Sbw A.1 – 18.1.2010 Record of Meeting of The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sbw A.1 – 18.1.2010 Record of Meeting of The SBW A.1 – 18.1.2010 RECORD OF MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SELECT COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW HELD ON MONDAY, 18 TH JANUARY, 2010 AT THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY LODGE, NAIVASHA PRESENT The Hon. Mohamed Abdikadir, MP – Chairman The Hon. Ababu Namwamba, MP; The Hon. Martha Karua, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Chachu Ganya, MP; The Hon. Mwangi Kiunjuri, MP; The Hon. Danson Mungatana, MP; The Hon. Sophia Abdi Noor, MP; The Hon. (Dr.) Sally Kosgey, MP; The Hon. Amina Abdala, MP; The Hon. Mutula Kilonzo, MP; The Hon. Kambi Kazungu, MP; The Hon. Isaac Ruto, MP; The Hon. James Orengo, MP; The Hon. David Musila, MP; The Hon. Ekwe Ethuro, MP; The Hon. Jeremiah Kioni, MP; The Hon. Millie Odhiambo, MP; The Hon. Musalia Mudavadi, MP; The Hon. Peter Munya, MP; The Hon. Moses Wetangula, MP; The Hon. Charity Ngilu, MP; The Hon. Uhuru Kenyatta, MP; The Hon. J. Nkaisserry, MP; The Hon. W. Samoei Rutto, MP; The Hon. Beth Mugo, MP; ABSENT WITH APOLOGY The Hon. Najib Balala, MP; IN ATTENDANCE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Mr. Patrick Gichohi - Clerk of the National Assembly Mrs. Consolata Munga - Deputy Director, Committee Services Mr. Jeremiah Nyengenye - Principal Legal Counsel Mr. Paul K. Ngentich - Senior Research Officer Mr. Jeremiah Ndombi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Stephen Njenga - First Clerk Assistant Ms. Eunice Gichangi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Michael Karuru - Legal Counsel Ms. Mary Mwathi - Hansard Reporter Mr. Said Waldea - Hansard Report Mr. Zakayo Mogere - Second Clerk Assistant Mr. Samuel Njoroge - Second Clerk Assistant Ms. Rose Mudibo - Public Relations Officer (Prayers) (The meeting convened at 9.30 p.m.) The Clerk of the National Assembly (Mr. Gichohi): Good morning, hon. Members. I hope that you had a good night. We have 21 Members of the Committee. I understand that the other four are on the way. Mr. Chairman, Sir, Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, Hon. Members of the Committee. Let me take this opportunity to once again welcome to this retreat, which is very crucial to our constitution-making process. According to Section 32(1)(c) of the Constitution of Kenya Review Act, 2008, the Committee is expected to deliberate on the Revised Harmonized Constitution Draft, which is the final draft. The Office of Mr. Speaker has availed a Secretariat from Parliament. We have four senior officers from the Legal Department to assist this Committee. From the Clerks Department, we have the Deputy Director, Committee Services, and other officers. The HANSARD is also here. We also have officers from the Research Department to assist the Committee achieve its mention. Under the provisions of Standing Order No.186, the Speaker has directed me to convey to the Committee the message that in case you need to engage experts, the request should be made to Mr. Speaker and Mr. Speaker will make the necessary decision to facilitate this Committee. Mr. Chairman, Sir, this is a Committee of the House, and you are expected to work within the procedures and provisions of the Standing Orders. Allow me to inform the Committee Members on the documents that are available in your folders as you proceed on this very important exercise. The first document in your folders is the Revised Harmonised Draft Constitution. The folder also contains the Final Report of the Committee of Experts, the Harmonised Draft Constitution, the Wako Draft, the Bomas Draft, the Naivasha Accord, the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC) Draft of 2002; the Constitution of Kenya Review Act and the amendments thereof, as well as the Standing Orders. Those documents, among other documents that you will need for this particular workshop, should be available in the folders. We have the programme that we are going to follow in the course of the week, and in the course of next week, because the Committee has a deadline within which to present its final Report to the Committee of Experts (COE). Mr. Chairman, Sir, I do not intend to speak for long. So, allow me to invite the Vice-Chairman of the Committee, the hon. Ababu Namwamba, to make his remarks and invite you to also make your remarks before the Committee starts its work. The Vice-Chairman (Mr. Namwamba): Thank you, Mr. Clerk. Mr. Chairman, Sir, hon. Members. It is my pleasure to have the opportunity to make a few remarks before we commence this very historic exercise. We can say quite literally that the eyes of 40 million Kenyans are trailed on the Great Rift Valley Lodge, Naivasha, from this moment until this exercise closes. We sit here, literally, holding the hopes of a nation and, perhaps, the future of the stability of this nation, too. Many Kenyans out there are waiting with abated breath to see white smoke bellowing out of this lodge. It is a historic responsibility. Hon. Members, as we commence this exercise, I just want to remind you a little history. This Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) is the Fifth in the long chequered attempt by this country to adopt a new constitution since 1999. In the past, each of our four predecessors has failed to crack this jinx right at the very critical moment – the last one at the very last hurdle when we went to the referendum in November, 2005. On the 17th day of December, 2008, Parliament constituted this Fifth PSC. For over one year, we have carried the responsibility to steer what we have come to call “Agenda Four Reforms.” We have performed exceptionally well, in my humble opinion. We have managed to put together various critical organs for the Agenda Four Reforms. As a Committee, through consensus, we have put together the COE that has given us the draft that we settle down to discuss today. We have put together the Interim Independent Electoral Commission (IDEC), the Interim Independent Boundaries Commission (IBIS) and the Special Tribunal to resolve constitutional disputes. All those tasks have been accomplished by this Committee through an admirable spirit of consensus or give and take. We have hardly had to take a vote on any of these critical decisions. We have sat in this Committee and elected not to act as delegates of our political parties, but rather as humble servants of the people of Kenya. We have taken decisions that have largely mirrored the hopes and aspirations of our land. Today we sit here to tackle, perhaps, the hardest hurdle in the task that Kenyans have bestowed upon us, through the National Assembly: The task of finding a compromise on getting a new constitutional dispensation for our land. I am personally aware that we meet here amidst a lot of scepticism from out there. There are Kenyans who believe that we are just another grouping of politicians that will be encumbered by the usual difficulties that politicians are encumbered with ordinarily. There are those who are right now clouded by the controversy that has beset this process for years. I just want to tell fellow Kenyans that making a constitution is neither a church service nor a wedding. It is a difficult task that involves negotiation for configuration of state power. Anything that involves configuration of state power cannot be expected to be easy. Sometimes I am surprised when Kenyans express shock and surprise at the hard negotiations that have been informing this process. It must be so, because this exercise cannot be handled in any other way. We must negotiate; sometimes heatedly. Any student of constitution making will tell you that there has never been a process like this one that has been achieved easily. We are often reminded of the great character of the American Constitution. What we are never reminded of is the difficult process that the Americans went through in putting together that Constitution that we admire so much. When on 25th May, 1787, 55 delegates from 13 colonies gathered in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to write a constitution for the United States of America, controversy had informed the very convening of that convention. There were controversies on taxation and representation. Certain states like Rhodes Island refused even to be represented. Rhodes Island feared that the constitutional convention was going to take certain decisions on taxations on taxation that would compromise the stability of Rhodes Island as a state. There were sceptics during that process. One of them, Patrick Henry, refused to attend that convention for what he said, and I quote him: “I smell a rat in Philadelphia that tends towards retention of a monarchy, and so I shall not attend.” Thomas Jefferson, who would later on rise to become President of the USA, who was at that was the Minister of the USA to France, refused to attend and described that convention as “an assembly of demy gods that hardly represent anybody.” However, there were leaders who believed in that process and encouraged the delegates gathered in Philadelphia. One of them was John Adams, who would later become the Second President of the USA. At that time, he was Minister of the USA to Great Britain. He did not attend because of state functions, but he constantly wrote to the delegates in Philadelphia to encourage them. James Madison initiated the very idea of the 13 states meeting together to re- configure articles of confederation into a new government. He encouraged his fellow delegates throughout, even during the most difficult moments of negotiations. Alexander Hamilton was the other leader who stood up to be counted as an American, and constantly reminded the delegates that they were putting together a constitution that they should desire generations of Americans hundreds of years later to be proud of.
Recommended publications
  • Parliament of Kenya the Senate
    February 4, 2014 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Tuesday, 4th February, 2014 Special Sitting (Convened via Kenya Gazette Notice No.627 of 31st January, 2014) The Senate met at County Hall, Parliament Buildings, at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, hon. Senators. We need to determine if we have a quorum. The Clerk of the Senate (Mr. Nyegenye): Mr. Speaker, Sir, we have 32 hon. Senators in the House. We have a quorum. The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): In that case, let us proceed. ADMINISTRATION OF OATH (The Senator-Elect for Bungoma County entered the Chamber escorted by Sen. Musila and Sen. (Dr.) Khalwale) Sen. (Dr.) Khalwale: Mr. Speaker, Sir, it is my pleasure and privilege, on behalf of the people of Bungoma County, to introduce Moses Masika Wetangula as the Senator- Elect for Bungoma County. (Applause) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Welcome, Senator. He may now proceed to take the oath. The Oath of Allegiance was administered to the following Senator:- Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. February 4, 2014 SENATE DEBATES 2 Sen. Wetangula Moses Masika. (Applause) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, Sen. Wetangula. You have to go back to the bar and come and do that after. (Sen. Wetangula approached the bar) (Applause) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Next order. COMMUNICATION FROM THE CHAIR JUSTIFICATION FOR SPECIAL SITTING AND PROCEDURE OF DEBATE OF MOTION TO ESTABLISH A SPECIAL COMMITTEE The Speaker (Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year of Two Elections Written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017
    A Year of Two Elections written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017 Victor flew into the tackle, blocking the opponent’s shot at goal. Shouts of praise went up from the fans and substitutes standing on the touch-line. “Sawa Victor!” (“Nice Victor!”). “Asanta Victor!” (“Thank you Victor!”). “Huyu mluhya huyo!” (“This one’s a Luhya that one!”). The last phrase caught my attention. Spoken emphatically by his team-mate John Kamau – a 19-year-old striker who likes to compare himself to his footballing hero, Chelsea attacker Eden Hazard – it was both an ardent declaration of Victor’s Luhya ethnicity and his dogged contribution to the team. Victor, 21 years-old and stockily built, had been leading the line all afternoon, chasing long balls looped over the top of the opposition defence by his 1 of 10 teammates and withstanding several poorly time tackles that had left him lying on the floor in agony on each occasion. Star Boyz, Victor’s team, were 3-1 up and on their way to a first victory in three games. His performance had been instrumental to the win. Given this context, one might better translate Kamau’s words of praise as: “He’s a special Luhya, this guy!” For the last five months I had been training with Star Boyz, a local football team comprised of players aged between 18 and 28 from the area of southern, peri- urban Kiambu County where I continue to conduct my PhD fieldwork. Originally a plan to let off some steam alongside a busy timetable of language-learning, training and hanging out with the players of Star Boyz had begun to provide me with new perspectives on masculine sociality and friendship – themes related to my long-standing research interest in the predicament of young men in an era of mass unemployment and underemployment in Africa and beyond.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya in Crisis
    KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15
    [Show full text]
  • Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
    Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute.
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
    REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No.
    [Show full text]
  • Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
    EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION .........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya Election History 1963-2013
    KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997).
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
    Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
    allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliament of Kenya the Senate
    September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Thursday, 19th September, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen): Hon. Senators, we have a quorum. Let us proceed with today’s business. PAPERS LAID REPORTS OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE ON COUNTY ESTIMATES/CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to lay the following Papers on the Table of the House, today, Thursday, 19th September, 2013:- Report of the Finance Committee on the Investigations on Irregular Alteration to the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. Report of the Finance Committee on the Cash Disbursement Schedule for County Governments for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. NOTICES OF MOTIONS Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to give notice of the following Motions:- ADOPTION OF REPORT ON COUNTY GOVERNMENT CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE FOR FINANCIAL YEAR 2013/2014 THAT, pursuant to the provisions of sections 17(7) of the Public Finance Management Act, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the County Government Cash Disbursement Schedule for the year 2013/2014 ADOPTION OF REPORT ON IRREGULAR ALTERATION OF ESTIMATES FOR TURKANA COUNTY THAT, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the Investigations carried out by the Controller of Budget on the Irregular Alteration of the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 7 Executive Powers, Functions, and Structure In
    CHAPTER 7 EXECUTIVE POWERS, FUNCTIONS, AND STRUCTURE IN KENYA AND AFRICA CONCEPTS, THEORY, HISTORY, AND PRACTICE This Chapter may be cited as: Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2020) “Executive Powers and functions in Kenya and Africa: Concepts, theory and history,” in Ben Sihanya (2020) Constitutional Democracy, Regulatory and Administrative Law in Kenya and Africa Vol. 1: Presidency, Premier, Legislature, Judiciary, Commissions, Devolution, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in Kenya, Sihanya Mentoring & Innovative Lawyering, Nairobi & Siaya 7.1 Conceptualising Public, Government and Executive Power in Kenya and Africa1 My overarching argument is that the production, regulation and reproduction of executive power in kenya and Africa has to content with three interrelated theoritical and philosophical question. First, the need to promote popular sovereignity, constitutional democracy and service delivery. Second, avoiding executive fiat and despotism. Third, avoiding anarchy. We review three inter-related constitutional questions on public, government and executive power in Kenya and Africa. First, what are the three sets of public or governmetal powers in Kenya and Africa? Second, what are some of the components of these legislative, executive or administrative, and juridical or adjudicatory powers? Third, how are these powers, related procedures, shared, contested and reproduced horizontally and vertically? What lessons do we learn from Afro-Kenyanist constitutional, legal and political theory of power and the related rights or liberties and processes? How did the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) conceptualize and address public, government and executive power? 7.1.1 The three powers and arms of Government in Kenya and Africa The three sets of powers are legislative, executive and judicial. These are exercised by the Legislature, Executive and Judiciary, respectively.
    [Show full text]