 25 September cat. (Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland; and to Emile van Binnebeke for giving me further 1920, pp. 398-405. London: Victoria and Albert Museum; Vienna: information on the ivory in Brussels. 28. Information kindly supplied by Emanuela Tarizzo. Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1978-1979), no. 1, p. 62. 15. Inv. A.22-1962. Trusted, Baroque and Later Ivories, no. 29. Inv. Gg 5,38. See: https://research.britishmuseum. 9. See Manfred Leithe-Jasper and Patricia Wengraf, 66, pp. 83-84. org/research/collection_online/collection_object_de- European Bronzes from the Quentin Collection, exh. cat. 16. For Maucher see Marjorie Trusted, “Four Amber tails.aspx?objectId=753288&partId=1&searchTex- (New York: The Frick Collection, 2004), no. 12, Statuettes by Christoph Maucher,” Pantheon 42/3 t=Giambologna&page=1 (accessed 25 March 2020). pp. 146-156 for a discussion of the extant marble (1984): pp. 245-249. For the taste for Giambologna in Britain see Jeremy and bronze versions. See also Manfred Leithe- 17. Christian Theuerkauff, Nachmittelalterliche Elfenbeine. Warren, “‘A little ould man called John Bollognia… Jasper, “Venere dopo il bagno, prima e dopo Die Bildwerke in Elfenbein des 16.-19. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: not inferior much to Michell Angelo’. Giambologna la Venere Cesarini,” in Giambologna gli dei, gli eroi. Genesi Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 1986), in Inghilterra e in America,” in Paolozzi Strozzi and e fortuna di uno stile europeo nella scultura, eds. Beatrice p. 62, citing the Vertue Notebooks published in The Zikos, Giambologna, pp. 126-141. Paolozzi Strozzi and Dimitrios Zikos, exh. cat. Walpole Society 4 (1951-1952): p. 35 and p. 169. 30. Receuil. Galerie des Oeuvres de Girardon (Receuil d’estampes (Florence: Museo Nazionale del Bargello, 2006), 18. Ilaria Bignamini, “George Vertue, Art Historian and gravées par N. Chevallier d’après R. Charpentier, relatives à pp. 188-191. Warren, Wallace Collection, pp. 452- Art Institutions in London, 1689-1768,” The Walpole l’oeuvre sculpté de Girardon (Paris, 1710), plate 6. 455, likewise gives a clear and detailed listing of Society 54 (1988). the different versions, presenting arguments for the 19. Antje Scherner, “Jacob Dobbermann,” in White respective datings. Wedding. Die Elfenbein-Sammlung Reiner Winkler Jetzt im 10. Avery and Radcliffe, Giambologna, nos. 2-4. See also Liebieghaus – Für Immer, ed. Maraike Bückling (Munich: Anthony Radcliffe, Giambolognaʼs Cesarini Venus, exh. Hirmer Verlag, 2019), pp. 288-299. cat. (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1993), 20. For the works at Kassel see https://datenbank.muse- no. 8, p. 15, and “Woman after the Bath”, entry by um-kassel.de/0/0/0/0/0/0/100/suchergebnis.htm- Jeremy Warren http://www.nationaltrustcollections. l?ssw=dobbermann&sswf=kuenstler&aktion=stich- org.uk/object/515035 (accessed 23 March 2020). wortsuche (accessed 30 March 2020). The bronze at Anglesey Abbey was acquired by Lord 21. For those at the V&A see Trusted, Baroque and Later Fairhaven (1896-1966) probably after 1940. Ivories, pp. 81-84. For the ivories by or associated 11. Warren, Wallace Collection, p. 455 n. 24, citing Oliver with Dobbermann at the Bode Museum see For Charles Avery 163

Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos

SERGEI ANDROSOV

Recent research has allowed a clearer picture to be efforts of those two lions of scholarship on Bertos, formed of the history of collecting works of art in Leo Planiscig and Walter Leo Hildburgh”, both Russia, including the acquisitions of the Tsarina of whom Avery honoured in the dedication of his Catherine II, who had founded the comprehensive and successful book.2 I am glad in 1764. One might have imagined that purchases of therefore to have been invited to publish this new single works of art – or of complete collections – made material in the present volume, as a significant for an imperial holding would be well-documented addition to the efforts of my colleague and friend of in the Russian archives; but alas this is not the case. forty years. Unlike the archives of Peter the Great, which had already been organized in the eighteenth century and Some documents (virtually unknown until now) remain intact, researchers have at their disposal only in the Historic State Archives of Russia in Saint fragmentary records of Catherine’s acquisitions. In the Petersburg relating to the activities of Richard best cases one knows the date or cost of the collection Sutherland (1739-1791) prove to be of the greatest being bought, while occasionally a register of the whole importance.3 The son of a Scottish naval engineer survives. But it is only rarely that the circumstances of who had worked in Russia since 1736, Sutherland individual purchases are recorded. All too often, there was involved in commerce from his youth, eventually is none of the correspondence preceding the purchase, founding a private bank in Saint Petersburg. From and the reasons for the empress’s choice of one group 1780 onwards he regularly rendered various services over another remain unknown, as do the names of to the Imperial Court, becoming its official banker in those who acted as advisors or intermediaries in the 1785. It was by way of his bank that the commissions negotiations. were sent to ambassadors and Russian consulates abroad, as well as funds for Russians travelling in One such pre-existing collection comprised what may Europe: in regulating the expenses of Catherine’s have been the studio contents in marble and bronze left cabinet Sutherland acquitted himself well over a long at his death by the Paduan-Venetian sculptor Francesco period and, by a command (Ukase) of 26 November Bertos. The information that follows constitutes one 1788, Catherine II conferred on him the title of of the largest additions to the oeuvre of this prolific Baron of the Russian Empire. sculptor of mythological or complex allegorical subjects

Fig. 1 / Francesco Bertos, since the publication of the monograph by Charles However, shortly after this, the fortunes of his bank Putto Reclining with Grapes Avery in 2008.1 Before Avery’s book, Bertos had been slipped, mainly because of the impossibility of and Vine Tendrils, ca. 1700- a mysterious figure on whom the light of obtaining repayment of the credit that Sutherland had 1733, bronze, h. 22.5 cm 4 and w. 29.5 cm, Cambridge, historical research had shone only fitfully since the extended to the Russian nobility. Even payments from Fitzwilliam Museum. days (between 1928 and 1941) of “the pioneering the Cabinet arrived only after a considerable delay. 164 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 165

Prince Grigorij Potemkin, the de facto Prime Minister copies of his out-going mail. In them one can see how in marble and bronze that can be attributed beyond This extract may be compared with a list entitled, of the Russian government, was the highest debtor, Sutherland’s business contacts extended right across reasonable doubt to the sculptor Francesco Bertos “Note of the groups of Marble and Bronze” to be with an account of over 700,000 roubles; any hope of Europe, from Cádiz and to and Danzig, (1678-1741), who was born and died at Dolo on the found in another dossier.8 It was probably enclosed with his repaying this evaporated with his death in 1791. profiting from a wide variety of commercial operations. Venetian mainland (Terra Ferma), though his name and a letter from Crosa in Messina of 25 August 1787, to Sutherland died at much the same time as Potemkin, Apparently, once appointed Court Banker, he was that of the groups’ “Proprietor” are – presumably for which Sutherland had not replied. leaving his affairs in a sorry state.5 empowered to acquire works of art, many from Roman the sake of commercial discretion – never mentioned. sources. His principal agent in Rome was Marchese Among the groups in marble, no. 1 represents Jupiter Thanks to the collapse of Sutherland’s bank, the Giuseppe Cioja, probably the proprietor or partner of a A letter sent by Crosa on 14 July 1787 from Messina, Striking down the Giants, with twelve figures: while no. company papers have remained almost untouched small bank. With Cioja’s help and that of the sculptor but concerning a collection that he had seen in 4 is The Resurrection of the Dead, with fourteen. Among in the archives of Saint Petersburg. They prove that (1746-1820), Sutherland was able to Florence, includes much information on some marble the bronze groups in the list is no. 8, an Allegory of Sutherland conducted his affairs punctiliously. For each acquire a number of sculptures, mainly antiquities, groups that had become available a generation after the Glory: so, even if the compositions depicting Mount year there exist ten volumes of the letters in different as well as engraved gems and cameos. In contrast, death of Bertos: Parnassus and Diana’s Hunt are missing, there remains languages that he received, arranged alphabetically however, his correspondence includes other interesting a clear correspondence with the collection that Crosa and chronologically. Other books or registers contain material connected with works of art that were offered I come to describing some marble groups described. In fact, one can count in all ten groups in to Empress Catherine by her agent. about which I am in correspondence with the marble and fifteen in bronze, works that can confidently Proprietor…: be attributed to Francesco Bertos. Among Sutherland’s correspondence concerning the purchase of works of art, the letters of one Renato de These groups are pyramid-shaped and 3 Furthermore, and very importantly, with the descriptions, Crosa, who enjoyed the title of “Consul de S. M. Roi or 4 French feet high, and from the bottom probably written or dictated by the Proprietor of the de Sardaigne a Messine en Sicile” arouse particular to the apex there are 12 to 13 – sometimes collection himself, which are also in the dossier, the interest. It is now possible to confirm that he was born even up to 15 – figures of Humans, Angels, subjects of his groups of tumbling figures and animals in Pinerola, a town in Western Piedmont, and really and Animals, according to the subject being become slightly easier to decipher. Certain groups make was what he claimed to be, though we have no more depicted. One group represents the Giants up standard sets of four, notably the Elements and the detailed information about his activities. 6 who wanted to replace the Gods being struck Continents (for was not then known), and – in down with thunderbolts by Jupiter; another, cases where sets have been broken up – this helps one The earliest known and datable mention of the Resurrection of the Dead; yet another, to discard some current, but occasionally erroneous, Crosa comes in a letter from Gasparo Santini, a Diana hunting in a rocky landscape; while interpretations in favour of their correct identities. Roman banker and a permanent correspondent others show Glory crowning some Heroes; of Sutherland’s, who was appointed in 1781 as Mount Parnassus with the Muses; and some The other sculptures on this list are less readily Russian Consul for Rome and Civitavecchia. In this similar subjects. identifiable, though the recumbent figure of Saint Jerome letter, of 5 November 1785, Santini states that he (no. 13) is certainly a subject treated by Bertos (as well had sent an earlier missive on behalf of Crosa and The Proprietor – among other things – wants as his predecessor in Padua, Bonazza), as are nos. 16 a packet containing eleven cameos. We can be sure to sell with these Groups a number of ancient and 17, the two boys lying down in bronze (one being that the package reached Saint Petersburg, in view of Egyptian idols and others of Bronze, of which perhaps a Putto Reclining with Grapes and Vine Tendrils now Sutherland’s confirmation. I will send you next time a note for which I in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (fig. 1).9 shall ask him. Meanwhile, please be so good After this, letters from the banker became fairly regular. as to present the “Description” above: and The last three lots on the list are almost impossible to Only in 1786 – for which the correspondence is not once I have your assurance that Her Imperial identify today and do not sound especially like works complete – may Sutherland have sometimes failed to Majesty will buy the lot (as long as she likes by Bertos, though the jumble of contents in no. 20 Fig. 2 / Francesco Bertos, reply to Crosa’s barrage of enquiries. But this faltering them all), I will make the journey expressly to included several that obviously could be by him, but Huntsman Returning from the Chase, bronze, h. 12.5 cm, was temporary, and regular correspondence soon Florence to secure their acquisition and have were considered of low value: sixteen bronze horses and English Private Collection. resumed. In 1787 we find some descriptions of groups drawings made of them.7 riders, four reliefs and three candlesticks, as well as six 166 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 167

children in gilt bronze, and finally the marble figurine of Turks, with two groups in marble and two in bronze, a child judged to be ancient. The sixteen bronze horses while in 1741 the list of his works was augmented and riders might, for example, have included a small in another inventory taken prior to Schulenberg’s Huntsman Returning from the Chase which has emerged in retirement to his native north Germany.11 a private collection and been attributed to Bertos since Significantly, the inventory mentions that Bertos Avery’s monograph was published (fig. 2). had been called before the Inquisition on the charge that the finesse of his work seemed to be beyond the Unfortunately for us – although, given the secretive capacity of human hand and so he must have been nature of art-dealing, shrewdly – Crosa does not aided by the Devil, or at least sorcery.12 once mention the name of the grandly anonymous “Proprietor” of this remarkable collection, nor does The third and most highly placed of Bertos’s main he allude to its exact whereabouts (though a journey patrons was Carlo Emanuele III of Savoy, King of to Florence was involved in making the purchase). the Two Sicilies, who in December 1738 paid for two All the same, in an analysis of the facts – Crosa’s groups in marble, The Harvest and The Art of War, while birth in Piedmont and his diplomatic affiliation – the the previous month he had bought two large reliefs in circumstantial evidence suggests that the collection bronze that remain to be identified. In the absence of could also have been in Turin and may have belonged to any documents, Avery thought that the seven groups none other than the King of the Two Sicilies, or a close in marble now in the Royal Palace might have been relation, by 1787. Bertos went to Turin in 1738 and in purchased much later, in the nineteenth century, from 1739, towards the very end of his life, and managed Palazzo Pisani in Venice. However, it emerges from to sell to the Crown two bronze groups and two large documents that Bertos returned to Turin in spring 1739 reliefs, which are still in the Royal Palace, along with and might have sold the groups to Carlo Emanuele at seven other groups in marble and two in bronze, whose that time. The last document records Bertos’s death at provenances are not documented. It is possible that Dolo on 28 November 1741, at the age of sixty-three.13 the works enumerated by Crosa in the list are what remained in the studio of Bertos, either that in Turin, Bertos never went to Russia, or Muscovy, as it was or the other in his native Dolo, where he died in 1741. often called at the time. However, a combination of In either case, the list could be considered as a detailed circumstances placed him in touch with Russia. One of catalogue of what he left behind on his dying day. the first mentions of his work occurs in 1722, when a carved group of The Battle of the Lapiths and the Centaurs Earlier in life, Bertos had worked for several illustrious was taken to Russia (fig. 3). This was probably bought patrons in Venice and the Veneto, beginning in 1715 not directly from its maker, but from the Venetian with Antonio Manin, who commissioned for his city art market through an intermediary, Count Savva palace the earliest group of figures, five in this case, Vladislavich (ca. 1670-1738), agent of Tsar Peter carved out of a single block of marble (i.e. without the Great, who was a great enthusiast for sculpture. piecing-on protruding extremities, but laboriously and Valued at 50 gold ducats, the group was first installed carefully cutting away the stone from around them). in a grotto in the Summer Gardens, later moved to This became Bertos’s specialty. For the following decade the Tauride Palace, and at the end of the nineteenth and a half he was much employed in the new and century to the Hermitage Museum. The Register 10 Fig. 3 / Francesco Bertos, extensive Villa Manin at Passariano. for 1722 does not give the sculptor’s name, and the The Battle of the Lapiths attribution to Bertos was not proposed until the 1960s, and the Centaurs, marble, In 1738, the sculptor’s name featured in an inventory by Nina Kosareva. This was later confirmed by its h. 72 cm, Saint Petersburg, The State Hermitage of Field-Marshall Johannes Mattias von der comparison with a similar composition in an English Museum. Schulenberg (1661-1747), hero of the wars against the collection bearing the initials F.B.14 168 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 169

To return to the 1786 descriptions of works seemingly by Bertos in the mystery collection, it is worth trying to compare them with some of those in Avery’s catalogue. The list describes four marble groups with eleven to fourteen figures and eight with five to six figures. Alas, only one of the compositions with multiple figures appears to conform with a known work of his: at first glance, the subject of The Resurrection of the Dead matches one in a private collection (fig. 4).15 However, a meticulous study reveals several differences, for the list gives a height of 1.5 coudees (about 116 cm) and specifies fourteen figures, whereas the Resurrection, at 96 cm, is slightly smaller16 and has only twelve figures, while the crowning ones are also different. However, Bertos not infrequently repeated his own compositions with just such slight variations.

One of the groups of Christian Virtues, Humility and Faith, matches well with a marble group that is inscribed twice with HVMILITAS ET FIDES and has no meaningful provenance prior to its acquisition by the Prado in 1969 (figs. 5 & 6).17

Three groups on our list might also seem to correspond with Air, Water, and Earth formerly in the collection of a Spanish Grandee (fig. 7);18 but in fact these have fewer participants, missing six of the figures that are specified.

The situation with the bronze groups might appear easier. Avery notes that the figures and their attributes in Fig. 4 / Francesco Bertos, The Resurrection of the Dead, these groups could be separately modelled and cast, and marble, signed, h. 96 cm, Private then built up by soldering or pinning them together, so Collection. that each can be considered unique in its kind. Crosa’s

Fig. 5 / Francesco Bertos, Humility list features three groups with multiple (ten-eleven) and Faith, marble, inscribed with figures: six with six or seven; and nine with only two. "HVMILITAS ET FIDES" on the open book and the rim of the plinth, h. 86 cm, Madrid, Museo In all likelihood, we can identify the group here called Nacional del Prado. The Triumph of Fame with one (currently missing) thought by Avery to represent Spring (fig. 8) and to be a pendent Fig. 6 / Francesco Bertos, detail of Fig 5, signature, "OPVS F. to an Autumn (now known simply as an Allegorical Group of Bertos". Eleven Figures) in the J. Paul Getty Museum (fig. 9).19 170 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 171

In both cases there are eleven figures surrounding a central pedestal on which sits a young man (identified as the wind) who supports another figure holding up a woman with a trumpet in her hand (an allegory of Fame). It is a shame that this creation of Bertos is now known only from a photograph in a catalogue published by the Galerie Georges Petit in Paris of a sale held on 23-24 June 1927. In connection with Crosa’s letter, in which he states that he must go to Florence in order to seal the sale, it may be worth observing that this group was first recorded in that very city in the collection of a Mr. Rusca, which went up for sale in 1883.20

The groups of five or six figures representing may be compared with the bronzes representing the same subjects in the Walters Art Museum, Baltimore.21 Nevertheless, one gets the impression that Bertos differentiated his creations freely, sometimes by replacing one figure with another or by changing the complement of figures. In this case, the allegory of Asia corresponds most closely, with its six figures matching their descriptions in the list (fig. 10). The same is true of the America, which includes a man treading on a dragon and raising up a woman with an arrow in her hand; however, the height of the Baltimore group (68.4 cm) differs from that of the bronze (1.5 coudees, about 89 cm). There are also several discrepancies in the other allegories: This final piece of information is revealed in the the Africa in Baltimore, for instance includes a lion, catalogue of an anonymous but important sale at not a tiger (though this may simply be an error, or Mr Phillips’s in London on 19 December 1860, variant nomenclature); while the Europe, to judge from advertising:22 “FIVE SUPERB ITALIAN MARBLE the photograph, does not have seven figures, like that GROUPS, Composed of Five Figures each, on Carved in the list, but only five or six. The last part of the list Wood Pedestals”. The entry of lot 76 describes a work, Fig. 7 / Francesco Bertos, Earth, one of The Four is evidently dedicated to bronze groups of only two “…representing the Triumph of the Gods, executed Elements, marble, h. 74 cm, figures, some of which, it must be admitted, cannot be in statuary marble by FRANCESCO BERTOS”. The Private Collection. identified with any works by Bertos that are currently fact that the auctioneer could include the – by then

Fig. 8 / Francesco Bertos, The known. totally obscure – name, suggests that at least one of the Triumph of Fame (previously five groups was signed. Furthermore, it specifies that called an Allegory of Spring), The new information from the Russian end bears “They were taken from Italy during the wars of the marble, h. 86 cm, Location unknown. witness to a lively interest in Italy in Bertos’s sculpture First , and for several years adorned one of at the end of the eighteenth century, despite its the Royal Palaces.” Un-photographed and now missing, Fig. 9 / Francesco Bertos, contrast with the newly fashionable Neo-Classical they may prove to have been identical with some of the Group of Eleven Figures, bronze, h. 79.5 cm, Los manner, even though the name of the “Proprietor” groups listed in the “Description”, e.g. en suite with the Angeles, J. Paul Getty who gathered such a significant number of his singleton now in the Prado (figs. 5 & 6). Museum. creations remains unknown. It is a pity that the

Fig. 10 / Francesco Russian Court showed no interest in Bertos himself, The newly discovered list, which is published in full Bertos, Asia, one of the nor his creations. The contents of the “Description” as an appendix to this article, furnishes some extra Four Continents, 1710- and the list seem to have been left in their country information on the subjects chosen by the sculptor, and 1725, bronze, h. 62.5 cm, Baltimore, MD, The Walters of origin for other buyers, or to be plundered by will permit the future identification of groups in marble Art Museum. Napoleon only a few years later. and bronze as they emerge from obscurity. 172 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 173

DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX

List of Sculptural Groups in Marble and Bronze N. 7 N. 14 N. 6 N. 14 included in a letter of 14 July 1787 from Renato de Neptun sur un Licorn qui embrasse Thetis, avec Environs 100 Petits Idoles Antiques entre Egyptiens et Un Groupe avec un Tigre qui sort d’une Grotte sur Groupe avec un Jeune Homme un serpent en main et Crosa to Richard Sutherland plusieurs figures et poisons à l’entour representants Moscovites, sur les quells sont gravées plusieurs letters, la quelle est assis un Homme qui tient des herbes à la une peau de Lion sur le dos simbole de la Force qui l’Eau. Group de 6 fig. haut environ une Coudée et signes hauts environs deux pouces et demi, qui plus main avec 4 fig. à l’entour. Groupe de 5 fig. qui signifie soutient une Femme couronnée de perles avec plusieurs State Russian Historical Archive: fond. 602, delo 112, qui moins l’Afrique haut environs Coudées 1 1/₁₂ fruites en main simbole des richesse. Haut Coudée 1 2000 Roubles fols. 43, 43r, 44. 1000 Roubles 800 Roubles 500 Roubles N. 8 Transport 26800 Roubles Un Cerf monté par un Homme qui tient une Femme N. 7 TOTAL 38500 Roubles Notes des Groupes de Marbre et de Bronze entre ses bras avec plusieurs figures qui signifient l’Air. Bronze Un Groupe avec un Homme sauvage qui avec un pied Groupes de marbre Group de 6 fig. Haut environs une Coudée N. 1 foulant un Dragon soutient sur les Epaules un Femme N. 1 Un Groupe avec un Homme couronné d’herbes et avec des fleches à la main, et le Carcois à la coté avec 2000 Roubles Jupiter avec l’Aigle, qui du haut d’une montagne fruits une lance à la main assis sur un piedestal orné de d’autre figures à l’entour. Group de 6 fig. monstrant la [fol. 44] foundroyé les Géantes qui tombent des rochers; basreliefs, le quel a sur lui un Jeune Homme qui tient Conquete de l’Amerique. Haut environs Coudées 1 ½ Bronzes N. 9 Groupe qui represente l’Audace malheureuse de 12 haut embrassee une Femme qui donne à tetter avec une N. 15 Un Jeune Homme avec une massue et un Homme qui 800 Roubles figures. Haut Coudées 1 ½ environs Colombe en mains avec 7 autres figures. Ce Groupe Un Groupe avec un Jeune Homme simbole de l’Etude avec un poignard tue un Dragon, qui signifie la Justice. paroit indiquer le triomphe de la paix de 11 fig. Haut qui soutient une Femme, qui d’une main tient une 3000 Roubles Un Hercul qui soutient une Femme qui signifie la N. 8 environs Coudées 1 1/₃ palme, et de l’autre un’Etoile simbole de la vertu. Haut NB: J’esprime par Coudée ce que les Italiens disent Force as[so]cié (?) avec la Justice. Groupe de 5 fig. Haut Un Groupe avec un Homme une Lance à la main 1 coudée 1 Braccio. environs Coudées 1 /₃ 1000 Roubles representant l’honneur, qui soutient sur la tette (sic) une femme une trombe à la main coronée (sic) de 500 Roubles 2000 Roubles N. 2 N. 2 lauriers, significant la gloire. Haut Coudée 1 Un Groupe avec un Jeune Homme ailé semblable au Tous ces Groups de Bronze tres fins, et d’un parfait Un Homme sur un piedestal, qui soutient un Cheval, N. 10 800 Roubles Vent assis sur un Piedestal, la quel releve un Homme dessain (sic) sur le quel est un Jeune Homme avec un Elme armé, le Une Femme qui tient un pied sur un Vase exprimant la qui soutient une Femme qui donne de la Trombe, avec quel soutient une Femme avec une lance à la main. A Temperance. Un Dragon vaincu par un Jeune Homme, N. 9 plusieurs figures à l’entour. Ce Groupe paroit indiquer N. 16 l’entour un Homme assis avec une massue, des Femmes sur le quel s’eleva un Vieillard qui avec la force soutient Un Groupe avec un Jeune Homme qui signifie le Triomphe de la Renomée de 11 fig. Haut environs Un Enfant couché sur un piedestal de Marbre qui tient qui versent du vin des Vases, et des Hommes qui une Femme qui indique la . Groupe de 5 fig. l’Hardiesse qui soutient haut une Femme couronnée de Сoudées 1 1/₃ d’un main un serpent, et de l’autre un Miroir. Long pressent du raisin avec les petits Satyrs, et des chevres. haut environs coudées 1 1/₃ lauriers, avec des palmes à la main, simbole de la paix. Coud. ½ Group qui parois indiquer l’Audace heureuse de 11 1000 Roubles Haut Coudée 1 1600 Roubles figures. Haut Coudées 1 ½ environs 200 Roubles 800 Roubles N. 3 3000 Roubles N. 11 Un Groupe Un Homme assis sur un Piedestal orné de N. 17 Une Femme qui signifie l’Umilité, qui soumet l’Orgueil N. 10 bas reliefs qui representent plusieurs armes, sur le quel Un Enfant couché sur un piedestal de marbre N. 3 et soutient un Homme qui porte une Crоix, sur les Un Groupe avec un Jeune Homme qui ressemble pose les pieds de derriere un Cerf courant, portant sur couronné de fleurs 200 avec les ailes e Zephire. Long La Chasse du Taureau arrété pаr un Chien et soutenu épaules du quel s’eleve une Femme avec un Calix au Gente qui soutient une Femme qui represente le dos un Vieillard qui soutient une Femme avec un Coudée ½ par plusieurs Personnes indiquant la Force. Groupes de en main qui exprime la Foi. Groupe de 5 fig. Haut l’Esperance. Haut Coudée 1 sceptre en main, et autres figures à l’entour. Groupe qui 12 fig. Haut Coudées 1 ½ environs environs Coudées 1 1/₃ 200 Roubles paroit signifier le Triomphe de la Milice de 10 fig. haut 500 Roubles 3000 Roubles 1600 Roubles environs de Coudées 1 1/₃ N. 18 N. 11 1000 Roubles 33 Petits Idoles antiques Grecs et Romains N. 4 N. 12 Un Groupe avec un Vieillard Ailé, ou le Tems qui representants des Rivieres, et autres Deites. Hauts 2 La Resurection des Morts, avec le Tems qui ouvre un Une Femme assise avec un Ancre à la main qui signifie soutient une Femme un poignard à la main, simbole de N. 4 pouces et ½ Sepulcre, par ou sortent des Mortes. Il y a plusieurs l’Esperance. Un Homme qui tient haut une Femme l’Occasion. Haut Co: 1 Un Groupe avec un’Aigle sur un Trophé de guerre, vertus avec leurs Symboles, et la Foi qui triomphe sur ayant en une main un coeur ardent, et dans l’autre une 800 Roubles qui a sur elle un Homme à Cheval, qui d’une main 500 Roubles le monde. Group de 14 fig. Haute Codées (sic) 1 ½ monée exprimant la Charité. Groupe de 5 fig. Haut embrasse, et soutient une Femme armée, et avec l’autre environs environs Coudées 1 ½ N. 19 il la courone, avec plusieurs figures à l’entour. Groupe de N. 12 3000 Roubles 7 Petits Idoles Antiques Egyptiens avec les signes 1600 Roubles 7 fig. representant l’Europe haut environs Coudées 1 1/₁₃ Un Groupе avec un Jeune Homme un eventail à la d’Antiquité. Hauts pouces 2 ½ N.B. Tous les groups sont travaillés d’une seule main, et un pied sur une roué representant un Fol (?) N. 5 800 Roubles piece de Marbre avec finesse, et beaucoup d’art. avec une Femme sur lui qui represente la Fortune. Haut 400 Roubles Le Rapt de Proserpine fait par Pluton, avec plusieurs Il y a eu quelques ruptures, mais ells on eté si bien Coudée 1 figures à l’entour; le tout indique le feu. Groupe de 6 N. 5 raccommodées qu’ à peine on les apercoit N. 20 Un Groupe avec un Vieillard qui pose un genoux sur 500 Roubles fig. Haut uneCoudées 1 ½ environs Environs 100 Amulets de marbre 26,800 Roubles le Monde, et éléve une Femme qui tient diverses herbes 2000 Roubles 16 Cheveaux de bronzes avec un Homme dessus en main, avec quatre figures à l’entour, une des quelles N. 13 4 Bas reliefs de Bronze Un Groupe avec un Homme simbole de la Bienfaisance [fol. 43 r] a pres de soi un vase, ou bien un encensoire. Groupe de N. 6 3 Chandaliers de Bronze doré 6 fig. representant l’Asie. Haut environs Coudées 1 1/₁₂ qui soutient une Femme simbole de la Reconaissance. Marble 6 Enfans de Bronze doré Le Laboureur sur le Boeuf avec une figure de Femme Haut Coudée 1 aupres. Autres figures à l’entour qui tiennent differents N. 13 800 Roubles Un Enfant Antique de Marbre 500 Roubles fruits. Groupe qui signifie La Terre de 6 fig. Haut une S:t Gérome assis un Crucifix à la main avec un petit 1600 Roubles Codée (sic) environs Enfant à coté. Figure longue environs une Codée (sic) Transport 38500 Roubles 2000 Roubles 400 Roubles TOTAL 42200 Roubles 174 Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos Renato de Crosa: a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and some new works by Francesco Bertos 175

NOTES

1. Charles Avery, The Triumph of Motion: Francesco Bertos Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte) 4 (2011): pp. 71-74, (1678-1741) and the Art of Sculpture (Turin: Allemandi). (examining Bertos, Equestrian statuette of Field- 2. Avery, Francesco Bertos, pp. 293-294, “Selective Marshall von der Schulenburg, and Adriaen de Vries, Bibliography, ordered chronologically to show the Rearing Horse). increasing interest in, and rediscovery of, Francesco 12. Alice Binion, La Galleria scomparsa del maresciallo von der Bertos”. Schulenburg. Un mecenate nella Venezia del Settecento (Milan: 3. For the activity of Sutherland in general, see: Sergei Electa, 1990), p. 190, 221. Androsov, “An Unknown Episode in the Acquisition of 13. Avery, Francesco Bertos, pp. 20, 22, 23. Sculpture in Rome,” Reports of the State Hermitage Museum 14. Sergei Androsov, Pietro il Grande e la scultura italiana (Saint 73 (2016): pp. 152-164; Sergei Androsov, “Vincenzo Petersburg: ARS, 2004), no. 26, p. 122-123; Sergei Pacetti e la clientele russa. La corrispondenza di Androsov, Museo Statale Ermitage. La scultura italiana dal Richard Sutherland nell’Archivio Storico di Stato XVII al XVIII secolo, Da Bernini a Canova. Catalogo della Russo,” Bollettino d’Arte, Volume speciale –Vincenzo Pacetti, collezione (Milan: Skira, 2017), no. 192, p. 306. Roma, l’Europa all’epoca del Grand Tour (2017): pp. 365-373. 15. Avery, Francesco Bertos, no. 70, colour plates 25-28. 4. Such as Prince Alexander Bezborodko, Secretary of 16. Though the difference of 10 cm might reflect its the Cabinet to the Empress; Count Ivan Ostermann, having been measured while standing on a separate Vice-Chancellor; Prince Alexander Viasemsky, plinth that high. Procurator-General and the Hereditary Grand Prince 17. Avery, Francesco Bertos, no. 69, pp. 192-193: of course, if Pavel Petrovitch. the groups are identical, it is curious that the writer did 5. An audit commission later found a huge outstanding not mention the prominent signature (but perhaps to debt, which ended in the bankruptcy of the company. him it was meaningless or insignificant). 6. In 1788 Crosa had visited Saint Petersburg in order 18. Avery, Francesco Bertos, nos. 56-58. Fire, no. 59, remained to propose to the Tsarina a collection of cameos that with a former owner and no photograph could be she acquired for 20,000 roubles. The author thanks published. Professor Andrea Melotti (Turin) for the confirmation 19. Avery, Francesco Bertos, nos. 106 and 105 respectively. of Crosa’s diplomatic position. 20. See Catalogue des objets d’art et de curiosite: formant la 7. State Russian historical Archive (SRHA): fond. 602, collection de M. Rusca de Florence (Florence, 1883), delo 272, list 35r. Original text in French: “Je viens a’ la available online at https://archive.org/details/ description des groups de Marbre pour les quells je suis cataloguedobjets00samb/page/n7/mode/2up en correspondence avec le Prorietaire… Ces groups (accessed December 2020). sont de la hauteur de 3 a 4 pieds de france en forme 21. Avery, Francesco Bertos, nos. 134-137. pyramidale, et du pied jusqu’au sommet il y a 12-13 22. Avery, Francesco Bertos, nos. 62-66, pp. 190-191. jusqu’a 15 figures d’Hommes, Anges et Animaux, selon le sujet qu’ils representent. P[ar] e[xample] Un Groupe represente les Geants qui vouillant escalader les Dieux, et foundroyés par Jupiter. Un autre la resurection des morts. Un autre Diane a la chasse dans des endroits escarpés. Un autre la gloire couronant des Heros. Un autre le Parnasse avec les Muses et autres sujets semblables. Le Proprietaire en entre veut vendre avec ses Groupes une quantité d’Idols antiques Egyptiens et autres, de Bronzes dont je vous enverrai par le suite une note que je lui demande; en attendant ayer la bonté de présenter la Description cy-dessus: et sur l’assurance que S[a] M[ajesté] I[mperiale] achettera le tout (en cas que tout lui plaisa) je ferai exprés le voyage de Florence pour m’en assurer l’acquisition et en tirer les desseins.” 8. SRHA: fond. 602, delo 112, list 43-44r. 9. Victoria Avery, Renaissance and Baroque Bronzes from the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, exh. cat. (London: Daniel Katz Ltd., 2002), no. 15; Avery, Francesco Bertos, no. 127, pp. 226-227, 259-260, 331. 10. Avery, Francesco Bertos, p. 14. 11. Charles Avery, “Zwei Kleinbronzen in der Sammlung der Grafen der Schulenburg-Wolfsburg,” in Feldmarschall und Kunstsammler: Matthias Johann von der Schulenburg (1661-1747): Ein unbekannter Bestand von Kunstwerken aus seiner Sammlung im Besitz der Grafen von der Schulenburg- Wolfsburg, ed. Heiner Krellig, (Wolfsburger Beiträge zur 177

A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited

JOHN GASH

A large, evocative painting of The Supper at Emmaus in While the tonality and deployment of in the the Musée d’Arts (formerly Musée des Beaux-Arts), Nantes Supper at Emmaus make it very likely that its author Nantes (202 x 154 cm), is instantly recognizable as a had seen Caravaggio’s prototypes in Rome, rather than homage to Caravaggio (fig. 1).1 The rustic meal is close painted or engraved copies, he has been imaginative in both in composition, lighting and detail to Caravaggio’s disguising his sources by relocating Christ from the centre picture of the same subject in the National Gallery, of the far side of the table in the Mattei-Borghese Supper London (fig. 2), executed for Ciriaco Mattei in Rome in to the left of his picture, and replacing him in the middle 1601, and subsequently owned by ’s art- with one of the apostles, while shifting the shuttered loving nephew, Cardinal (in whose window on the back wall of The Calling of Saint Matthew collection our painter would probably have known it), to the right-hand wall of his more intimate setting. These though Caravaggio’s more up-market guinea fowl has ploys, together with the more diffuse yet reverential focus been substituted here with a haunch of lamb. But the on objects throughout the space of the canvas, add a artist of the French canvas has gone further by invoking sense of the everyday to the room in which the sacred Caravaggio’s perhaps most talismanic composition, rite almost imperceptibly creeps up on us. The Calling of Saint Matthew (fig. 3) in the Contarelli chapel of the French national church in Rome, San Given the work’s imaginative and technical qualities, it Luigi dei Francesi – in the lateral lighting emanating is striking that nothing approaching a consensus about from high on the right, in the deployment of an open its authorship has emerged. Indeed Gianni Papi has wooden window-shutter, in the figure seen from behind described it as “one of the more problematic pictures turning to his right on this side of the table, and in the of the first decades of the Seicento…..at the centre of feet and legs of the figure on the far side of the table a long attributional debate”.3 Most of the scholars who viewed underneath it. For all that, the Nantes Supper has have recently examined the attribution have refrained a reserve about it that has been characterized as “serene from making any firm proposals, from Michel Hilaire and austere” and which is quite unlike the dramatic (1993: Anonymous French)4 through Gianni Papi (2001: rhetoric of Caravaggio’s prototypes or indeed the more Anonymous, influenced by and Juan un-distilled naturalism of Caravaggio’s Netherlandish Bautista Maino)5, Claire Gerin-Pierre (2005: Anonymous followers.2 Here, on the contrary, we are presented with a French)6, Pierre Georgel (2006: Peintre inconnu)7, Axel piece of sober ritual that very successfully conveys the then Hémery (2012: Anonymous French)8 to Bruno Saunier standard association of the theme with the Mass: Jesus (2018: Anonymous French, close to Guy François)9. In a holding the rustic large loaf in his left hand as he raises long history of proposals that has run from Valentin and Fig. 1 / Here attributed to his right in blessing, the in profile simultaneously Caracciolo to Tournier and Alonso Rodriguez, a majority, Jean I François, The Supper at pouring a glass of wine, while the large copper wash-basin however, have felt it to be French – e.g. (in addition to Emmaus, 1620s/early 1630s, oil on canvas, 202 x 154 cm, in the right foreground alludes to the water of Baptism, Hilaire, Gerin-Pierre, Hémery and Saunier) Roberto Nantes, Musée d’Arts. there in Caravaggio’s London Supper in the glass carafe. Longhi,10 Robert Mesuret,11 and Michel Laclotte.12 178 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 179

The painting was acquired in the late eighteenth What is surprising is that no one has paid more than or very early nineteenth century by the architect fleeting attention to a suggestion of Jean Penent who, and collector François Cacault of Nantes, who had first tentatively in 1995, then more forcefully in 2001, served in increasingly important diplomatic roles proposed the painting as the work of Jean François in Italy from 1785 to 1803 (in Naples, Rome and of Le Puy-en-Velay (1580 -? after 1649), younger ), under monarchy, republic and empire.13 His brother of the more famous Guy (1576/1578-1650).14 collection, sold on his death to the city of Nantes in This omission is surprising but perhaps explicable on 1808, included more than 1155 paintings. It is not grounds of caution, since we know very little about the known whether he acquired the Supper at Emmaus in career of Jean and virtually nothing about his artistic Italy or, perhaps aided by his painter brother, Pierre, output, which can only be gauged indirectly through who played a not insignificant role in developing the a single etching of 1624 by Claude Mellan after a lost collection, in France. While its sources in Caravaggio half-length by Jean of San Francesco di Paola (François may suggest Italy, the picture’s quietist mood, almost de Paule) (fig. 4). Yet Jean – who became a member of anticipatory of Jansenism, might indicate France the in 1620, was a “pupil” of – conceivably in either case for a monastic setting Vouet according to Félibien, and is recorded as sharing and probably, given its format, as an altarpiece. The lodgings with Claude Mellan in 162815 – may well have fact that all three figures are barefooted may point been a significant figure on the Roman scene, possibly to a discalced order, such as Franciscans, Discalced more so than his nowadays better-known elder brother, Carmelites, or Minims, the latter of whose convent of Guy, who returned to their native Le Puy in 1612/13 the Trinità dei Monti in Rome underwent renovations after five years in which he seems to have been a in the mid-late 1620s. leading assistant to in the papal capital.16

Fig. 2 / Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, The Supper at Emmaus, 1601, oil on canvas with some touches of tempera, 141 x 196.2 cm, London, The National Gallery.

Fig. 3 / Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, The Calling of Saint Matthew, 1599-1600, oil on canvas, 322 x 340 cm, Rome, church of San Luigi dei Francesi, Contarelli chapel. 180 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 181

Apart from the difficulty of deducing a pictorial style from an engraving, there are arguably other reasons why Penent’s suggestion about the attribution of the Nantes Supper at Emmaus has not been given due consideration. Firstly, he at no point spells out specifically what it is about the Nantes picture that links it with the Mellan etching, relying rather on the mere assertion of connoisseurial acumen. Secondly, he gives more weight in his discussion to works by other artists, including Guy François, the Pensionante del Saraceni and the Master of the Judgment of Solomon, which he thinks come close to the Nantes Supper, than to the etching which records Jean François’s name, thereby relying on a highly circular argument.17 What is more, for all the suggestive richness of his important texts, his claim that Jean is probably the author, or at least collaborator with his brother, on return visits to France, of several of the works traditionally linked with Guy (and in two cases – The Adoration of the Shepherds of 1621 in the église du Collège, Le Puy-en- Velay, and the Gannat Adoration of the Shepherds of 1630 – actually inscribed with Guy’s name) is at best unprovable. His belief that Jean is also to be understood, at different stages of his Italian career, as both the Pensionante del Saraceni and the Master of the Judgment of Solomon, stretches credulity to breaking point! Indeed the Pensionante and the Master of the Judgment were clearly very different artists.18

However, by concentrating on the links between the Mellan etching and the Nantes Supper, and by comparing the technique of the Nantes painting to that evident in the work of Jean’s brother, Guy, neither of which are spelled out by Penent, one can see that his attribution of Fig. 4 / Claude Mellan (after The mystery surrounding Jean’s artistic identity the Nantes masterpiece to Jean François is indeed very Jean I François), Saint Francis potentially ranks as one of the main outstanding likely. Morellian details, as often, hold the key. While of Paola in Prayer, 1624, etching, 10.6 x 7.4 cm, Paris, lacunae in Caravaggesque studies, alongside Penent, as part of his broader strategy of linking Jean Bibliothèque nationale those of the actual identities of the authors François with The Master of the Judgment of Solomon, de France, départment of two more or less coherent groups of high- notes similarities between the drapery style of the sleeves des Estampes et de la Photographie. quality paintings, dubbed by of San Francesco di Paola and those of a painting of Saint as the work of “Il Pensionante del Saraceni” Matthew, now in the Musée des Beaux-Arts de Rennes, Fig. 5 / , Saint (Saraceni’s Lodger) and “Il Maestro del Giudizio di (fig. 5),19 seen as one of the products of the Master of Matthew, ca. 1607-1609 (?), oil on canvas, 109 x 88 cm, Rennes, Salomone” (The Master of The Judgment of Solomon) the Judgment Solomon (now thought by most, starting Musée des Beaux-Arts. respectively. with Gianni Papi, to be the young Ribera in Rome20), 182 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 183

that the Nantes painting “comes very close in certain details to his (Guy’s) oeuvre”. Yet Saunier stops short of attributing it to Guy because the location of Christ to the left is atypical, as are his depiction in profile with large eyes and a very linear arch to his eyebrow.24 a more attentive reading of the drapery folds in the etching might see the folds on the right-hand sleeve of These latter features, nevertheless, are what one might Saint François de Paule as echoed on the right-hand expect from a French realist painter with classicizing sleeve of the seated figure seen from behind in the inflections based in Rome in the 1620s, as Jean right foreground of the Nantes Supper. Yet, crucially, certainly was, despite likely occasional return visits to the thick, walrus moustache of Saint François de Paule, France. The Roman context of the Supper at Emmaus, with individualized strands, is closely duplicated in specifically in the mid-late 1620s, is further emphasized that of the apostle facing us in the Supper, making their by the near-exact correspondence between the pose entire faces and expressions seem remarkably similar, of the legs of the disciple seen from behind and those while a comparably luxuriant moustache can be found of the foreground executioner in Valentin’s Martyrdom on the foreground apostle to the right. Furthermore, of Saints Processus and Martinian, painted for Saint Peter’s the undulating growth of beard of the central apostle in 1629-1630 (now Pinacoteca Vaticana) (fig. 6) – a has echoes of the swirling hairs on the beard of Saint Caravaggesque work, yes, but one moving in the direction François de Paule in the Mellan etching. of . This, if anything, would locate the genesis of the Nantes picture to Rome – whichever way the To these formal, though possibly also textural, influence flowed, and whatever its ultimate destination. comparisons can be added the fact that the painting technique of the Nantes Supper is very close to that of Given the exceptional quality of the Nantes Supper and Jean’s elder brother, Guy, which would make sense for what we can reasonably reconstruct of Jean François’s Jean in that both painters, so close in age, must have biography, it would make sense to look for works of trained together and, in all probability, have shared comparable quality and overlapping style done in Rome studios at different stages of their careers, both in or elsewhere in Italy, but also perhaps in, or for, some France and Rome. This became apparent to me at French locations. A very good candidate is the Saint the Peintres de La Réalité exhibition at the Orangerie Jerome Hearing the Last Trumpet in the Carthusian church in 2006/07 – Pierre Georgel’s skilful reconstruction of Saint Bruno, Bordeaux, as proposed by Maurice of Charles Sterling and Paul Jamot’s epochal show Pettex-Sabarot and later espoused by Jean Penent: its of 1934.21 In the new show the Supper at Emmaus pose, gesture, facial expression, flexed index finger was thoughtfully hung close to two works also seen of the left hand, and treatment of the legs are closely in the 1934 exhibition that are comparable to it in aligned to the Nantes Supper, while it is clearly a pendant style: ’s Deposition of Christ and Guy to Guy Francois’s Saint Bruno at Squillace in the same Francois’s Presentation in the Temple, both from the church (figs. 7 & 7a).25 Another, the Le Nain-like Thetis Musée des Augustins, Toulouse. This was especially Ordering Vulcan to Forge the Arms of Achilles in the château at convenient since Tournier was previously suspected Fig. 6 / , Effiat (Auvergne), which Saunier rightly sees as having by several modern authorities of having been the The Martyrdom of Saints affinities with the Nantes canvas in its figure types Processus and Martinian, 26 author of the Supper, as had indeed been proposed in 1629-1630, oil on canvas, and treatment of space, is also highly plausible. One the 1934 exhibition.22 And while there were clearly 302 x 192 cm, Rome, suspects that Louis Le Nain (known as “Le Romain”) stylistic parallels between the two works, a much more Pinacoteca Vaticana. was himself probably in Rome in the mid-1620s,

precise technical correspondence could be seen in the Figs. 7 & 7a / Attributed to especially now that his birth date has been revised to similarity between the strokes of hatching in the Supper Jean I François, Saint Jerome ca. 1605. But one assumes that Jean’s Roman trajectory (on the thumb, fingers, and roast leg of lamb) and those Hearing the Last Trumpet, moved from an initially more Saracenian moment (like ca. 1620-1625, oil on canvas, 23 in The Presentation in the Temple. Such observations can 235 x 180 cm, Bordeaux, his brother’s) to a gradually more complex synthesis of be seen to be in line with Bruno Saunier’s recent claim church of Saint-Bruno. Vouettian, Mellanian and Valentinian strands. 184 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 185

a quite different, more realistic, Caravaggesque, effect, by opting for an interior scene with homely accoutrements.29 In Padua since the seventeenth century, its location raises the question of whether Jean may have accompanied Saraceni on his return visit from Rome to Venice in 1619-1620.

One beautiful painting not so far associated with Jean, but which seems to prefigure the Nantes Supper (as well as the Bordeaux Saint Jerome) in its reserved but The Saracenian phase may well be represented by vigorous articulation of pose and gesture, and indeed a dramatic rendering of Saint Francis in Meditation in in its tonality, is the Saint John the Baptist in the Doria the Museo Civico, Padua (figs. 8 & 8a), which Penent Pamphilj Gallery, Rome (fig. 9), usually given to either plausibly reassigns from Saraceni to Jean27, a view Saraceni or, more widely, Guy François, the latter most arrived at independently by Jacques Leegenhoek.28 I recently by Saunier.30 It is clearly a work that hails am struck by several parallels with the Nantes Supper from Saraceni’s studio and was possibly a pendant at Emmaus, from the thickly textured moustache to to Saraceni’s Saint Roch, also in the Doria-Pamphilj. the angle of the halo and cast of the upturned head However, Jean-Pierre Cuzin, who aptly characterized in profile, the colour of the skin and treatment of the it as “great and mysterious”, has cast doubt on the ear, to the geometric design of the simple wooden names of both Saraceni and Guy François, and to me furniture. What is more, the long-fingered, horizontally the at least partial involvement of Jean would provide 31 placed, expressive right hand is of a kind with that of a compelling solution. Recently, Andrea De Marchi Fig. 9 / Here attributed to Figs. 8 & 8a / Here attributed Saint François de Paule in the Mellan etching. Despite has proposed it as a possible collaboration between Jean I François (?), Saint John to Jean I François, Saint Francis derivation on one level from Saraceni’s inscribed Saint Saraceni and another of his known Francophone the Baptist, ca. 1614-1625, in Meditation, ca. 1618-1624, oil on canvas, 190 x 125 oil on canvas, 128 x 94 cm, Francis Receiving the Stigmata in the parish church of San assistants, Jean Leclerc, noting its less rapid execution cm, Rome, Galleria Doria Padua, Museo Civico. Pietro in Vincoli, Lanzo Torinese, Jean has achieved and more subtle lighting than the Saint Roch, while Pamphilj. 186 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 187

conceding that Leclerc’s facial features are normally and, not least, the remarkable correspondence A final detail that helps to link Jean’s depiction of the more pointed than here.32 Nevertheless, the Doria between the formulation and positioning of Supper at Emmaus with other members of the François Baptist has many features in common with the Nantes Saint John’s lamb and Jerome’s lion, slid in as family is the open wooden shutter letting light into Supper at Emmaus: the overall balance of chiaroscuro; coulisses just in front of the picture . So that the room from high on the right. This corresponds to the skin tones; the positioning and effect of the raised it is possible that Saraceni’s collaborator in this the shutter, this time high on the left, in Guy Francois’s hands; the counterpoint of legs; the economical masterpiece was none other than the elusive Jean Incredulity of Saint Thomas, ca. 1613-1620, in Saint planes of drapery; the smoothly applied paint; and François, the precise extent of his contribution still Laurent, Le Puy-en-Velay (fig. 10).33 Subsequently, Guy’s the setting of figures in space. There are also links to be determined – whether as a partial executant positioning of the shutter is repeated in another picture with the Bordeaux Saint Jerome, from the positioning or the independent author of a planned pendant to of the Supper at Emmaus, signed and dated 1649 by and treatment of the bare legs, the raised right hand, the Saint Roch. “Jean Francois Du Puy”, in the Musée des Augustins, Toulouse, which is in a still more classicizing vein than the Nantes composition (fig. 11).34 It was always thought to be the work of Guy’s younger brother, Jean but has recently been convincingly re-attributed by Saunier to Guy’s son, Jean II François, though possibly with assistance from his father,35 thereby bolstering the argument for the very different Nantes canvas having been done by his uncle. Indeed, with the possible exception of the shuttered window (which, however, given its position high on the left, owes more to Guy’s Incredulity of Saint Thomas), there are no signs that Jean II knew the Nantes painting, thus strengthening the case for the latter having been done in, and remaining in, Rome. In fact, it has not previously been noted that the Musée des Augustins Supper is, rather, directly dependent on Paolo Veronese’s canvas of the same subject of ca. 1555 in the Louvre, which was in the collection of Charles I, Maréchal et duc de Créquy, between ca. 1635 and his death in 1638, and then sold to King Louis XIII, being later listed in the Palais Royal in 1654 (fig. 12).36

The fact that the Musée des Augustins Supper at Emmaus has for so long been thought to be the work of Jean I François has arguably been the key factor inhibiting us from pinpointing his artistic identity more accurately. Now, perhaps, we are more in a position to see that Jean I in the Nantes picture has possibly been inspired, as far as the shutter is concerned, by Fig. 10 / Guy François, The Incredulity of Saint Thomas, his elder brother’s Incredulity of Saint Thomas, as well as ca. 1613-1620, oil on canvas, by Caravaggio’s Calling of Saint Matthew – once again 160 x 190 cm, Le Puy-en-Velay, tending to reinforce a date of the mid 1620s onwards Church of Saint-Laurent. for his canvas. Fig. 11 / Jean II François, The Supper at Emmaus, 1649, oil on canvas, 276 x 208 cm, Toulouse, Musée des Augustins. 188 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 189

It is beyond the scope of the present essay to delve further into some of Jean Penent’s more speculative claims for his namesake, except to say that the Jean that I have been seeking to reconstruct has nothing to do with the Pensionante del Saraceni, who was probably not even French. For instance, Penent’s comparison between the face of the central Apostle in the Supper at Emmaus and the Pensionante’s Chicken Vendor in the Prado is superficial and totally unconvincing on the level of detail.37 His other claim, that Jean in his maturity may have been the Master of the Judgment of Solomon, is less implausible, at least for the key painting of the group in the Borghese Gallery, which Longhi once considered to be by Guy François,38 but it is not the place here to embark on such a complex review. It might merely be noted that, while the new orthodoxy of regarding the author of this group as the young Ribera working in Rome has much to be said for it, he was not necessarily the author of all of the paintings in the group, and doubts have been raised in particular about the Borghese Gallery Judgment of Solomon itself.39 If it were to turn out to be by Jean (and its size is virtually identical to that of the Nantes picture), its location in the , home by the 1620s of Caravaggio’s London Supper at Emmaus, would not contradict the undoubted inspiration which the author of the Nantes Supper took from Caravaggio’s masterpiece. It is also intriguing that Jean, in the Bordeaux Saint Jerome, revealed himself as an admirer of Ribera, since its composition is inspired by Ribera’s 1621 etching of the same subject.40

Fig. 12 / Paolo Veronese, The Supper at Emmaus, ca. 1555, oil on canvas, 242 x 416 cm, Paris, Musée du Louvre. 190 A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited A masterpiece still in search of an author: the Nantes Supper at Emmaus revisited 191

NOTES

1. See Claire Gerin-Pierre, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes. sur les ouvrages des plus excellents peintres anciens et modernes, 32. Andrea De Marchi, Collezione Doria Pamphilj. Catalogo Catalogue des peintures françaises XVIe-XVIIIe siècle (Paris- troisième partie (Paris, 1679), p. 86; and Maria Cristina generale dei dipinti (Rome: Silvana Editoriale, 2016), p. 337. Nantes: Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes/Réunion Guardata, “Guy et Jean François,” in I Caravaggeschi. 33. It is also possible that Jean was adapting here an idea des Musées Nationaux, 2005), p. 86. I am indebted to Percorsi e protagonisti, ed. Alessandro Zuccari, vol. 2 from Gerrit van Honthorst, whose Liberation of Saint Jacques Leegenhoek for discussing the painting with me. (Milan: Skira, 2010), pp. 386-393. Peter of ca. 1616-1617, commissioned by Cardinal 2. Gerin-Pierre, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes, p. 86. 16. For Guy, in addition to Saunier, Guy François, and Benedetto Giustiniani (Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), has a 3. Gianni Papi, Cecco del Caravaggio (Soncino: Edizioni Penent, Le temps du caravagisme, see the illuminating comparable wooden door through which light floods in dei Soncino, 2001), p. 48: “... uno dei quadri più pioneering analysis of Luigi Ficacci, Guy François 1578- on the right. problematici dei primi decenni del Seicento...” 1650 (Rome: Multigrafica Editrice, 1980). 34. Discussed and illustrated in Penent, Le Temps du 4. Michel Hilaire et al., Century of Splendour. Seventeenth- 17. Such circularity has also been noted by Maria Cristina Caravagisme, pp. 208-210. Century French Painting in French Public Collections, exh. Guardata, “Guy e Jean François”, in Zuccari, I 35. Bruno Saunier, “La diffusion de l’art des François en cat. (Montreal: The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts; Caravaggeschi, II, p. 392. Languedoc”, in Nicolas Tournier et la peinture caravagesque en Rennes: Musée des Beaux-Arts; Montpellier: Musée 18. See John Gash, “The age of Caravaggism: Art in Toulouse Italie, en France et en Espagne, Actes du Colloque, June 2001, Fabre, 1993), pp. 104-106. and Languedoc from 1590 to 1650, review of Jean Penent Toulouse (Toulouse: Pascal Francois BERTRAND/ 5. Papi, Cecco del Caravaggio, p. 48. 2001,” Apollo 157/492 (2003): pp. 52-54. CNRS/Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail/ UMR 5136, 6. Gerin-Pierre, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes, p. 86. 19. Penent, A propos de Guy et Jean François, p. 18. 2003), pp. 142-143; and Saunier, Guy François, p. 192. 7. Pierre Georgel, Orangerie, 1934: Les “Peintres de La Realité” 20. Gianni Papi, “Jusepe de Ribera a Roma e il Maestro 36. Xavier F. Salomon, Veronese, exh. cat. (London: National (avec la réimpression en fac-similé du catalogue de l’exposition del Giudizio di Salamone,” Paragone (Arte) 53/629 Gallery, 2014), no. 9, p. 252; and fig. 43, pp. 66-67. de 1934 par Paul Jamot et Charles Sterling), exh. cat. (Paris: (2002): pp. 21-42; Gianni Papi, Ribera a Roma (Soncino: 37. Penent, A propos de Guy et Jean François, p. 25. Musée de l’Orangerie , 2006), pp. 63 and 266. Edizioni dei Soncino, 2007). 38. See Roberto Longhi, Opere Complete, vol. 2 (Sansoni: 8. Axel Hémery in Corps et Ombres. Caravage et le caravagisme 21. Georgel, Orangerie 1934, pp. 155, 264 and 266; and Florence, 1967), pp. 273-274 (reprinting “Saggi e européen, ed. Michel Hilaire and Axel Hémery, exh. John Gash, “Le ‘Maître du jugement de Salomon’ Ricerche 1925-1928: GALLERIA BORGHESE: GUY cat. (Montpellier: Musée Fabre; Toulouse: Musée des revisité: Ribera pour et contre,” in en Italie, FRANÇOIS -1926”). Given the link between the Augustins, 2012), p. 206. ed. Olivier Bonfait and Hélène Rousteau-Chambon Nantes Supper and Valentin that I discuss above, it is 9. Bruno Saunier, Guy François vers 1578-1650. Peintre (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2011), p. 44. interesting that Longhi also correctly sees parallels caravagesque du Puy-en-Velay (Paris: Arthena, 2018), pp. 22. However, the attribution of the Nantes Supper at Emmaus between the Borghese Judgment of Solomon and Valentin’s 122-123. to Tournier was rightly dropped by Axel Hémery painting of the same subject in the Louvre. 10. Roberto Longhi, “Ultimi studi sul Caravaggio e la sua in Nicolas Tournier. Un peintre caravagesque, 1590-1639, 39. See Gash, “Le Maître du Jugement de Salomon cerchia,” Proporzioni 1 (1943): no. 46 (Tournier), p. 44 exh. cat. (Toulouse: Musée des Augustins /Musée des revisité,” pp. 35-49; John Gash, “Review of Ribera a and p. 50. Beaux-Arts de Toulouse, 2001), pp. 178-180 (possibly Roma by Gianni Papi,” The Burlington Magazine 152 11. Robert Mesuret, “L’oeuvre peint de Nicolas Tournier,” Alonso Rodriguez). (2010): pp. 417-418; Xavier F. Salomon: “Review of El Gazette des Beaux-Arts (1957): no. 55, pp. 342-343 23. Gash, “Le ‘Maître du Jugement de Salomon’ revisité,” Joven Ribera exhibition, ,” The Burlington (Attributed to Tournier). p. 44. In the past, like most other authors, I assumed Magazine 153 (2011): pp. 475-478; Alessandro Zuccari, 12. Jean Vergnet-Ruiz and Michel Laclotte, Petits et grands that the roast on the table was a chicken, but it seems “Angelo Caroselli e il Giudizio di Salomone della musées de France, la peinture française des primitifs à nos jours that Penent was right to see it as a leg of lamb! Galleria Borghese,” in Da Caravaggio ai Caravaggeschi, ed. (Paris: Edition cercle d’art, 1962), fig. 30 (Attributed to 24. Saunier, Guy François, p. 122. Maurizio Calvesi and Alessandro Zuccari (Rome: Cam, Tournier). 25. Maurice Pettex-Sabarot, “Guy François: attributions 2009), pp. 345-464; Alessandro Zuccari, “Il Caravaggio 13. Gerin-Pierre, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Nantes, pp. 12-14. et propositions à propos d’un ensemble de toiles a Roma. Certezze e ipotesi”, in I Caravaggeschi. Percorsi 14. Jean Penent, A propos de Guy et Jean François (Toulouse: franciscaines,” Revue du Louvre 756 (1979): pp. 414-426 e protagonist, ed. Alessandro Zuccari, vol. 1 (Milan: Les cahiers du Musée Paul-Dupuy, no. 2, 1995), (p. 424); Penent, Le Temps du caravagisme, pp. 131-132. Skira, 2010), pp. 42-43; Marco Gallo, “Il Maestro del especially pp. 24-26; and Jean Penent, Le Temps du A suggestion of Denis Lavalle, that the Bordeaux Saint Giudizio di Salomone e il giovane Ribera: un problema caravagisme. La peinture de Toulouse et du Languedoc de 1590 Jerome is by one of ’s early assistants, such as ancora aperto,” in Zuccari, I Caravaggeschi, vol. II, pp. a 1650, exh. cat. (Toulouse: Musée Paul Dupuy, 2001), Lorenzo Gennari, is totally unconvincing, whether in 483-487. especially pp. 169-171. terms of physiognomy, colour, or lighting: Denis Lavalle, 40. Penent, A propos de Guy et Jean François, p. 40, fig. 65. 15. For the known facts of Jean’s biography see Olivier “Sur quelques peintures italiennes du XVIIième siècle Michel, “Virginia Vezzi et l’entourage de Simon Vouet conservées dans les églises de province,” in Seicento, le à Rome,” Rencontres de l’Ecole du Louvre. Simon Vouet siècle de Caravage dans les collections publiques françaises, exh. (Paris: La Documentation française, 1992), pp. 123- cat. (Paris: Grand Palais, 1988-1989). 133; Jacques Bousquet, Recherches sur le séjour des Peintres 26. Saunier, Guy François, p. 33, fig. 4, and p. 123. français à Rome au XVIIième siècle (Montpellier: ALPHA, 27. Penent, Le Temps du caravagisme, pp. 73-75. 1980); Jacques Bousquet: “Documents sur le séjour de 28. Written communication. Simon Vouet à Rome,” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 29. For the Saraceni in , see Maria publiés par L’Ecole française de Rome 64 (1952): pp. 287- Giulia Aurigemma, ed., Carlo Saraceni. Un Veneziano tra 300; Jacques Bousquet, “Les relations de Poussin avec Roma et L’Europa 1579-1620, exh. cat. (Rome: Palazzo le milieu romain,” in , exh. cat. (Paris: Venezia, 2014), p. 268. Musée du Louvre, 1960), pp. 1-17; Rossella Vodret, 30. Saunier, Guy François, pp. 135-136, illustrated p. 64. ed., Alla ricerca di “Ghiongrat”. Studi sui libri parrocchiali 31. Jean-Pierre Cuzin, Figures de la réalité. Caravagesques romani (1600-1630) (Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, français. , les frères Le Nain… (Paris: 2011), p. 374; André Félibien, Entretiens sur les vies et Hazan, 2010), p. 17. 193

A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII

NICHOLAS HERMAN

Like the dispersal of painted panels from the great Now, an additional leaf from this royal book has Italian polyptychs of the trecento and quattrocento, come to light, representing the Lamentation (fig. 1). the dismemberment of illuminated manuscripts by The discovery of this grand miniature from one early modern collectors makes their study as cohesive of Bourdichon’s most emblematic masterpieces is a objects challenging. Any new discoveries, particularly significant breakthrough in the field of of of splendid page openings, are cause for celebration. the early Renaissance. The leaf, first identified by the Among the most famous codices dispersi is the Hours of author in November 2018, originally faced the iconic Louis XII, a sumptuous devotional book produced by portrait of Louis XII in prayer with Saints Michael, the court painter Jean Bourdichon (1457-1521) for the Denis, Charlemagne, and Louis, today in the J. Paul French king shortly after his unexpected accession to Getty Museum in Los Angeles (fig. 2). The common the throne in 1498: in April of that year, his predecessor origin of both leaves is immediately identifiable Charles VIII had died suddenly at the age of twenty- on account of their near-identical dimensions: seven after hitting his head on a low doorway at the Lamentation leaf is 245 by 170 mm at its tallest Amboise. As the late king had no surviving legitimate and widest points, while the Louis XII miniature sons, the line passed to Louis, who was Charles’s second measures 243 by 157 mm, well within the range of cousin once removed, the scion of the Orléans branch slightly varying widths found among the surviving of the Valois line. The Hours of Louis XII, produced miniatures from this book. In addition, both images in the circumstances surrounding this unforeseen event, possess matching illusionistic gold borders, a shared later became a particularly early casualty of the trade pictorial style, and clear iconographic and compositional in miniatures. It was broken up in England before 1700, continuities, evident especially in the fluid gradations as evidenced by the fact that the diarist Samuel Pepys and tiny sprigs of vegetation in the greenish-brown grass (1633-1703) owned one of its pages as a calligraphic below the figures. Crucially, patterns of repaired pigment curiosity. Originally, the book would have included at loss in the sky are mirrored across both compositions, least twenty-four impressively large full-page miniatures. showing that such damage occurred while the Since its dismemberment, twelve of these, as well four miniatures were still pressed together within the book. illustrated calendar pages and a substantial portion of These losses were perhaps caused by drops of liquid the book’s text block, have been rediscovered scattered or an page-marker, but they were repaired among a dozen institutions in Europe and America, in different ways. Though the lacunae are somewhat thanks largely to the efforts of Janet Backhouse.1 In obscured by inpainting on the Getty leaf, they are still 2005-2006, the book’s known fragments were displayed discernable in the far upper right of that miniature: in monographic exhibitions at the J. Paul Getty above the titulus for Saint Denis, at the top of main de Museum in Los Angeles and the Royal Academy in justice, above the S for , at the top of Saint London, and discussed in an accompanying catalogue.2 Michael’s right wing, and above the S for Saint Michael. 194 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 195

Fig. 1 / Jean Bourdichon, Lamentation, from the Hours of Louis XII, 1498, tempera and gold paint on parchment, 24.5 x 17 cm, Private Collection, France.

Fig. 2 / Jean Bourdichon, Louis XII in Prayer Presented by Saints Michael, Denis, Charlemagne, Louis and David and Bathsheba, from the Hours of Louis XII, 1498, tempera and gold paint on parchment, 24.3 x 15.7 cm, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 79a. 196 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 197

They track the areas of lighter, powdery overpaint on The presence of an additional woman at the the Lamentation leaf. Lamentation is rare, though it is found elsewhere in French art of the fifteenth century; for example in The Getty miniature, sub-captioned by the phrase “IL the Limbourg brothers’ equivalent scene in the Belles LEST FAIT EN LEAGE DE XXXVI ANS,” provides Heures of the Duke of Berry (where three of the women a plausible date of 1498 for the Hours of Louis XII as lack haloes, however), and, significantly as regards a whole (the king turned thirty-six on 27 June of that Bourdichon, in the background of Jean Fouquet’s year). Together, the Getty miniature and the Lamentation, imposing Nouans-les-Fontaines Pietà (figs. 3 & 4). The both of which are blank on their reverse sides, would latter has been dated to the first half of the 1460s, with have acted as a prefatory to the grand volume, additions to the painting perhaps having been made in as an examination of other such compositions by the following decade,3 at which point it could plausibly Bourdichon will show. While the corresponding image have been seen by the young Bourdichon during his of Louis XII is now broadly known, the Lamentation, training in Fouquet’s shop. The two women in dark unpublished and previously unknown to scholars, blue mantles on either side of the cross in Fouquet’s completes the monumental page opening and allows composition, their faces only partially visible, are for a clearer understanding of the full ambition of the echoed in the present leaf, admittedly stripped of their image-obsessed king and his favoured painter. full emotional intensity. Likewise, the woman with a white wimple directly behind Christ in the manuscript leaf also has an analog in Fouquet’s Nouans Pietà. ICONOGRAPHY AND COMPOSITION These borrowings are not direct, but neither are they In the newly discovered miniature, we see the Virgin particularly surprising given the younger artist’s training partially genuflected, with her left knee on the ground with Fouquet and Fouquet’s presumed son, the Master and her right knee raised to support the weight of her of the Munich Boccaccio. They betray a tangible echo dead son. She encircles his torso with her left arm and of the monumental altarpiece otherwise thought to cradles his neck with her right hand. Christ’s lacerated, have languished unnoticed by other artists until its lifeless body is carefully modelled with bluish tints to rediscovery by Paul Vitry in a country church of the suggest the pallor of dead flesh. Surface abrasions on Indre-et-Loire in 1911. the shins and right arm indicate repeated devotional use. While Mary’s halo is positioned on the vertical axis, The Pietà and the related iconography of the mother and son are off-centre, responding to the image Lamentation had a long association with the Valois of Louis and the holy they originally faced. court, and the decision to depict it rather than a

Fig. 3 / Jean, Paul, and Around them are grouped Saint John and, somewhat simple Virgin and Child was undoubtedly an appeal Herman de Limbourg, unusually, four rather than three female saints. Mary to tradition. The above-mentioned image by the Lamentation, from the Belles Magdalene is identifiable through her habitual attribute Limbourg brothers may not have been immediately Heures of Jean, Duc de Berry, 1405-1408/9, tempera and of the ointment jar. Two of the other women are accessible to Bourdichon, but panel paintings of the gold paint on parchment, presumably to be identified as Mary Cleophas and subject attributed to the brothers and to their uncle New York, The Metropolitan Mary . The fourth woman, partially veiled and Jean Malouel were likely visible in Valois residences Museum of Art, The Cloisters Collection, 1954 facing away from the scene, could represent Martha, near Bourdichon’s hometown of Tours. Bourdichon’s (54.1.1), fol. 149v. sister of Lazarus. invocation of this venerable iconography may have 198 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 199

been an attempt, around 1500, to recall the influential out in prayer across the book’s gutter. In the latter, the models of a century earlier. The addition of the book’s owner, who was bishop of Elne, is also shown corresponding likeness of the king in prayer made such backed by a tetrarchy of personally-relevant saints. The an appeal to Valois heritage all the more evident. This tradition was not limited to manuscripts. Comparable was especially important as the royal lineage jumped to diptychs on panel are recorded in northern European the Orléans branch of the dynasty: Louis XII was the aristocratic inventories from the fourteenth century grandson of Louis of Orléans (1372-1407), brother of onwards, with the Wilton Diptych being an early the mad king Charles VI. survivor.5 Bourdichon’s precursor Fouquet also produced grand devotional diptychs on panel for More broadly, the pictorial scenario of a supplicant Étienne Chevalier and Guillaume Jouvenel des Ursins. facing sacred figures opposite built upon trends that Though most of Bourdichon’s non-manuscript output had been incubating for decades in northern European has been lost, a document of 1491 remunerates him court art.4 An older precedent had the supplicant face for producing a “tableau” that included in its predella a an image of the Virgin and Child, usually from the scene of Charles VIII being presented by Saints Louis left (the heraldic dexter) in examples such as those and Charlemagne, alongside images of the Nativity and in the Brussels Hours of Jean Duc de Berry and the the Annunciation to the Shepherds.6 Hours of Étienne Chevalier (1452-1460, fig. 5), but also from the right in the more recent Hours of Louis Perhaps the most germane example for Bourdichon de Laval by Jean Colombe and collaborators (1470- to draw upon was the so-called Hours of Charles VIII 1485, fig. 6). Miniatures produced by Bourdichon of around 1495, now in Madrid, which was largely earlier in his career for Books of Hours owned by non- illuminated by a Parisian workshop (fig. 9).7 That book royal patrons, especially those in a book likely made contains an image of Charles VIII in prayer, presented

Fig. 4 / Jean Fouquet, for Jean III d’Amboise (, Universitäts- und by Charlemagne, facing an expanded Lamentation Nouans-les-Fontaines Landesbibliothek Tirol, ca. 1485-1487, fig. 7) and in scene. The scene with the king was later modified Pièta, ca. 1460s/1470s, the Hours of Charles de Martigny (Lisbon, Calouste through the addition of the arms of France moderne and oil on panel, Nouans-les- Fontaines, church of Saint- Gulbenkian Museum, ca. 1485-1494, fig. 8), also had France moderne quartered with Jerusalem, which Charles Martin. page-openings showing their respective owners looking VIII adopted following his invasion of Naples in 1495. 200 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 201

Elsewhere, I have argued that Bourdichon himself was devotional content. A roundel cut out of a substantial called upon to make this heraldic modification, which lost composition by Bourdichon, again showing Louis would have given him occasion to examine the page XII presented by Saints Charlemagne and Louis, opening.8 At a later stage, another painter, possibly confirms that the painter used a similar composition Jean Perréal, overpainted Charles VIII’s portrait in for the same monarch in another instance.10 The the Madrid Hours with the likeness of Louis XII. The formula of a kneeling monarch presented by a equivalent opening from Bourdichon’s Hours of Louis gathering of saints was evidently a successful one, XII that we are now able to reconstruct would thus and a comparable strategy would again be used appear to be a response to a form of imagery closely by Bourdichon for an even grander commission:

Fig. 6 / Jean Colombe and associated with the new king’s immediate predecessor. the equivalent page opening in Bourdichon’s most Fig. 5 / Jean Fouquet, collaborators, Virgin and famous work, the Grandes Heures of Anne of Étienne Chevalier in Prayer Child with Angels and Louis Unlike most prior manuscript exemplars, however, the (Paris, BnF, lat. 9474, fig. 10). A comparison of the Presented by Saint Stephen de Laval in Prayer, from the to the Virgin and Child with Hours of Louis de Laval, page opening in the Hours of Louis XII is not integral two openings reveals the further development of the Angels, from the Hours of 1470-1485, tempera and to the book’s text: the versos of our miniature and of twinned format in this book created for Louis’s queen, Étienne Chevalier, 1452-1460, gold paint on parchment, the Getty leaf are blank, and the bifolio was likely about a decade after the Hours of Louis XII: the tempera and gold paint on Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 9 parchment, Chantilly, Musée de France, Ms. lat. 920, fols. placed prior to the calendar. The prefatory supplicant Grandes Heures’ completion is securely documented via Condé. 50v–51r. image is therefore completely divorced from other a 1508 payment order. 202 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 203

STYLE AND DATE in other workshops, such as those of Paris or Bourges. As with the other miniatures from the Hours of For Bourdichon and the cadre of younger artists Louis XII, the style of the Lamentation leaf shows working in Tours, such simple frames would maintain all the hallmarks of Bourdichon’s productive and their popularity into the reign of Francis I. prestigious middle period preceding his work on the Grandes Heures. From the early 1490s, he scaled up These new norms, which would be furthered and his miniatures dramatically to suit a fashion for ever- perfected in Bourdichon’s subsequent devotional larger devotional books among the French monarchs books, mark a departure from works created during and their immediate circle. Still, in terms of sheer size the , when the artist struggled to fit his art and of the expansiveness of the space allocated to its within the confines of established practices of book miniatures, Louis’s Book of Hours was without direct production. Larger miniatures such as the Lamentation precedent in France. It ushered in an era of books over also precipitated a broader painterly style, with details twenty-five centimeters tall adorned with lavish full- being applied more selectively. The meticulous finish page miniatures. Though the prominence of miniatures of Bourdichon’s juvenilia, which often consisted in Books of Hours had been growing since the early of smaller, more densely-packed miniatures inset fifteenth century, illuminators usually were presented into pages already laid out with text, has here been with otherwise completed and decorated gatherings abandoned in favour of more immediately striking, full- with specific pre-outlined spaces allotted for miniatures; page pictorial effects. Net-like highlights in shell gold, incipits needed to be erased from the centre of a carried over from Bourdichon’s training in Fouquet’s page to be rewritten below by the artist who wished workshop, continue to proliferate, but at a larger scale. for his illustrations not to be interrupted by text. The The palette is less varied, and the iconic is privileged Hours of Louis XII shows no traces of this procedure, over the narrative. While only the outer figures are and moreover the panel borders for its text pages – cropped by the frame in the Lamentation, most of the traditionally pre-prepared by separate workshops about other miniatures from the Hours of Louis XII that have which little is known – were also left to Bourdichon been rediscovered to-date make use of the dramatic to create, perhaps with help from an accomplished close-up effect, a term coined by Sixten Ringbom and collaborator known as the Master of Claude de France. associated with the affective devotional images of the Not since the Limbourg brothers’ Très Riches Heures had later fifteenth century.12 a single workshop been afforded such control over a princely devotional book. Though Bourdichon’s approach has traditionally been regarded as static, especially in the later part of Fig. 7 / Jean Bourdichon, Faced with carte blanche, Bourdichon adopted a uniform his career, a stylistic comparison with the equivalent John the Evangelist with Jean d’Amboise in Prayer, from the solution that maximized the panel-like, autonomous opening from the Grandes Heures helps to clarify the Hours of Jean III d’Amboise, qualities of his compositions. The Lamentation/Louis XII further evolution of the artist’s manner during the ca. 1485-1487, tempera and opening and all subsequent miniatures were surrounded first decade of the sixteenth century. In addition gold paint on parchment, Innsbruck, Universitäts- und by rectilinear, illusionistic gold frames, most inscribed to being dimensionally larger than the Louis XII Landesbibliothek Tirol, cod. 281, with incipit text from the following section, a procedure leaves, the opening in the queen’s book includes a fols. 146v–147r. adopted by Bourdichon sporadically earlier in the dramatic, bluish-green background landscape, and 11 Fig. 8 / Jean Bourdichon, decade. Framed in this way, the miniatures become six further male figures in the middle ground of the Charles de Martigny in Prayer quasi-autonomous compositions instead of mere visual Lamentation (fig. 10). The greater density of detail Presented by Saints John the accessories to the text, perhaps in response to the in the Grandes Heures also contrasts with the plainer, Baptist, Stephen, Eulalie (?), and Anne to the Virgin and Child panel paintings brought from Italy toward the end of more monumental figures of the Hours of Louis XII. with Angels, from the Hours of Charles VIII’s reign. Surely a function of Bourdichon’s However, certain of the painter’s mature trademarks Charles de Martigny, ca. 1485- status as a painter of panels as well as manuscripts, this are equally present in both works, most notably the 1494, tempera and gold paint on parchment, Lisbon, Calouste disarmingly simple solution differs from the raw emotion manifested through the teary, reddish Gulbenkian Museum, M2 Av–Br. complex, ever-changing architectural frames developed eyes of the mourning figures. Though they are more 204 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 205

Fig. 9 / Master of Jacques de Besançon, with later alterations by Jean Bourdichon and Jean Perréal, Louis XII in Prayer Presented by Saint Charlemagne to the Lamentation, ca. 1495, tempera and gold paint on parchment, Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. Vit. 24-1, fols. 13v–14r. 206 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 207

closely associated today with Early Netherlandish any event, the book was likely complete by the summer As Evans explained, the earliest known account of the 1848 Beckford sale, lots 36 and 37 were each described painting, such tears were a desideratum of patrons of 1499, when the new king, pressing a claim to the Louis XII page now in Los Angeles was provided by identically as “A Subject from Sacred History, highly in Bourdichon’s sphere, and their inclusion was often Visconti inheritance of his grandmother, set out for the German art historian Gustav Waagen (1794-1868), illuminated, on vellum, in a costly Frame, protected specified in more detailed contractual documents his first campaign in Italy. Following his departure, the who visited the home of the noted art collector William by Glass”.23 One or the other may represent the pertaining to paintings or sculptures. For example, a nature of royal commissions changed, and a growing Beckford (1760-1844) at Lansdown Tower in Bath in Lamentation leaf, generically described. However, 1515 contract for an altarpiece by Jehan de Leschallier taste for both Italian and Netherlandish models would September 1835. Though his visit was a rushed one, he Beckford also owned the pair of adjoining miniatures (the Tours-based painter, called Le Myste), includes begin to exert an impact on royal commissions. recalled seeing: by Bourdichon from the Hours of Charles de Martigny, the clause: “Tous lesdicts personnages bien adolez so Waagen’s description and lots 36 and 37 in the 1848 et larmes tombant de leurs yeulx” (“all said persons On two leaves of parchment, the Virgin sale may equally describe those items, though their grief-stricken and with tears falling from their eyes”).13 LATER PROVENANCE and Child, with persons worshipping appearance is much less reminiscent of the Hours of An ordonnance from 1504 for a sculpted Entombment The circumstances through which the Lamentation them. French miniatures, of the greatest . In any event, it is interesting to note by Louis Mourier, drafted by the royal treasurer Jean leaf surfaced in 2018 add little to current knowledge delicacy, of about the same period as the that the Los Angeles leaf, though cropped to the exact Bourré, includes the similar stipulation: “avecques of the early whereabouts of the Hours of Louis XII prayer-book of Anne of Bretagne – that is, same dimensions as the Lamentation, has been trimmed lermes assises sur les visaiges” (“with tears placed as a whole. The leaf was offered, unillustrated and about 1500 – and not inferior.21 to a relatively lower position so as to incorporate the upon the faces”).14 Detailed provisos of this kind for misidentified as “École française du 19ème siècle”, inscription in the reddish margin below the frame. The manuscript illumination projects are all but inexistent, in two subsequent auctions in Rouen prior to being One of these two leaves was possibly the Louis concomitant crop of the upper frame in the Getty leaf but Bourdichon’s ongoing, generous remuneration and acquired by the present owner.18 In the publication that XII page, which was categorically identified in the suggests that both images were intended to fit a set of continued use of the motif are a good indication of the accompanied the exhibitions of 2005-2006 dedicated posthumous Beckford sale of 1848 as lot 38.22 The identical-sized frames or album pages from the outset, high appeal of such pathetic naturalism. to the rest of the manuscript, Mark Evans traced the other leaf paired with it in Waagen’s description, and that the decision was made to include the valuable vicissitudes that led to the dispersal and purchase of the though described as a Virgin and Child, could have inscription. What remains a mystery is when the As mentioned above, a date of 1498 for the completion book’s leaves by collectors in early modern England.19 been the Lamentation leaf, misidentified in haste. In the present leaf may have returned to its native France.24 of the Hours of Louis XII is all but confirmed by As the remainder of the known leaves of the book have the inscription under the king’s likeness in the Getty English provenance, and since the largest surviving leaf, and in the absence of additional documentation portion of the book, consisting of fifty-one text leaves, it can be posited that the book was commissioned to was presented to the British Museum by George II mark Louis XII’s sudden accession. His assumption in 1757, it can safely be assumed that the book was to the throne was marked by residual political tension: broken up in the British Isles. Indeed this text block, previously, Louis’s machinations for control of the which survives as Royal Ms. 2 D XL, is regency during Charles VIII’s minority had led to marked on its spine with nineteenth-century inscriptions the conflict known as the Mad War (1485-1488). For attesting that it was owned by king Henry VII. A Bourdichon as for other lower-ranking court personnel, reference to this putative ownership history by Thomas however, the transition was mercifully seamless: Didbin (1776-1847) suggests that these inscriptions Bourdichon’s status as the king’s official painter, as repeat lost information from an older binding. Not until “valet de chambre”, was immediately reconfirmed Janet Backhouse’s association of the Louis XII leaf in 1498-1499 with an annual base stipend of 240 with the rest of the book did the true first possessor of livres, the same he had enjoyed at the end of Charles the book become clear. And while there is no further VIII’s reign.15 Moreover, three months after Louis evidence to link the book to Henry VII, Nicole Reynaud XII’s coronation on 27 May, the new king awarded has suggested that a plausible explanation for its early Bourdichon the balance of a 1,000 livre dowry given presence in England lies in the marriage of Louis XII to him by Charles VIII for the purpose of marrying to Henry VII’s youngest daughter Mary Tudor (1496- 16 20 his daughters. We can imagine that these signs of 1533) in 1514. Upon the French king’s death a few Fig. 10 / Jean Bourdichon, royal favour were either a result, or indeed the cause, months later, Mary returned to England, and may have Lamentation with Anne of of the production of the splendid Book of Hours of brought her late husband’s book with her as a memento. Brittany in Prayer Presented by Saints Anne, Ursula, and Helena, 17 which the Lamentation was part. Alternatively, it is from the Grandes Heures of possible that the royal book may have been intended Regardless of the true reason for the book’s removal to Anne of Brittany, 1503-1508, originally for Charles VIII, and that following his England, an ambiguous reference hints at the possibility tempera and gold paint on parchment, Paris, Bibliothèque death Bourdichon added the opening diptych to give that the Lamentation may have survived alongside the nationale de France, Ms. lat. the impression of a bespoke product for Louis XII. In image of Louis XII into the mid-nineteenth century. 9474, fols. 2v–3r. 208 A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII A masterpiece rediscovered: Jean Bourdichon’s Lamentation from the Hours of Louis XII 209

NOTES

1. Due to an apocryphal inscription on the spine of the Louis XII,” in A Masterpiece Reconstructed: The Hours of Royal Symbolism in the Age of Louis XII,” Simiolus: text’s block’s binding (BL, Royal MS. 2 D .xl.), the Louis XII, eds. Thomas Kren and Mark L. Evans, exh. Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 13 (1983): pp. original owner was thought to be Henry VII until the cat. (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 75-141; Pascale Thibault, Louis XII: images d’un roi: de resurfacing of the Louis XII frontispiece. See Janet pp. 91-94. l’imperator au père du peuple, Château de Blois, 18 décembre Backhouse, “Bourdichon’s Hours of Henry VII,” British 10. Nicholas Herman, “A Newly Discovered Portrait of 1987 – 17 février 1988, exh. cat. (Blois: Conservation Museum Quarterly 37 (1973): pp. 95-102. Louis XII by Jean Bourdichon,” Burlington Magazine 156 du Château et des musées, 1987); and “Louis XII, de The previously identified fragments of the manuscript (2014): pp. 507-509. l’Imperator au Père du Peuple: Iconographie du règne are: Louis XII in Prayer with Saints Michael, Denis, 11. For example in the miniatures in a Book of Hours now et de sa mémoire,” Nouvelle Revue du Seizième siècle 13 Charlemagne, and Louis, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty in Poitiers. Mediatheque Francois-Mitterrand, Ms. 55. (1995): pp. 29-56. Museum, Ms. 79a; calendar pages for February, June, 12. Sixten Ringbom, Icon to Narrative: The Rise of the Dramatic 18. Hôtel des Ventes de la Seine, Rouen, 28 January 2018, August, September, Philadelphia, Free Library, Rare Close-up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting (Åbo: Åbo lot 224; 17 February 2018, lot 539. Book Department, Lewis E M 11.19-11.22; Saint akademi, 1965). 19. Mark L. Evans, “The Rediscovery of a Royal Luke, Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Ms. 13. See Eugène Giraudet, “Jehan de Leschallier, dit le Miste, Manuscript,” in A Masterpiece Reconstructed, eds. Kren 8999; Arrest of Christ, Paris, Musée Marmottan Monet, peintre et vittryer du commencement du XVIe siècle,” and Evans, pp. 81-90. Wildenstein Collection, M6193; Virgin Annunciate, Bulletin Monumental 42/5:4 (1876): pp. 636-639. The 20. Nicole Reynaud in François Avril and Nicole Reynaud, London, British Library, Ms. Add. 35254 V; Visitation, document cited by Giraudet does not seem to survive in Les Manuscrits à peintures en France, 1440-1520, exh. cat. Bristol, City Museums and Art Gallery, K 2407; Nativity, the Archives départementales d’Indre-et-Loire. (Paris: Bibliotèque nationale, 1993), pp. 295-296. London, Victoria and Albert Museum, E.949-2003; 14. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France: Ms. fr. 20600 21. Gustav Friedrich Waagen, Works of Art and Artists in Adoration of the Magi, Paris, Louvre, RF 53030; Presentation (Gaignieres 2900), no. 47. See Georges Bricard, Jean England, 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1838), III, pp. in the Temple, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, Bourré, seigneur du Plessis, 1424-1506: un serviteur et compère 114-116. Ms. 79b; Flight into Egypt, London, Sam Fogg; Pentecost, de Louis XI (Paris: A. Picard, 1893), pp. 357-361. For 22. Messrs. English and Son, Catalogue of the Valuable and London, British Library, Ms. Add. 35254, fol. U; David tears in late-medieval paintings generally, see Federica Costly Effects at 20, Lansdown Crescent, Bath. The Property of and Bathsheba, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, Veratelli, “Lacrime dipinte, lacrime reali: rappresentare the Late William Beckford, Esq. (Bath, 28 July 1848, lot 38), Ms. 79; Job and his Friends, London, British Library, Ms. il dolore nel Quattrocento: modello fiammingo, bought by W. Graves. Annotated copy at the National Add. 35254, fol. T; text block: London, British Library, ricezione italiana,” Storia dell’arte 113-114 (2006): pp. Art Library, Victoria and Albert Museum, London. See Royal 2 D XL; single text leaf: London, British Library, 5-34; Veratelli, “Les emotions en images à la fin du Evans, “The Rediscovery of a Royal Manuscript,” p. 88. Harley MS. 5966, fol. 9r (Bagford fragment); single text Moyen Âge: Le langage visuel de la douleur entre 23. Messrs. English and Son, Bath, 28 July 1848, lots 36 leaf: Cambridge, Magdalene College, Calligraphical dévotion, représentation et réception,” in Le sujet des and 37. Both were bought-in at the sale by William Collection of Samuel Pepys, vol. 1, p. 13. émotions au Moyen âge, eds. Piroska Nagy and Damien English, the auctioneer, obscuring any later trace of 2. Thomas Kren and Mark L. Evans, eds., A Masterpiece Boquet (Paris: Beauchesne, 2009), pp. 379-392; and provenance. Reconstructed: The Hours of Louis XII, exh. cat. (Los Veratelli, “Piangere in immagini: Una traccia per un 24. It is not surprising that leaves from such a book could Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005). atlante iconografico del pianto nel Medioevo europeo,” make their way back to the continent. Very recently, 3. François Avril, ed., Jean Fouquet: Peintre et enlumineur du in Lachrymae: mito e metafora del pianto nel Medioevo: atti Peter Kidd has demonstrated that another leaf from XVe siècle, exh. cat. (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de delle III Giornate Internazionali Interdisciplinari di Studio the Hours of Louis XII, containing the beautiful France, 2003), pp. 155-163. sul Medioevo (Siena, 2 – 4 novembre 2006), ed. Francesco miniature of Bathsheba Bathing from the Penitential 4. Laura D. Gelfand, “The Devotional Portrait Diptych Mosetti Casaretto (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, Psalms (today Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, and the Manuscript Tradition,” in Essays in Context: 2011), pp. 431-470. Ms. 79), had been present in Italy prior to surfacing in Unfolding the Netherlandish Diptych, eds. John Oliver 15. This situation is made apparent by Bourdichon’s 1974 at auction in London (Christie’s, 11 July 1974, lot Hand and Ron Spronk (New Haven and London: Yale inclusion in a list of officers of the previous king 7). Kidd has identified the leaf in the posthumous sale University Press, 2007), pp. 46-59. pensioned upon the accession of Louis XII, Paris, of the collection of marquis Ferdinando Panciatichi 5. See Victor M. Schmidt, “Diptychs and Supplicants: Bibliothèque nationale de France: Ms. fr. 2927, fol. Ximenes d’Aragona (1813-1897). Catalogue des tableaux Precedents and Contexts of Fifteenth-Century 29v, and by Bourdichon’s inclusion on a list of officers anciens et objets dʼart, armes, bronzes,... marbres, meubles, etc., Devotional Diptychs,” in Essays in Context: Unfolding the of the king for the 1498-1499 year, Paris, Archives composant la Galerie et le Musée de feu le marquis Ferdinand Netherlandish Diptych, eds. John Oliver Hand and Ron nationales de France: KK 87, fols. 68r-68v. Panciatichi Ximenes dʼAragona, dans le palais Borgo Pinti, Spronk (New Haven and London: Yale University 16. Collection of copies and original acts and decrees from 68, 3 April 1902, lot 277. See Peter Kidd, A Glimpse Press, 2007), pp. 14-31. the Ancien Regime, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de of Bathsheba Bathing, Medieval Manuscript Provenance 6. Account of the menus plaisirs of the king, 1 October France: Ms. fr. 5085, fols. 85v-86v. blog post, 7 March 2020: https://mssprovenance. 1490 – 30 September 1491. Paris, Archives nationales 17. The rhetorical and emblematic fashioning of Louis blogspot.com/2020/03/a-glimpse-of-bathsheba- de France: KK 76, fols. 92bisr-93v. XII has been the subject of several studies, including bathing.html (accessed 10 September 2020). 7. For a facsimile edition and commentary see Ana a dissertation by Nicole Hochner, “Representations of Domínguez Rodríguez, Libro de Horas de Carlos VIII, rey Power in Early Modern France: Louis XII, the Father de Francia (Barcelona: Moleiro, 1995). of the People” (PhD diss., Cambridge University, 8. Nicholas Herman, “Bourdichon héraldiste,” in Tours 1997); partially published as “Louis XII and the 1500: Art et société à Tours au début de la Renaissance, Porcupine: Transformations of a Royal Emblem,” ed. Pascale Charron and Marion Boudon-Machuel Renaissance Studies 15 (2001): pp. 17-36; and translated (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016). as a full-length monograph as Louis XII: les dérèglements 9. For a hypothetical reconstruction of the contents of de l’image royale, 1498-1515 (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, the Hours of Louis XII, see Thomas Kren and Peter 2006). Previous general studies include those by Kidd, “Appendix: A Reconstruction of the Hours of Robert W. Scheller, “Ensigns of Authority: French PUBLICATION CREDITS

Colnaghi Studies Journal / 8 March 2021

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A Tribute to Charles Avery by Paul Joannides The Marcello Inkstand: personalizing serial bronzes in a Paduan Renaissance workshop New perspectives on alabaster sculpture from Trapani by Jeremy Warren Renato de Crosa, a forgotten art-agent for Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, and

Image © National Museums Scotland by Alison Luchs A n gelsey some “new” works by Francesco Bertos Los A n geles Figs. 6, 8, 14 & 23 © National Trust / Jaron James by Sergei Androsov Fig. 4 Reproduced from Hathi Trust, Getty Research Institute Ca mbridge The northern Renaissance response to the Antique before the Sack of Rome Canterbury Fig. 1 © The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge by David Ekserdjian Washington Fig. 9 © Canterbury Museum and Galleries

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