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A Year of Two Elections Written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017
A Year of Two Elections written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017 Victor flew into the tackle, blocking the opponent’s shot at goal. Shouts of praise went up from the fans and substitutes standing on the touch-line. “Sawa Victor!” (“Nice Victor!”). “Asanta Victor!” (“Thank you Victor!”). “Huyu mluhya huyo!” (“This one’s a Luhya that one!”). The last phrase caught my attention. Spoken emphatically by his team-mate John Kamau – a 19-year-old striker who likes to compare himself to his footballing hero, Chelsea attacker Eden Hazard – it was both an ardent declaration of Victor’s Luhya ethnicity and his dogged contribution to the team. Victor, 21 years-old and stockily built, had been leading the line all afternoon, chasing long balls looped over the top of the opposition defence by his 1 of 10 teammates and withstanding several poorly time tackles that had left him lying on the floor in agony on each occasion. Star Boyz, Victor’s team, were 3-1 up and on their way to a first victory in three games. His performance had been instrumental to the win. Given this context, one might better translate Kamau’s words of praise as: “He’s a special Luhya, this guy!” For the last five months I had been training with Star Boyz, a local football team comprised of players aged between 18 and 28 from the area of southern, peri- urban Kiambu County where I continue to conduct my PhD fieldwork. Originally a plan to let off some steam alongside a busy timetable of language-learning, training and hanging out with the players of Star Boyz had begun to provide me with new perspectives on masculine sociality and friendship – themes related to my long-standing research interest in the predicament of young men in an era of mass unemployment and underemployment in Africa and beyond. -
Understanding Digital Fundraising in Kenya a Case Study with M-Changa Acknowledgements
Understanding Digital Fundraising in Kenya A Case Study with M-Changa Acknowledgements M-Changa Busara Center for Behavioral Economics Kyai Mullei Nikhil Ravichandar Ben Chege Leah Kiwara Allan Koskei Alessandro Nava Pauline Adisa Gloria Kurere Matt Roberts-Davies James Vancel Benson Njogu Changa Labs Gideon Too Dave Mark Simon Muthusi Dr. Sibel Kusimba Jane Atieno Dave Kim Sarah Swanson Ignacio Mas Caroline Martin Carrie Ngongo Pascal Weinberger African Crowdfunding Association Marina Malkevich Patrick Scofield CGAP FSD Kenya Maria Fernandez Vidal Digital Frontiers Institute ThinkPlace Sheila Kwamboka Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation Dean Johnson Carlyn James Aga Khan Foundation Sarah Hassanen Graphics and layout Traci Yoshiyama Table of Contents Introduction 4-5 1 Background 6-8 1.1 Global context 6 1.2 M-Changa history 6 1.3 Methodology and partners 7 1.4 Behavioral biases and 8 fundraising 2 Fundraising & Donations in 9-21 Kenya 2.1 Overview 9 2.2 Locally-relevant research 11 2.3 Why do Kenyans donate? 13 2.3.1 Literature review 13 2.3.2 Findings from our 14 research 2.4 Fundraising trends with 15 M-Changa 2.5 What predicts successful 21 fundraising with M-Changa? 3 Making Fundraising More 22-30 Efficient 3.1 Treatment designs 23 3.1.1 Incentives 25 3.1.2 Anchoring 26 3.1.4 Patrons 27 3.1.5 Top-ups 28 3.2 In summary 29 4 Conclusion - Understanding 31 Digital Charitable Giving in Kenya 5 Appendix 32-46 Understanding Digital Fundraising in Kenya 4 Introduction Introduction Harambee (meaning to ‘all pull together’ in Swahili) is an important aspect of Kenyan culture. -
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya*
Journalism and Mass Communication, ISSN 2160-6579 D July 2012, Vol. 2, No. 7, 717-734 DAVID PUBLISHING Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya* Kioko Ireri Indiana University, Bloomington, USA This research investigates variables that predicted news coverage of 212 members of parliament (MPs) in Kenya by four national newspapers in 2009. The 10 variables examined are: ordinary MP, cabinet minister, powerful ministry, parliamentary committee chairmanship, seniority, big tribe identity, major party affiliation, presidential ambition, commenting on contentious issues, and criticizing government. Findings indicate that commenting on contentious issues, criticizing government, cabinet minister, ordinary MP, powerful ministry, and seniority significantly predicted visibility of the parliamentarians in newspaper news. However, a multiple regression analysis shows that the strongest predictors are commenting on contentious issues, cabinet minister, criticizing government, and big tribe identity. While commenting on controversial issues was the strongest predictor, major party identification and committee leadership were found not to predict MPs’ visibility. Keywords: Kenya, members of parliament (MPs), newspapers, newspaper visibility, politicians, visibility, visibility predictor Introduction Today, the mass media have become important platforms for the interaction of elected representatives and constituents. Through the mass media, citizens learn what their leaders are doing for them and the nation. Similarly, politicians use the media to make their agendas known to people. It is, thus, rare to come across elected leaders ignorant about the importance of registering their views, thoughts, or activities in the news media. In Kenya, members of parliament have not hesitated to exploit the power of the mass media to its fullest in their re-election bids and in other agendas beneficial to them. -
In the Spirit of Harambee
THE EQUAL RIGHTS TRUST IN PARTNERSHIP WITH THE KENYA HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION In the Spirit of Harambee Addressing Discrimination and Inequality in Kenya ERT Country Report Series: 1 London, February 2012 The Equal Rights Trust (ERT) is an independent international organisation whose purpose is to combat discrimination and promote equality as a fundamental human right and a basic principle of social justice. Established as an advocacy organisation, resource centre and think tank, ERT focuses on the complex relationship between different types of discrimination, developing strategies for translating the principles of equality into practice. © February 2012 The Equal Rights Trust © Cover February 2012 Dafina Gueorguieva Printed in the UK by Prontaprint Bayswater DesignISBN: and layout: 978-0-9560717-5-0 Dafina Gueorguieva All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be translated, reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by other means without the prior written permission of the publisher, or a licence for restricted copying from the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd., UK, or the Copyright Clearance Centre, USA. The Equal Rights Trust 126 North End Road London W14 9PP United Kingdom Tel. +44 (0) 207 610 2786 Fax: +44 (0) 203 441 7436 www.equalrightstrust.org The Equal Rights Trust is a company limited by guarantee incorporated in England, and a registered charity. Company number 5559173. Charity number 1113288. “Our motto ‘harambee’* was conceived in the realisation of the challenge of national building that now lies ahead of us. It was conceived in the knowl- edge that to meet this challenge, the government and the people of Kenya must pull together. -
Sbw A.1 – 18.1.2010 Record of Meeting of The
SBW A.1 – 18.1.2010 RECORD OF MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SELECT COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW HELD ON MONDAY, 18 TH JANUARY, 2010 AT THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY LODGE, NAIVASHA PRESENT The Hon. Mohamed Abdikadir, MP – Chairman The Hon. Ababu Namwamba, MP; The Hon. Martha Karua, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Chachu Ganya, MP; The Hon. Mwangi Kiunjuri, MP; The Hon. Danson Mungatana, MP; The Hon. Sophia Abdi Noor, MP; The Hon. (Dr.) Sally Kosgey, MP; The Hon. Amina Abdala, MP; The Hon. Mutula Kilonzo, MP; The Hon. Kambi Kazungu, MP; The Hon. Isaac Ruto, MP; The Hon. James Orengo, MP; The Hon. David Musila, MP; The Hon. Ekwe Ethuro, MP; The Hon. Jeremiah Kioni, MP; The Hon. Millie Odhiambo, MP; The Hon. Musalia Mudavadi, MP; The Hon. Peter Munya, MP; The Hon. Moses Wetangula, MP; The Hon. Charity Ngilu, MP; The Hon. Uhuru Kenyatta, MP; The Hon. J. Nkaisserry, MP; The Hon. W. Samoei Rutto, MP; The Hon. Beth Mugo, MP; ABSENT WITH APOLOGY The Hon. Najib Balala, MP; IN ATTENDANCE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Mr. Patrick Gichohi - Clerk of the National Assembly Mrs. Consolata Munga - Deputy Director, Committee Services Mr. Jeremiah Nyengenye - Principal Legal Counsel Mr. Paul K. Ngentich - Senior Research Officer Mr. Jeremiah Ndombi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Stephen Njenga - First Clerk Assistant Ms. Eunice Gichangi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Michael Karuru - Legal Counsel Ms. Mary Mwathi - Hansard Reporter Mr. Said Waldea - Hansard Report Mr. Zakayo Mogere - Second Clerk Assistant Mr. Samuel Njoroge - Second Clerk Assistant Ms. Rose Mudibo - Public Relations Officer (Prayers) (The meeting convened at 9.30 p.m.) The Clerk of the National Assembly (Mr. -
Parliament of Kenya the Senate
July 2, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Tuesday, 2nd July, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS Sen. Orengo: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, Sir. Did you see what Sen. Musila did while the Speaker’s retinue was in procession? He just joined and became part of the procession. He did not even wait for you to take your Seat. Is that in order for somebody who has been a Deputy Speaker? (Sen. Musila stood up in his place) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Sen. Musila, are you standing there to confirm what Sen. Orengo is suggesting? Sen. Musila: Mr. Speaker, Sir, I was in the process of approaching the Chair on an important matter. Yes, I did actually follow way behind the Speaker’s procession. I came in to ensure that there is a quorum. So, Mr. Speaker, Sir, if I made any mistake, I apologize. QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, Hon. Senators! Could we confirm if we have a quorum? The Clerk of the Senate (Mr. Nyegenye): Mr. Speaker, Sir, we have 20 Senators in the House. Yes, we have a quorum. Sen. Orengo: I need your direction, Mr. Speaker, Sir--- The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, Sen. Orengo. Even if you need my direction, it is not for you to speak whenever you want to speak. An hon. Senator: He is out of order! The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): If you really believe the Chair is giving a ruling on such a mundane matter, then you must also follow the serious ones of seeking the Chair’s permission to speak. -
A Human Rights Account of the 2017 General Election.Pdf
i | Page ` Contents Dedication ............................................................................................................................................... v Preface ................................................................................................................................................... vi Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................................. ix Acronyms and Abbreviations .................................................................................................................. x Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Contextual Background ................................................................................................................. 7 1.2 KNCHR Project Objectives ........................................................................................................... 16 1.3 Methodology ............................................................................................................................... 16 CHAPTER 2: NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS ................................... 18 2.1. NATIONAL FRAMEWORK........................................................................................................... -
Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference I Ii Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference COUNCIL of GOVERNORS
Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference i ii Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference COUNCIL OF GOVERNORS ANALYTICAL REPORT FOR THE COVID-19 VIRTUAL CONFERENCE Held on August 31st 2020 Conference Theme: County Governments’ Resilience in the COVID-19 Era: Reflecting on the past and Building Sustainability for the Future Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference iii Our Vision Prosperous and democratic Counties delivering services to every Kenyan. Our Mission To be a global benchmark of excellence in devolution that is non-partisan: providing a supporting pillar for County Government as a platform for consultation, information sharing, capacity building, performance management and dispute resolution. Our Values Our core values are: professionalism, independence, equality and equity, cooperation and being visionary. Our Motto 48 Governments, 1 Nation. Rapporteurs: Ms. Florence Akello, Ms. Joyce Mulama and Ms. Tabitha Onyinge Photography: Ronald Odanga - Communication Publisher: Council of Governors © 2020 Design & Layout: Atricod Concepts Ltd. ISBN: 978-9914-9872-4-9 Disclaimer: The content of this report is the sole responsibility of the Council of Governors, and does not necessarily reflect the position of the associations represented or conference sponsors. The Council of Governors Delta Corner, 2nd Floor, Opposite PWC Chiromo Road, Off Waiyaki Way P.O Box 40401 - 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] Tel: +254 (020) 2403313/4 | +254718 242 203 http://www.cog.go.ke iv Analytical Report of the COVID-19 Virtual Conference TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations and Acronyms vi Executive Summary 1 H.E. Uhuru Kenyatta, President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander in Chief of the Kenya Defence Forces 3 H.E.