J . AI (;111/"' 1: & T r Kiurlsrn: Kurma, KO/l•• and Kiln 7<)

for example, S1l/1I/l'I/(/ Xlwr or Pipariya ghar. one refers to 'the hou e" (i.e.. the houschold/patrilincugcj which moved here from Surmeha village or Pipariya villag . 111e hou ehold run the farm together and the br the of the patrilinea rc 1'\ n land j inti . When a household pIit . whether it! a mauer of convenience or due to family tr uble. and a new hou. ehold i. . tablirhcd, a new branch of kurma (patrilineagc ) i ' also c atcd , Gancsh I Ian Gurung suallj . all members of a kunna \\ 11 0 live in one village build T e . Kinch en their houses clos 10 ea h th rill the 'arne \ illage quarter. This group i- the first to he approached for help when. household is in trouble. r,fi is th· l:' \\ ith the loam in general. the Rana Tharus have but one al 0 unrs n m Ire distam kurma n. u -11 occasion '. 111'-: ~ bce n very lillie studied. arxl knowledge about them i. s rarce," kurm a also play. a r Ie In p viding a taboo-group when it orne. 10 marriage. Thi applie I the whoI. kurma. whether e r di stunt. -DIU. • in a dillon 10 being an interesting field or anthropological 10. The kurma Iso \'0 hips the arne lineage deities. whi h an: studi . research on the Rana Tharu , can break new ground f r repres ented b sm: II circular ur square bumps ma:Ie of cowdung/rnud p Ii rna .ers as \ ell as on the developing cthni idelllitie ., 10 ·t or by ::I wooden peg . Th ese arc located Just outside the entrance 10 the irnponant of all. \\ > see our own work as a mu h reeded basi. for kit hen (a 10\\ platform ] and inside the deity-room (kola) next 10 the further research on the Rana Tharus, kit hen. B. noti 'ing the ize. hapcv and number of lineage-deities This paper which focu es on the Rana Thurn in Kailt Ii lux! represented UI ide a h u. e. Ran Tharus an . at least theoretically. Kan hanpur di stri ts in the outhweste rn comer of epal'. elucidate recognize members f a ertain kurma patrilineage). We will come the role of patrilincage in their ocial y tern, the relation: hip netween back 10 the lineage dc iti •- in m re detail helo the pcopl • there ard their deities. explicat the ignificance of inside In addition I the housch ld's patrilineagc kunnai. the village and outsid dichotomy, and explai ns their marriage y tern in terms of it elf i a cially imp rtant unit in this society. Although Rana th ir lineage hierarchy. Tharu villages. like. II villag in the cou ntry. arc organized according The area of field work is a pan of the Tcrni. \\ ith its flat to epali laws on local organization, the also have their own social and religious leaders. This sy tern of traditional leadership has survived tretchcs of agricultural land and patche of forest", The Rami Tharus the Panchayat rule. aod i still w rking in the new political are n w settled farmers, bUI were earlier described as shifting environ ment after the 19 0 motvc rnent. cultivators. Today, thcy grow paddy. wheat, and a variety of lentils and The village I' Icr is called a bhalemansa. He is elected by the vege tables. TIley also raise cattle, goat , heep, chicken , and geese . In kitclteri. a village meeting, where each house (household) is addition. fi hing is an important pan of women's work after the represented by one male member. If the villager ' are not satisfied with monsoon. Few Rana Tharu s are wage-laborers. the services of the bhalemansa, or if he rejects re-election, they elect a new one. Some bhulemansas have been continuously in charge of their KURM PATR ILINEAL SYSTEM villages fur many years. and in some villages the son of a fanner "111e Rana Tharus live in patrilineal extended households. Brothers bhalemansa has been elected. However. the seat of a bhalemansa is often live together in one household with their wives, unmarried open La anyone who couununds the respect and confidence of the 111~ ehildren. ~ Ul d married so ns with their own families. Thu s, the villagers. bhalcmansa has the lust wurd on village matters, hUl problems arc discussed in the kilcheri (lhe village meeting) before a hou. chold is a segmenl of a patrilineal descent group. ll1ere may be final decision is made. several houses around a courtyard ~d sometime. more lhan fifly • A village dlOllk i(/al' is eleCllXl on the same principles ali the peop le, but as long as they "eat from one kilC hcn" , as our infomlfints hluzlell/allsa. He i. the mes engel' of the village. and is responsible for PUl it. lhey are seen a, one hou ehold. Another tenn lied for Ihi implementing the de isions tUld plans of the bhale11l11llS0 and Ihe social unit is a ghar, which also means house. When one talks anout. kircheri. such as organizing TOad mainlenance and olher village work. SO Orrustonu! P(lpcFS i, M. (;Ul"IIlIg & t.c. Ki1ldH'1I.' Kurma, Kulll, IIl1d Kuri g I

The choukidar is also trained by the gauthehara (village shaman/priest) When set.ting up a new building, whether ghar (with deity-mom) or in performing village rituals in his absence. and is responsible for pal, the fIrs! pillar IS offered a pooja before the building can start. preparing the rituals, i.c .. collecting or buying what is needed IIJr the Thus, the deities arc included in the buildinu of the house from the f!ooja. In at least two of the villages we visited. the choukular W,L~ a start. When a new ghar is built. the ritual is ~nore elaborate, since the Dangora Tharu. It was obviously not seen as a problem that he lineage deities ikurma deuta; have to 'move into the house' before the worshipped Rana Tharu deities on behalf of the Rana Tharu villauers. people thcmscl vcs can start cooking or livi ng there. In other words. although he worshipped his own Dangora Tharu deities at home. ~ the deities have to he installed in a house before the house is seen as In a Rana Tharu village there may he many hha17

ones outside each house. or hy a wooden peg. Bhuiva is the name or the villagers. We have described earlier how this responsibility is the shrine. hut bhuiv« itself is also considered a female deity, shared between the gauthehara and the choukidar. Thus, one might say. somettmcs explained as having a male counterpart. the deities arc given a place in the sucial structure of each Rana Thnru Som,: or the deities in the bhuivc: arc the same 'LS the kurnia ­ village. in that their propitiation IS seen as a pan of the responsibility of the village leaders. Further, the functioning of the village specific deities (such ,LS Patvati and NuguoJiai). willie others (such ,LS organization secures proper performance of village rituals. and thus the Saat Hhf/H·WIi'. Mari. Patchaua. cUld Langura) arc only round in the best possible relationship to the duties. in that the ritual officiant can bhuiva. In addition to the deities. people deify lucal shamans (bharras». be replaced if his work is not considered good enough. ()th~r local heroes 'U"C also worshipped in the bhuiva. In a lew L·ases. If there IS a lot of trouble 111 a VIllage (quarrels. tightings. 1)()()JrIS arc performed just outside the bhuiya area. ;uld we were told illness. epidemics, ctc.), this is often seen ,is a sIgn that the village that these /)(){)jus arc for certain hh ut: (spints) rather than deities. deities arc not 'satisfied' for some rcaxun. In one of the villages we It IS intcrcsung to note that village deities t1lJ longer receive visited. the bhalemansa told us that the deities In the 111111iyo (village blood sncrilicc. The VIllagers claimed that the deities did not mind this. shrine)

As we have already mentioned, there is a deity-room (kola) in A 1)(J{);a abo has to he done in the house, where the kurm« every 'house' (ghnr). In contrast to the world outside. this room is the deities receive some of the PII/i.\', i.c .. the first food made for the innermost space of the house. Only kurma members, whom we chose wedding. Then the deities in the village shrine (bhuivai also receive a to call 'insiders' here, can enter this room. All others, i .C., non­ pooja. In the afternoon. on the day before the wedding, the mothers of members of the kurma and thus 'outsiders', would pollute the room the bride and the groom. in their respective villages, go With the and make the deities angry if they ever enter this area. The term vdlage choukid(lr (or lither ritual officiant) to lkl this P001U at the 'insider' includes all male members of the patrilineage and their village shrine to the south of the villagc. All the deities represented unmarried daughters. In Rana Tharu society, it also includes the there have their stlian ("seat', i.c .. their rcprcscmauon l plastered with unmarried women. Those, who arc allowed imide the kola, either have fresh cowdung before receiving the offering of puris', together with the same lineage or have the same identification to the lineage deities. glll'l', spices. sliarbat (sweet water), etc. The custom under which the in-married women arc allowed into the This is the last of the preparatory rites before wedding. Now all kola and to participate in rituals for the kurma deities is not common deities have received offerings, and will protect people and participate among the Dangora Tharus. This practice shows the special status of In wedding. At the bhuiva, even 'unknown' bhuts (sprits) receive Rana Tharu women compared to the women of many other groups on offerings II] Thus, no supernatural beings 1I1 the vicinity are left out on the subcontinent. We will come hack to this in our section on the this occasion. marriage system. INSIDE-OllTSIDE DICHOTOMY The inside/outside dichotomy is also relevant on many occasions during the wedding rites. When the Marra has been to the The Rana Tharus themselves do not refer III the 'insidcroutsidc' house of the bride a few days before the wedding in order to 'see the lhchotomy explicitly. so this should not he seen ,LS an ethnic term. deities' (deuta dekhani, and has found everything to be OK, the girl is However. we see this dichotomy present in many situations in regard not allowed outside her house until the wedding day. This was to various aspects of social and religious life. We will try 10 show explained to us as a sign of shyness: "If she walks around outside, she how it is made relevant at the cosmological level. in the household is not shy. But, then people wil1 talk behind her back". However, we and wedding rituals. The dichotomy is manifest where one slate is were also told that she could not risk the trouble from the 'spirits of considered in many ways better. purer. safer or more proper than the the outside'. Here, we see the inside/outside dichotomy reflected once other. again. The inside of the house is seen as a protected area; and On the village level. this dichotomy becomes evident when we especially with such a hig event as a wedding coming up, the girl look at the relationship between the villagers and the people. Since the must be cautious. village IS seen as an area protected hy its deities. the outside of the The food needed for the wedding party' I has to be brought from village is. ohviously. less safe than the inside. Or. in other words, the outside of the house, and it must be the kurma's own production. one's own village is seen ,L, the safest. One has estahlished a Samples of all the foodstuff have to he blessed by one of the local relationship with the deities inside the village. and can count on their bharras before these can he used for cooking. This, we were told by the protection. II" one wanders around too much 'outside' (hahira), said a bharra as he was blowing his mantras (protective spells) on the Raila Tharu, it would not he surprising if one gets ill. The illness may various items, is done in order to guard off the spirits which might well he caused by the bhut of the "outside'. have heen imbibed in the food. Only after the spirits from the outside The same is reflected 111 the term used for the bhuiya by one of are driven away for sure, arc these items considered fit for wedding our informants. He mentioned it as 'the entering point' of the village. dinner. As we understood it, this has nothing to dl with where people enter The notion of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' is also relevant with the village, hut refers to the fact that evil spirits arc believed to enter regard to the groom's arrival at the bride's house on the wedding day. the village from the south. Thus, thcy'will encounter the deities in the He and his party arc 'outsiders'. and although they are welcome as bhuiva. which is always situated to the south of the village honored guests after a while, at the outset they arc 'stopped' settlement. and. hopefully. he stopped hy them. The evil sprits of the symbolically from entering the courtyard of the bride's house. This is 'outside' are stopped from entering 'inside' by the deltics, who arc part usually done three times; first by the choukidar (village watchman! of the villagc "insiders". 86 Occasional Papers G. M Gurung &: Fe Kittelsen: Kurmu. Kola, and Kurt 87

messenger), who is hired for fetching water, etc. at the wedding; then Marriage "refers to a polythetic class of phenomena", according by the karbariyha (women from the village who help with cooking, to Needham (1971b:5, cit. Cornaroff). Anthropologists have hal cleaning pots, etc. at the wedding); and then by the younger sisters of difficulties in finding a universally applicable definition of the term. the bride. As we see it. these people are all representing the 'inside' ­ This is so because "the cross-cultural variability in the social either the village or the patrilineage of the bride's father". They ask organization of gender relations and the existence of rare forms of for a small sum of money before they let the groom and his party pass marriages in specific societies render such definitions invalid" in. In this way, the difference between the 'inside' and the 'outside', as (Seymour-SmithlMacmillan 1986: 179). The term covers a great well as the bringing together of two lineages at marriage. is variation of different practices and ideas linked to the creation of a new symbolically referred to. bond between two persons and their respective families. The groom is stopped again when he is on his way into the Fruzzctti (1990: xix) writes that "for Hindu society, marriage is kola (deity-room) in his own house on the day after the wedding ritual central to the social order", and that "love-marriage unites two (in the girl's house). His sisters stop him this time. and they will not individuals. whereas a Hindu marriage unites the son and the daughter let him pass with his new wile "until they are given a cow". (Usually, of two lines". In Asian societies in general, whether Hindu or not, a however. they give up after being promised a small amount of marriage relationship has greater importance for more people than it rnoney.) This time it is he who hrings someone from the 'outside', has in the West. Among the Rana Tharus. we would claim, in addition i.c., the girl, who was, until the wedding ceremony. a member of her to the creation of good future for the couple and the creation of own father's lineage. children, the most important aspect of marriage is to create a long The fact that the bride, after this ritual, is actually allowed into lasting, mutually beneficial, and halanced relationship between the two the deity-room of her new house signifies that she is accepted 'inside'. families. Not only is she accepted, but it will be her duty from now on to We see marriage customs as adapted to a specific social and respect the deities of her husband's lineage. Before anything else, she religious reality, and, therefore, ,LS important carriers of information has to how to these kurma deities, both outside and inside, and only about this reality. This view of marriage as a 'mirror' of important then can the rest of the rituals in the groom's house start. In her aspects of society is, of course, received wisdom in anthropology and parents' house, she has now become an 'outsider'. When the main not our invention. It also corresponds broadly to Bennett's view on wedding ritual is finished, she has been 'transferred' to her husband's marriage among the Brahmans/Chhetries of Narikot: kurma (lineage), and cannot enter her previous kurma's kola (deity­ marriage (also) reveals a great deal about the relative status of men and room) again. women, and about the structures of caste and kinship. (Bennett 1983: 71) When the groom arrives in his own village together with the 14, bride and the wedding party, a pooja has to be performed at the village In Rana Tharu society, they have a betrothal system, 11U!f:ani border before they are let in. This pooja, we were told, is for the bhut where children down to the age of four or five can he 'reserv~d' for (spirits) rather than for the deities. The spirits of the outside could marriage with a certain person when they reach the marriageahle age". follow the wedding party inside the village, if they are not warded off The most common way of inaugurating a magani relationship is bY thiIS pOOja. 11'. through the help of a majpativa, i.e., a marriage broker. Both women The first aspect, i.e., the importance of the relationship and men can be majpatiyas. but people insist that they have to be between the people and their deities can lead to or he responsible for respected persons who arc on good terms with everybody. There is the second aspect, namely, the significance of distinction between usually one majpativa on the girl's side and another on the boy's side. 'inside' and 'outside' connection of a person. That which is within the Any friend, villager, or a family member can take the role of a realm of the deities, either the kurma deities or the village deities, is mediator, but some persons arc known to have been majpatiyas for seen as having some kind of added value! many magani relations and to have good information about available boys and girls in the VIcinity. Hasan (1993) mentions that such i MARRIAGE SYSTEM • I II majpatiyas are approached by the parents of eligible boys and girls and I In this part of the paper, we look closer at the marriage system of the are asked to propose a suitable match. "He is continuously in search of II I Rana Tharus in terms of their lineage system. I , l Occasional Papers r: M. (;111"11111.{ ,11 T C Kntcisen. Kurmu, Kilili. and Kun

girls who want to leave their husband for one reason or another (and) social units to us III terms of a common ancestry. The kuris create a keeps a mental list of such girls" (ihid. 59). social hierarchy, perhaps akin to the caste-system. since the single The Rana Tharus ill not usc an astrologer for comparing the units seem to he classified after diet and other practices. indicating the two parties before a marriage process can start. It is the responsibility degree of purity as the principle of classification. These conclusions, of the majpatiya to see to it that the two families match, i.c., first of we have to admit, arc drawn from a rather uncertain set of data, But. so all, to ensure that the alliance is socially acceptable, far. this seems most intelligible to us. Traditionally, the Rana Tharus have been group-endogamous. It was interesting to note that some of the people we talked to Although they have been seen as 'backward' by others, they denied that they belonged to any specific kuri. "We are all Rana themselves claim to have a status superior to other groups, and have Tharus". they said, However. when we mentioned this episode to some not allowed marriage outside the group. This rule of group-endogamy other people in the village. they smiled and said that "there is no seems to be losing its grip though. There are now quite a few wonder why they would not tell you their kuri name; they arc shy". examples of Rana Tharus marrying Dangora Tharus and Paharis. Such indicating that these people belonged to a low kuri. In denying marriages are usually 'love- marriages' , i.c. they are entered into by membership to a low kiln. these people were trying to avoid the boy and girl without planning and arrangements made by their stigmatization. Quigley describes the same phenomenon among parents. These marriages arc talked about in derogatory terms by some diaspora Newars. where people of lower caste seem to 'forget" their Rana Tharus, and may not be accepted in the beginning by the boy's ancestor's clan name, "There is little doubt that this obliteration of or girl's families. However, it seems that the couple is accepted after caste distinctions. producing greater fluidity in marriage alliances was, some time, and there is no strong social stigmatization of such mixed and remains. a common practice In diaspora Newar settlements". marriages, As one informant put it: Biha Rare sakyo, bachha pani writes Quigley (!lJX6: 7X}. Although not a common practice in Rana bhavo. ke game ta! (They are already married. and have children as Tharu society. the development of such strategies may he a sign of well; what could one now do about it"). changes to come, The Rana Tharus do not allow marriage between people of the Our informants were not sure of the number of kuris, nor did

.sarne patrilineage (kurma), as we have already mentioned, i.c., people anyone Jist exactly the same names 1(', What they did emphasize was who "have the same deities", This goes back seven generations on the that one should, ideally. marry within one's own kuri. A few of the father's SIde and three on the mother's side, Hasan (1993) writes that a lower kuris arc said to intermarry, but we will still describe the Rana relationship between a boy and a girl of the same kurma is not at all Tharu marriage system as isogamous, i.c .. they practise marriage possible to regularize, and that the couple would become outcasts for T between people of the same status, This kuri - endogamy is not rigid. ever. This strict lineage-exogamy is still valid. however, but our informants claimed that it was more rigid earlier. While being lineage-exogamous, the Rana Tharus are While dowry is common in most (Hindu) groups around them, traditionally kuri - endogamous. The kuris are best explained by using the Rana Tharus have a bride-price system, There is a correlation an example, between marriage payments and other features of social organization, Among the Rana Tharus, as well as among the Dangora Among the Rana Tharus. the fact that they arc traditionally isogamous Tharus, some houses are huilt in the reverse (ultha) order of the and the fact that women in this society are not seen having less (ritual) 'normal' design, These houses have their kitchen to the south instead value than men have may account for the bride-price practice, The of the north, McDonaugh claims that this is the practice of certain lineages of the bride and the groom are seen as socially equals (having clans among the Dangora Tharus of Dang, and that these clans arc not the same kuri) and ritually equals (there is no difference between wife­ seen as socially inferior to other clans in this society (McDonaugh in givers and wife-takers), Thus, it can be seen as logical that the one Barnes/de Coppet/Parkin !9R5: 186). In Rana Tharu society, however, who receives something (the groom's family receives a woman) 17 they arc definitely seen as socially inferior. This is reflected in should also give away something • "These payments serve to statements like: "No other kuri would ever marry an Ulthawa" legitimize marriage relationships at the same time as they signify or This is where the term kuri becomes significant. We arc not mark the transfer of rights in women and/or children" (Seymour­ really sure that the kuris are clans. All Rana Tharu lineages seem to Smith/Macmillan 1986: 142). belong to certain kuris, but our informants never explained these 90 Occasional Papers 1 G. M. Gurung & Te. Kittelsen: Ku I"IIW, Kola. and Kuri 91 The wedding payments do not only include a sum of money notions and ideas in their society. These are, firstly, the notion of the paid by the groom's family at the time of the wedding, but also sweets deities as protectors of the people and village, and therefore the and other gifts given throughout the magani years. From the necessity of including them in all aspects of life. This makes the inauguration of the magani relationship until approximately a year relationship between the people and their deities a basic one, both before the wedding, the boy's family has to give certain prescribed within each kurma, i.e., patrilineage, and at the village level. varieties of sweets and other gifts at certain intervals IX. This practice Secondly, the concept that the 'inside' is different from 'outside' is an knits the two families together and the gifts are seen ,L~ a part of the underlying idea in this society. This goes for the inside/outside of the marriage payment. This is reflected in the fact that a sum equaling the house as well as the village, and has connections to cosmology. This price of the sweets has to be paid back to the boy's family if the girl dichotomy also becomes relevant at a more abstract level. with regards or her family breaks the relationship. to lineage membership. Rana Tharu women can break off a magani, but then she must In the context of explicating how these characteristics cut find another man whom she can marry, and who is willing to pay back across the spheres of family live, village life, and cosmology, wedding the magani price. She can also leave her husband for another man, rituals were used as a particular example. The Rana Tharus have without being socially stigmatized. Although the picture painted by elaborate wedding rituals which reflect, In many ways, the some writers of the 'liberated' Rana Tharu women is not correct, it is characteristics of their society mentioned above. In the last part of this a fact that they have a social and ritual status quite different from that paper, some aspects of the Rana Tharu marriage system were of women in some of the other groups in the South Asian discussed, in the context of the kurma and kuri hierarchy and the status subcontinent. We will make a comparison with the Dangora Tharus of Rana Tharu women. In that context, it was also ohvious that while again, who are, in many ways, their closest neighbors. Rana Tharu women are definitely very different in some ways from Krauskopff writes that in-married women have an ambiguous other women in the area, their life is a far cry from the picture of the status among the Dangora Tharus of Dang, since they are marginal to former princesses of Rajasthan pushing their husbands' plates with their husband's patrilineal unit (in L 'Ethnographic 1987: 154). The their feet. Dangora Tharus do not entertain the orthodox Hindu ideas about NOTES women who have been perceived as ritually unclean by the latter group hecause of their physiology". This, claims Krauskopff, is the I. This paper was presented at the Conference on "Nepal: Terai Cultures, Democracy and Development" (June 9-11. 1995) organized by the marginality to the husband's kurma which makes them ambiguous. Norwegian Institute for International Affairs in Oslo. This ambiguity makes them unfit for participation in kurma deity 2. The Tharu population has been mentioned in various books from the last century, and studied by Srivastava. Mathur. Majumdar, and others in between worship in her husband's kurma, and girls are also not allowed to the forties and sixties. In these early materials Tharus arc seen as far more participate in these rituals in their father's house before marriage. homogenous than has later been acknowledged. Recent literature on the In Rana Tharu society, the in-married women do take part In Tharus (ef. Rajaure, McDohaugh. Krauskopff) has concentrated on the Dangora Tharus. The Rana Tharus are only explicitly dealt with in the works the worship of the kurma deities. In some lineages (namely those with of Gurung and Skar, as well as by Hasan in his book "Affairs of an Indian a female main deity), the women are even responsible for doing pooja Tribe" (1993). This hook is the only monograph on the Rana Tharus. But it to the household deities. In these lineages, ritual knowledge is passed deals with the Rana population in Uttar Pradesh. . 3. Gancsh M. Gurung has done field work among the Tharus in 1989 and in on from a woman to her eldest daughter-in-law. There is no rule for I993!'J5. His last field work was financed by the Norwegian Research excluding unmarried girls from participating in the household rituals, Council. Tove C. Kittelson is an MA student of social anthropology at the University of Oslo. Her field work in 1993/94 was financed by NIAS, The as far as we could observe. The women also take part in certain rituals Norwegian Research Council, Statens Liinekasse for Utdanning, and The at the village shrine, although they only perform the rituals University of Oslo. Her field work in 1995 was financed by the Norwegian themselves in the bhuiya pooja before the wedding of their children. Research Council. 4. The Rana Tharus live in the districts of Kailali and Kanchanpur in Nepal and in parts of Uttar Pradesh in India. The national horder between the two CONCLUSION 4 countries runs through Rana Tharu community zone, but Rana Tharu culture is very similar on both sides of the border. We hope that this paper can stimulate further research on the issues 5. The Rana Tharus have no images or figures to represent their deities. At both taken up here. The first part of the paper, took up certain aspects of the house and village levels, the deities are represented hy simple the social and religious life of the Rana Tharus which reflect implicit I cowdunglmud humps (or, in some cases, a small wooden peg). Often they have no representation at all. On many occasions. the offerings arc simply 1 92 Occasional Papers G. M. Gurung & 'LC. Kittelsen: Kurma, Kola, and Kuri 93

done at a spot on the floor/ground which is cleaned with water or Fruzzetti, L.M. cowdung/rnud first. . 1990 (1982) The Gift or a Yirgin: Women, Marriage and Ritual in a 6. Despite the differences between them in status and practice. the gauthehura Bengali Society. Delhi: Oxford University Press, Oxford is often also called bharra. India Paperbacks. 7. Only a few of our informants referred to the Hindu representations of the mountain Kailash as the 'abode of the gods'. However, the notion of the north Gellner, D.N. as a location indicating an upward direction (cf Krauskopff .1987) as the 1989 "Hinduism, Tribalism and the Position of Women: The direction of the mountains. and a place which some of the deities VISIt when Problem of Newar Cultural Identity" (Draft for Conference they 'go away' part of the year, was clearly present. on Language, Literature and Cultural Identity in Nepal, 8. Our informants distinguished these 'Seven SIsters' as Durga. Kalinuua. SOAS) Gahibi, Haniula, Situla, Ganga. and Hulka. 9. The Rana Tharus have two wedding seasons. In the first wedding season Hasan, A. (Dec./Jan.), the deities are offered puris. as are the wedding guests, while 1993 Affairs ofan Indian Tribe: The Story or My Tharu Relatives. both the deities and the guests are offered malida (rice flour fried 111 I'hee) 111 Lucknow. the second season (Feb.zlvlarch). 10 This is done in the field next to the bhuiya. At the end, the rest of the offerings Krauskoppf, G. are thrown "in all directions" to bhuts with no names, we were told. 1987 "Le naissance de un village Tharu", L'Ethnographie. I\. A group of people accompanying the groom to the bride's house. . 12. Her younger sisters are unmarried, who thus still belong to their father's Lecornte-Tilouine, M. lincaze 1993 "About Bhume; a Misunderstanding in the Himalayas", G. 13 The ;pirits receive alcohol. spices, water, ghee. etc., and at the end of the Toffin (ed.): Nepal: Past and Present. CNRS; New Delhi: ritual. one of the wedding guests runs around the whole group of people Sterling Publishers, pp. 127, 135. zuthered there ("while holding his breath") with an egg m hIS hand. ThIS egg fs then thrown away, together with two small figures made of dough (said to McDonnaugh, C. represent the bride and the groom). . " .. 1985 "The Tharu House; Opposition and Hierarchy", Barnes/de The term refers both to the system of betrothal and to the male/female fiance. 14. Coppet! Parkin (eds.): Contexts and Levels. Oxford: JASO We were also told that some people would make an agreement even before 15. Occasional Papers, Vol. 4, pp. 181, 192. the birth of their children that their children would be ritual friends (I'unjlmit) if they arc of the same sex, and magunis (fiances) if they are of the opposite Seymour-Smith, C. sex. 1986 Macmillan Dictionarv or Anthropology. Hong Kong: 16 Some of the names of the kuris arc: Thakur, Bishiena, Balla, Kipta Balla, Macmillan Press Ltd ... Badaivak. Giri. and Dangru. . 17 This was seen as obvious to our informants, who did not see their own Quigley, D. practice of bride-price as 'selling a daughter', as one hillman put it. On the 1986 "Introversion and Isogamy: Marriage Patterns of the contrary, a young educated Rana Tharu girl said that the dowry practice Ncwars of Nepal", Contributions to Indian Sociology. XX could be seen as 'buying a husband'. .. . (I), pp. 75-95. 18. That is, this pattern is followed in the proper/big maganis t acchu maganis, while there is a possibility of doing less elaborate ntuals t chilam maganii according to the economical status of the boy's family. 19 The Rana Tharus are SImilar to the Dangora Tharus in this respect. REFERENCES Bennett, L. 1983 Dungerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles ofHigh Caste Women in Nepal. New York: Columbia University Press.

Buggeland, A. 1994 "Kali Worship among the Santals of Nepal: Hinduization and Ethnic Boundaries", M. Allen (cd.): Anthropology or Nepal: Peoples, Problems and Processes. : Mandala Book Point.

Comaroff, J.L. (ed.) 1980 The Meaning of Marriage Payments. London: Academic Press. INDEX

Aali 62 Dangora Tharu 80, 81, 86, 89, 91, 92, Aashari Ghasari 60 94 Adhyan 64 Dao 62 Aghiari 84 Darjeel ing 26 Assam 26 Deoniya 57 Assimilation Theory 23 Deuta dekhan 86 Awadhi 20 Dhangni 62 Badmas 83 Dhanhar 63 Bahira 85 Dhikuri 41 Baje-Bajai Pooja 42 Dhimal 23,24 Ban Jhankri Pooja 43 Dhokra 63 Banaspati 84 Dhuki 76 Banaspati Pooja 84 Dini 64 Barha Magarat 39.47 Dom 22 Beskang Bajai Pooja 42 Durga 81,93 Bhaijeri 44 Dusadh 22 Bhalemansa 79. 80. 83 Ethnic Reconscientization 18 Bhar 56. 73 Ethnicization 25 Bharras 80, 82. 86 Free Movement 26 Bheja 39,51 French Revolution 5, 7 Bheja Khelne 49 Ganesh 57 Bhith 63,69 Gauthehara 80, 83, 84,93 Bhojpuri 20 Ghar 79,81,85 Bhoura Khane ritual 81 Ghee 84,93 Bhuiya 82-85, 93 Global ecumene 6, 15 Bhuiya Pooja 92 Gopal Khambu 27 Bhumi 43 Gorkhanization 24, 33 Bhumi Dan 76 Gurkha expansionism 24 Bhut 85,87 Guthi 41 Biaj Marauni 64 Habsburg Empire 5 Bir Nernbang 27 Hal 53,60 Bishaliar 81 Hasuwa 62 Bodo/Boro/Bara 55 Hauli 66 Bossila 62 Hill Matwalis 57 Burundi I Hinduization II Canada I Hindukush-Himalaya I Catalonia 8 Human Rights Commission 28 Chewar 47 IL028 Choukidar 80, 83. 84, 86 Indra 60 Chura 67 INGO(s) 48 • Citizenship Certificate 29 International Decade for the World's Collective identity formation 2, 4, 6, 13 Indigenous People 29, 34-36, 38 Dalits 28 Ireland I Damai 57 Jaad 40,45-47 Jaari 46 Occasional Papers Index

Puri 84 Sherma 45 Jadan 20 Multi-cropping 66, 75 Quebec 1 Sidol63 Jhangar 22 Multi-cultural democracy 7, 12 Rai 57,71,72 Sikkim 26 Jotar 62 Muluki Ain 25 Raikar 63 Singo Nawa 56 Kachaura 45 Muri 67 Rajbanshi 52,54-70,74,77 Siva Sena 26 Kachiya 62 Musahar 22 Ra)gadh 52,56,57,61,73,74 Social integration 17, 18,25,31,32 Kadisiruwa 60 Muslim 57 Raksi 40, 46, 47 South Africa I Kalwar 57 Mustang 26 Rangsiruwa 60 Sri Lanka 1 Kami 57 Musuri 68 Rashtra-Bhasha 19,22, 24, 28-30 Sthan 84 Karbariyha 86 Myth of homogeneity 5 Rassi 63 Subba 24,33 Kariya 81 Nagarihai 81, 82 Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh 26 Subhas Ghising 26 Khambuan 20 Namaskara 84 Rastriya-Bhashaharu 19 Sudhyain 47 Khambuan ko Awa) 27 Nari 82 Raute 22 Susupak Bhe)a 42 Khasan 20 National Democratic Party 22 Right to Self-Determination 28,33,38 Sutli 63 Khesari 68 National integration 17, 18, 23, 24, 27, Rights of Indigenous People 29 Tamba Saling 20 Khetipati 53 30 Rodi 47 Tamuan 20 Khoria 45 Natley 43 Ropahar 66 Tera din kriya basne 46 Khutti 62 Nepal Bandh 29 Rosaiya 81 Teraun 46 Koch/Koche 55 Nepal Communist Party - UML 22, 30 Rwanda I Thakur 57 Kochila 20 Nepal lana Party 20 Saat Bhawani 82 Tharu 54,55 Kodal 53,60,61 Nepal lanajati Mahasangh 19,27,30,34, Sadvabana Parishad 27 Thekka 64 Kola 78, 81, 85-87 36,37 Saha 57 Tibet I Kurali 62 Nepal lanajati Party 20, 28, 33 Education 30 Ultha 89 Kuri 78, 89, 90, 92 Nepal Rastriya lana Mukti Morcha 28 Sanskritization 23,24 Ulthawa 89 Kurma '.I' kola 87 Nepal Sadvabana Party 31,32,36-38 Satar 18,22 United People's Front 30 Kurma 78,79,81-87,89,90,92 Party 22, 30 Seasonal migration 68, 71, 75 USSR I Kurma deuta 81 Nepalization 23,24 Sharbat 84 Yugoslavia I, 9, 12 Langura 82 New Guinea 39, 50 Law ofLeast Effort 66 Newar 57 24 NGO(s) 48 Lilais) 53,58, 73 Nigeria I Limbuan Mukti Morcha 27 Niradhar 81 Limbuan 20 Pahadiyas 25 Madhesrya 24,27,30 Pahur 47 Magani 88,91, 93, 94 Pal 81 Magar 57 Pana 69 Magarat 20 Panch Kanya Mai Poo)a 42, 43 Maghesakaranti 60 Parange Poo)a 42 Main Dhare 43 Parima 44 Maithil20 Parvati 81, 82 Malaha 57 Passini 62 Mana 46 Patchaua 82 Mandali Baje-Bajai Poo)a 42 Peepal tree 82 Mantras 86 Poojats) 42, 43 Micro-economic niches 67 Praja Bikas Karyakram 22 • Mixed cropping 68, 75 Prasad 84 Moai 62 Principle ofownership by birth 59 Mono-cropping 75 20, 23, 33 Mukhiya 41-43,46 Proto-nations 6 I OCCASIONAL PAPERS PUBLICATIONS

VOL. 1

FACULTY OF THE DEPARTMENT I. Nepal School of Sociology/Anthropology Dor Bahadur Bista I. Ganesh Man Gurung, Reader and Chairperson, Department of Sociology/Anthropology; Ph. D. (Sociology),Banaras Hindu University 2. Sociology and Anthropology Curriculum and the Needs of Nepal 2. Kailash Nath Pyakuryal, Professor and former Chairman and Dean, Institute Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan of Agriculture and Animal Sciences; Ph. D. (Rural Sociology), Michigan 3. "Romanticism" and "Development" in Nepalese Anthropology State University 3. Chaitanya Mishra, Professor and former Chairman; Ph. D. (Sociology), James F. Fisher University of Florida 4. Migration, Adaptation, and Socio-Cultural Change: The Case of the 4. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi, Professor and former Chairman; Ph. D. Thakalis in Pokhara (anthropology), University of Calcutta 5. Gopal Singh Nepali, Professor; Ph. D. (Sociology), Bombay University; Ram Bahadur Chhetri Professor Emeritus, Banaras Hindu University 5. Native Strategies for Resource Management 6. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, Lecturer and former Chairman; Ph. D. (Sociology), University of California, Berkeley Om Prasad Gurung 7. Ram Bahadur Chhetri, Lecturer; Ph. D. (Anthropology), University of 6. Natural Causes and Processes of Poverty in Micro Settings Hawaii Tulsi Ram Pandey 8. Padam La! Devkota, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), University of Poona; currently enrolled in a Ph. D. Program in Anthropology at Delhi University 7. Factors Associated with Occupational Socialization in Rural Nepal 9. Om Gurung, Lecturer and former Chairman; Ph. D. (Anthropology), Cornell Kiran Dutta Upadhyay University 10 Kiran Dutta Upadhaya, Lecturer; M.S. (Rural Sociology), University of 8. Development and Underdevelopment: A Preliminary Sociological Philippines Perspective 11. Phanindreswor Paudel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology): Banaras Hindu Chaitanya Mishra University 12. Prabhakar Lal Das, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology); Bhagalpur University 13. Bhanu Timsina, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), VOL. 2 14. Laya Uprety, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology) Tribhuvan University; M.S. (Social Development), Ateno De Manila University, Philippines I. Sociology and Anthropology: An Emerging Field of Study in Nepal 15. Tulsi Ram Pandey, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan University; M.S. (Social Development), Ateno De Manila University, Philippines Om Gurung 16. Yubaraj Luintel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan University 2. The Past and Future of Sociology in Nepal 17. Surendra Mishra, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan University Bishnu Bhandari 18. Saubhagya Shah, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan University; currently enrolled in a Ph. D. Program in Anthropology at Harvard University 3. Some Sociological Reflections on Development in the Eastern 19. Pratibha Gautam, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan University (on Himalayas deputation in Bhadrapur Campus) Gopal Singh Nepali 4. PART-TIME FACULTY Economic Modernization in a Chepang Village in Nepal Ganesh Man Gurung 20. Dilli Ram Dahal, Reader; Ph. D. (Anthropology), University of Hawaii (Part­ 5. Culture and Resource Management for Subsistence: An Time from CNAS) 21. Binod Pokhrel, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan University (Part- Anthropological Perspective Time from Bhaktapur Campus) Bhanu Timseena 22. Hari Bhattarai, M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan University 6. A Socioeconomic Profile of the Porters in the Central Mid-Hills of 23. Gyanu Chhetry, M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan University 24. Sunita Upreti (Bastola), M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan University; MA. Nepal (Sociology), Michigan State University Kiran Dutta Upadhyay 25. Raju Tamot, M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan University 7. Employment, Working Conditions and Mode of Living: The Case of ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF Nepali Watchmen in Bombay Phanindreshwor Paudel I. Sulochana Thapa - Assistant Administrator 8. Television and the Child in Nepal: An Assessment of Viewing 2. Prem Shrestha - Accountant 3. Krishna Karki - Office Assistant " Patterns 4. Ram Bhakta Karki - Peon Dyuti Baral 9. Merc~ntilism and Domestic Industry in West-Central Nepal: Significance for Anthropological Study of the Community I Stephen L. Mikesell and Jamuna Shrestha Vol. 3

Forestry and Farming System in the Mid-Hills of Nepal 1. NOTES TO CONTRIBUTORS Kiran Dutta Upadhyay . Socio-Economic and Cultural Aspects of Aging III Nepal 2. Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology publishes articles, original research Rishikeshab Raj Regmi papers, research reports, review articles, book reviews, dissertation abstracts, 3. Religion, Society and State in Nepal professional announcements, and other information of interest in the areas of the sociology and anthropology of Nepal and other Himalayan regions. Both the Nepalese Dipak Raj Pant Community Development as Strategy to Rural Development and foreign scholars may submit their articles. 4. Materials submitted should be in English or in Nepali. Authors must take full Kailash Pyakuryal responsibility for the originality, contents, and opinion expressed in their articles The copyrighted material which is to be reproduced in the articles must be suitably National Integration in Nepal 5. acknowledged. Ganesh Man Gurung & Bishnu Bhandari Co~ntributors arc requested to send, if possible. their material on computer The Failure of Confidence Mechanism floppy disks using IBM compatible word processing programs. They may, however, 6. send one copy of the manuscript separately. The texts, notes, and references should Tulsi Ram Pandey be typed double-spaced. All pages should be numbered. The title of the paper, Building a New American Academic Anthropology 7. author's name, affiliations, and complete address should appear on the first page. The anthropological style of referencing is preferred. The texts should refer Tom Cox to notes numbered consecutively. All notes and footnotes should appear at the end of Afro-American Sociologists and Nepali Ethnography 8. the paper. Book reviews should not, however, contain footnotes; all references should Stephen L. Mikesell be incorporated in the text itself. Case Studies on Domestic Servants: Reflections on Rural Poverty Citation in the text should include the author's surname, year of publication, 9. and page number; e.g.: (Sorokin 1978:49). If the publication to be cited is authored by Saubhagya Shah more than two persons, then use the surname of the first author, to be followed by et al. If the same reference is cited more than once continuously, use ibid. after citing the full reference once, but giving the relevant page number if it is different. VOL. 4 Entries for the bibliographical list should follow the following order: author's name (surname, followed by full first name or initials), year of publication, the title of Anthropology, Development and ,Public Policy publication along with its edition number, place of publication, and publisher's name. If the reference is to an article from an edited book, then give the name of the author Gerald D. Berreman as suggested above, year of publication, the title of the article, the title of the book, editor's name, place of publication, and publisher's name; c.g.: Greenwold Stephen h "P I' Movement" of 1990 2 Development Issues Raised during t e eop e s 1978. "The Role of the Priest in Newar Society", Himalayan Anthropology, cd James Krishna B. Bhattachan Fisher. The Hague: Mouton. II' the reference is from a periodical, gi ve the name of the author as Anthropological Perspectives on Grassroots Development in Nepal suggested above, year of publication, the title of the article, the title of the periodical 3 with its volume number, and page number; e.g.: Gray John, N. 19HO. "Hypcrgamy. Padam Lal Devkota Caste, and Kinship among the Chetris of Nepal", Contributions to lndian Sociology, 14: 1-34 Deforestation and Rural Society in the Nepalese Terai 4 II' the year and the place of publication are missing, usc n.d. and n.p. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi respectively. The bibliographical list should preferably include only the works cited. Use double quote marks (" ") while quoting sentences and single quotes (. ") for a The Current Socioeconomic Status of Untouchables in Nepal single work/phrase. Use spellings as followed in the New Webster Dictionary or 5 Oxford Dictionary. Contributors arc requested to maintain consistency throughout Thomas Cox their articles. All correspondences related to editorial and subscription should be addressed Group Process for People's Participation in Rural Nepal: Reflections 6 to: from a Micro Level Study The Chairperson Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology Youba Raj Luintel Tribhuvan University Sherpa Buddhists on a Regional Pilgrimage: The Case of Maratika Kirtipur, Kathmandu 7 Cave at Halase ' Eberhard Berg

8 Book Review Hemant Kumar Iha