Understanding the Presidential Elections in Zambia And
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Conflict Trends, Issue 2 (2001)
PEDRO UGARTE/AFP PEDRO A Somalian girl carries water in a Mogadishu street BY HUSSEIN SOLOMON EDITORIAL On Monday, 28 May 2001, heavy mor- the mutineers, and that they were also supported tar and gunfire broke the stillness of by 300 mercenaries. On the other hand, President the night in Bangui, capital of the Patasse was supported by Libyan president, OCentral African Republic (CAR). The Muammar Gaddafi, who sent troops and two mili- commotion began when a rebellious army unit tary helicopters. President Patasse was also sup- attacked the home of President Ange-Felix ported by fighters loyal to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s Patasse. Within two days, it became clear that Ugandan-backed Front for the Liberation of forces loyal to the elected government had sup- Congo -these fighters crossed the Oubangui River pressed the coup attempt. The attempted coup in in barges from the Democratic Republic of the the CAR holds important lessons, for both policy- Congo (DRC). These developments point to the makers and academics, which go far beyond a fact that national conflicts exist within the context simplistic analysis that points to poor civil-mili- of various regional and sub-regional conflict sys- tary relations on the African continent. tems, and that these conflicts need to be Firstly, the attempted coup underlines the approached within that context. inherent complexity that is typical of many of Thirdly, it once again underscores the hiatus Africa’s conflicts - characterised by a large mea- between early warning and early response. As sure of interdependence between various sources early as 11 January 2001, United Nations (UN) of insecurity. -
Zambia General Elections
Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group ZAMBIA GENERAL ELECTIONS 20 September 2011 COMMONWEALTH SECRETARIAT Table of Contents Chapter 1 ................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1 Terms of Reference ....................................................................................... 1 Activities ....................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2 ................................................................................................... 3 POLITICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................... 3 Early History ................................................................................................. 3 Colonial History of Zambia ............................................................................. 3 Post-Independence Politics ............................................................................ 3 2001 General Elections .................................................................................. 4 2006 General Elections .................................................................................. 5 The 2008 Presidential By-Election ................................................................... 5 Other Developments ...................................................................................... 5 Constitutional Review ................................................................................... -
Barotseland Kingdom Seeks to Leave Zambia Bbc.Com
3/30/2014 BBC News - Barotseland kingdom seeks to leave Zambia bbc.com http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-17546620 Barotseland kingdom seeks to leave Zambia 29 March 2012 Last updated at 10:46 GMT Continue reading the main story Related Stories The Barotseland royal household in western Zambia has demanded independence, accusing the government of ignoring a 1964 treaty. Barotse Ngambela, or Prime Minister, Clement Sinyinda told the BBC that successive Zambian governments had failed to honour the deal for the kingdom to enjoy autonomy. The Lozi people are the most numerous in Western Province Mr Sinyinda said the independence movement would remain peaceful. The government has denounced the call as treason. Barotseland, the kingdom of the Lozi people, was a protectorate under British colonial rule and became part of Zambia at the country's independence in 1964. The area is now known as Western Province, although the BBC's Mutuna Chanda in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, says before national independence, it also extended into other areas. Our reporter says this is the first time the Barotse royal household has backed the calls for the region to become independent, which have long been made by activists who accuse the government of ignoring the region, which remains one of the poorest in the country. After two days of meetings, a group of traditional Lozi leaders, calling itself the Barotseland National Council, issued a declaration: "We the people of Barotseland declare that Barotseland is now free to pursue its own self- determination and destiny. We are committed to a peaceful disengagement with the Zambian government," it said, according to the AFP news agency. -
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix Contents Definitions ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 Notes ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Data Sources for Individual Countries .......................................................................................................... 4 1 Definitions Multi‐party election ‐ two or more political parties have affiliated candidates participating in an election. Single party election ‐ only one political party has an affiliated candidate participating in an election. Other transitions ‐ assumption of power via: Appointment by parliament, presidential council, military junta, clan leaders, etc Appointment as an interim or “acting” head of state A plebiscite, national referendum, change to the constitution, etc. Conflicting claims for leadership or no recognized government Coups or assassination ‐ a segment of the state apparatus takes over the rest of the government and/or the current leader is assassinated . Deaths in office ‐ a leader dies of causes, unrelated to a coup or assassination. Resignation from office ‐ a ruler leaves power on his or her own accord. Total elections ‐ either a single‐ or multi‐party election. Note: Coups/assassinations, deaths and resignations are considered to be discrete events; distinct from how a following -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
April 26, 1989 Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 26, 1989 Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia Citation: “Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia,” April 26, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Digital Imaging South Africa, Source: Aluka Project www.aluka.org. Included in "Southern Africa in the Cold War, Post-1974," edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart Van Wyk. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118290 Summary: Letter from South African President P. W. Botha to Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda asserting that SWAPO is the aggressor in excalation tensions between SWAPO and South African forces, and that South Africa is responding in measured and restrained ways. Asks for Zambia's assistance in convincing SWAPO to cease hostilities. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: English Contents: English Transcription Tuynhuys, Cape Town 26 April 1989 Dear Mr President Thank you for your letter of 24 April 1989. I have noted the concern which you express regarding the events in northern Namibia. I too share your concern that there should not be senseless loss of life in the critical situation which has developed because of the illegal SWAPO incursions into Namibia. I can assure you, Mr. President that the security forces are acting with great responsibility and restraint under very difficult circumstances. However, I am afraid that one-sided and false reports have been disseminated by certain elements, alleging brutalities on the part of the South African security forces. -
Think (Capitalist) and Grow Rich
CCK-19 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Think (capitalist) .and grow rich Casey C. Kelso Lusaka, Zambia May 1993 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire, USA Dear Peter- Alfred Chioza's greed got away from him. The Zambian businessman turned farmer planted 22 acres of burley tobacco. He expected huge profits in the new free-market agricultural economy, so he figured more acres meant more money. Maybe. But it also meant a tobacco glut of horror film proportions. Now, at harvest time, the brown leaves are tied into clumps and not only packed into two huge thatch-roofed barns at his farm in Zambia's Eastern Province. Stacks of drying tobacco fill the tractor sheds, displace cars from the carport and rise to the rafters of his guest house. Inside Chioza's home, leaves hang from ceiling lights. Behind a little pass window opening onto the kitchen, densely packed tobacco ascends to the ceiling. Last year, Chioza was a wheeler-dealer selling imported South African goods at a 500 percent mark-up in the capital, Lusaka. This year, he lives in a newly built house in the countryside, where he is watching his tobacco harvest fill every available space. "I may be a farmer bearing an 'L' badge for 'learner' on my back, but I believe there is a lot of future in farming now," he said. Chioza's change in attitude underscores a dramatic transformation of agriculture taking place in Zambia. For decades, many Zambians thought of farming as the demeaning and unremunerative toil of a peasant or as the unattainable economies of scale of huge, white-owned commercial farms. -
The Power of Persistence: Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness
SPINE The Power of Persistence | Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Reform System Education The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness 1875 Connecticut Ave., NW Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform Washington, DC 20009 [email protected] www.equip123.net EQUIP 2 Publication_Cover F2.indd 1 1/4/11 10:48 AM The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform November 2010 John Gillies EQUIP2 Project Director Case sTudy Teams: El SAlvADoR I Jessica Jester Quijada, John Gillies, Antonieta Harwood EGyPt I Mark Ginsburg, Nagwa Megahed, Mohammed Elmeski, Nobuyuki tanaka NAMIbIA I Donna Kay leCzel, Muhamed liman, Sifiso Nyathi, Michael tjivikua, Godfrey tubaundule NICARAGUA I John Gillies, Kirsten Galisson, Anita Sanyal, bridget Drury ZAMbIA I David balwanz, Arnold Chengo table of Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword viii Executive Summary 1 Section 1: Introduction 11 Challenges in Education System Reform 14 Evaluating Aid Effectiveness in Education Reform: Exploring Concepts 17 A Systems Approach to Education Reform: What constitutes meaningful change in education systems? 27 Section 2: Lessons from Country Case Studies 43 Summary of Country Case Studies 45 Egypt 49 El Salvador 67 Namibia 85 Nicaragua 99 Zambia 111 Section 3: Summary Findings and Conclusions 131 Findings 133 Conclusions 148 Implications for USAID Policy and Programming. 156 Bibliography 158 Acknowledgments This study is the result of a two-year inquiry into the dynamics of improving the performance of education systems on a sustainable basis, and the role that donor assistance can play in achieving such improvement. The study was focused on the forces that influence how complex policy and institutional changes are introduced, adopted, and sustained in a society over a 20 year period, rather than on the impact of specific policy prescriptions or programs. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920). -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies.