Bulgaria on the Path Towards Elected Autocracy: How Far Have We Gone?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bulgarian Cultural Identity, Balkanism and Self-Colonisation in Bulgarian Tv Series Staklen Dom (2010-2012)
BULGARIAN CULTURAL IDENTITY, BALKANISM AND SELF-COLONISATION IN BULGARIAN TV SERIES STAKLEN DOM (2010-2012) Daria Pritup Master’s Thesis University of Helsinki Department of World Cultures Area and Cultural Studies April 2017 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Maailman kulttuurien laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Daria Pritup Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Bulgarian Cultural Identity, Balkanism and Self-colonisation in Bulgarian TV Series Staklen dom (2010-2012) Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Alue- ja kulttuurintutkimus / Intercultural Encounters -maisteriohjelma Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu year 71 Huhtikuu 2017 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract (voiko tän kirjoittaa minä muodossa, kts alla ehdotukset) Tutkimuksessa käsittelen suosittua bulgarialaista televisiosarjaa hyödyntäen balkanismin ja itsekolonisaation teorioita löytääkseni merkkejä 2010-luvun bulgarialaisen kulttuuri-identiteetin rakentumisesta. Näiden teorioiden mukaan “Balkan” on käsitteellistetty sivistymättömänä ja jälkeenjääneenä kulttuurillisena alueena, josta “sivistyneen Euroopan” ongelmat juontavat. Länsieurooppalainen kulttuurihegemonia määrittelee aina itsensä “sivistyksen” ja “edistyksen” keskiöön, ja siitä poikkeavat periferiaan. Periferiakulttuurit puolestaan muodostavat kulttuuri-identiteetin, joka perustuu vieraisiin arvoihin ja on aina puutteellinen ja kehittymätön suhteessa keskukseen. Itsekolonisoivat kulttuurit -
Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42 -
2008 January March.Pdf
1/2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................................ 1 1. The Political Situation............................................................................................................................ .. 2 2. State and Development of the Party System in Bulgaria......................................................................... .. 5 2.1. Processes within the governing coalition .............................................................................................. 5 2.1.1. Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) ............................................................................................................ 6 2.1.2. NMSP (National Movement for Stability and Progress) ....................................................................... 7 2.1.3. Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) ........................................................................................ 8 2.2. Processes within the Right-wing Political Environment .......................................................................... 8 2.2.1. Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) ..................................................................................................... 8 2.2.2. Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (DSB) ................................................................................................. 9 2.2.3. Bulgarian New Democracy (BND) ..................................................................................................... -
The Case of Bulgaria's Nuclear Energy Sector
ISSN 2029-4581. ORGANIZATIONS AND MARKETS IN EMERGING ECONOMIES, 2015, VOL. 6, No. 2(12) DETERMINANTS OF SOVEREIGN INVESTMENT PROTECTIONISM: THE CASE OF BULGARIA’S NUCLEAR ENERGY SECTOR Elena A. Iankova * Cornell University Atanas G. Tzenev Binghamton University Abstract . Foreign direct investment (FDI) by entities controlled by foreign governments (especially state-owned enterprises) is a new global phenomenon that is most o!en linked to the rise of emerging markets such as China and Russia. Host governments have struggled to properly react to this type of investment activity especially in key strategic sectors and critical in"astructure that ultimately raise questions of national security. Academic research on sovereign investment as a factor contributing to the new global protectionist trend is very limited, and predominantly focused on sovereign investors "om China. #is study explores the speci$cs of Russian sovereign investment in the former Soviet Bloc countries, now members of the European Union, especially in strategic sectors such as energy. We use the case of Bulgaria’s nuclear energy sector and the involvement of Russia’s state-owned company Rosatom in the halted Belene nuclear power plant project to analyze the dynamics of policy and politics, political-economic ideologies and historical legacies in the formation of national stances towards Russia as a sovereign investor. Our research contributes to the emerging literature on FDI protectionism and sovereign investment by emphasizing the signi$cance of political-ideological divides and the heritage of the past as determinants of sovereign investment protectionism. Key words : foreign direct investment policy; state-controlled entities; national security; nuclear energy, post-communist countries. -
Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This Page Intentionally Left Blank POLITICAL HISTORY of the BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi
The Balkan Peninsula has played a crucial role in human history many times. The region framed the 20th century. The end of the Political History of the Balkans Cold War also had a significant effect on the region as it resulted (1989–2018) in bloody wars, economic collapse and complicated political transitions. The 2000s and 2010s opened the way towards EU membership, as many countries received candidate status and launched accession negotiations – however, this process has recently been facing obstacles. Political History This volume provides a general overview of the Post-Cold War history of the Balkans and explores the dynamics behind these tremendous changes ranging from democratic transitions to EU prospects. The authors describe the transitional period, the evolution of the political system and highlight the most important of the Balkans political developments in each country in the region. We recommend this book to those who seek a deeper insight into the recent history of the Balkans and a deeper understanding of its political developments. (1989–2018) POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989—2018) POLITICAL HISTORY The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. Zoltán Egeresi (eds.): Egeresi Zoltán — József Dúró József Edited by JÓZSEF DÚRÓ European Social Fund ZOLTÁN EGERESI INVESTING IN YOUR FUTURE Political History of the Balkans (1989–2018) This page intentionally left blank POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE BALKANS (1989–2018) Edited by József Dúró – Zoltán Egeresi Dialóg Campus Budapest, 2020 The work was created in commission of the National University of Public Service under the priority project PACSDOP-2.1.2-CCHOP-15-2016-00001 entitled “Public Service Development Establishing Good Governance”. -
EUI RSCAS Working Paper 2020/84 the Politics of Differentiated Integration: What Do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgari
RSCAS 2020/84 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgaria Elitsa Markova European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Integrating Diversity in the European Union (InDivEU) The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Bulgaria Elitsa Markova EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2020/84 Terms of access and reuse for this work are governed by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC- BY 4.0) International license. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper series and number, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Elitsa Markova, 2020 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC-BY 4.0) International license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Published in November 2020 by the European University Institute. Badia Fiesolana, via dei Roccettini 9 I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual author(s) and not those of the European University Institute. This publication is available in Open Access in Cadmus, the EUI Research Repository: https://cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. -
Bulgarian Parliamentary Elections: a Final Look at the Parties and the Polls
Bulgarian parliamentary elections: a final look at the parties and the polls blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/10/03/bulgarian-parliamentary-elections-a-final-look-at-the-parties-and-the- polls/ 03/10/2014 Bulgaria will hold parliamentary elections on 5 October, following the resignation of the country’s government in July. Ahead of the vote, Stuart Brown gives an overview of the background to the elections, each of the main parties and some of the opinion polling on the likely results. On Sunday, Bulgaria will hold parliamentary elections for the second time in less than 18 months. The elections were called after the Bulgarian government, led by Plamen Oresharski, resigned in July, with a caretaker administration fronted by Georgi Bliznashki taking over in the interim. Oresharski’s government had only entered office in May 2013, but had suffered a series of problems in its short time in power. This was the second time the Bulgarian government had resigned in the last two years, following the collapse of Boyko Borisov’s government in February 2013. Background to the 2014 elections The current period of political instability in Bulgaria can be traced back to a series of mass protests against Borisov’s government in 2013, chiefly over the issue of high electricity prices. Borisov, the leader of the largest centre-right party in Bulgaria, GERB, is a controversial figure, who has faced a number of allegations of corruption since winning power in 2009. As a result of the scale of the protests, he opted to stand down as Prime Minister, with new elections being called for May 2013. -
The Interplay Between Administrative Capacity and Political Factors. the Case of Structural Funds Absorption in Bulgaria and Romania (2007-2013)
Governing EU Cohesion Policy in Central and Eastern Europe: the interplay between administrative capacity and political factors. The case of Structural Funds absorption in Bulgaria and Romania (2007-2013) by Neculai-Cristian Şurubaru Doctoral Thesis Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) of Loughborough University 30 March 2017 © by Neculai-Cristian Şurubaru, 2017 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines how new European Union (EU) member states manage and implement European Cohesion Policy (CP). It assess the administrative and political factors that might explain the variation in the financial absorption of Structural Funds (SF), with a specific focus on two homogeneous cases from Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs). Whilst there is a dense literature on the potential socio- economic impact of CP in the EU, less attention has been paid to the factors affecting CP and SF governance at the national domestic level. Questions of financial absorption, delivery effectiveness and quality of the spending remain open and are puzzling for both academics and practitioners. Subsequently, one of the main aims of this thesis has been to provide an in-depth investigation of, on the one hand, the structural administrative capacity employed by states to manage this policy and, on the on the other hand, the political factors and dynamics that influence its delivery of SF in new member states. The study carries out an archaeology of the capacity of the specialised institutions involved in the different stages of the absorption process with the general aim of explaining some of the determinants of absorption performance, particularly in the countries’ assessed. -
Download Download
DOI: 10.17573/cepar.2020.1.05 1.01 Original scientific article Public Administration Reform in Bulgaria: Top-down and Externally-driven Approach Emilia Zankina Temple University, USA [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0312-4095 Received: 17. 10. 2019 Accepted: 11. 3. 2020 ABSTRACT The article examines public administration reform (PAR) in Bulgaria and the main factors that shaped the reform agenda and dynamics. PAR is ex- amined along five key dimensions – transparency and accountability, civil service and human resources management (HRM), public service deliv- ery and digitalisation, organisation and management of government, and policy-making coordination and implementation. The article argues that there are four main factors influencing reform dynamics and determining policy outcomes in the Bulgarian case: the specific political choices made by government elites, external influence of the EU and of past national legacies, and the importance of institutions and reform mechanisms. To illustrate these factors at work, the article examines three policy initia- tives, i.e. e-government, the reduction of administrative burden, and civil service reform. The article presents a longitudinal analysis and a qualita- tive case-study approach, utilising Annual Reports on the Status of the Public Administration 2001–2018, mapping European Semester Docu- ments 2011–2017, an inventory of PAR initiatives 2005–2018, and in- terviews of public officials. The pushes for reform have been top-down, externally-driven, and stop-and-go in nature. The results confirm previ- ous findings that Bulgaria is among the EU countries with the poorest record in PAR, struggling to overcome communist legacies and high lev- els of corruption and politicisation. -
Bulgaria Country Report BTI 2008
BTI 2008 | Bulgaria Country Report Status Index 1-10 8.44 # 15 of 125 Democracy 1-10 8.70 # 15 of 125 Market Economy 1-10 8.18 # 14 of 125 Management Index 1-10 6.76 # 13 of 125 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2008. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 125 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2008 — Bulgaria Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2007. © 2007 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2008 | Bulgaria 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 7.7 HDI 0.82 GDP p.c. $ 8,036 Pop. growth1 % p.a. -0.5 HDI rank of 177 54 Gini Index 29.2 Life expectancy years 73 UN Education Index 0.92 Poverty3 % 6.1 Urban population % 70.0 Gender equality2 0.60 Aid per capita $ - Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2006 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2007 | OECD Development Assistance Committee 2006. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate 1990-2005. (2) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary During the period under review, Bulgaria’s political and economic development was dominated by the parliamentary and presidential elections, held on 25 June 2005 and 22 October 2006 respectively, and by its accession to the European Union on 1 January 2007. -
Confounding the Voter: Political Corruption in Late Democratizers
Südosteuropa 61 (2013), H. 1, S. 114-145 DANIELA IVANOVA Confounding the Voter: Political Corruption in Late Democratizers Abstract. If elections in the new EU member states are free and fair, why do voters simply not vote the corrupt parties out? This paper goes beyond regime legacies and looks at voting patterns on the issue of political corruption in order to explain why voters in democracies vote for corrupt parties and when they stop to do so. Italy, Bulgaria and Latvia have differ- ent historical legacies, but all of them have been suffering from high perceptions of political corruption. The three countries have been formally committed to fighting corruption for over a decade, but have repeatedly seen periods of popular discontent with political corruption expressed via street protests or protest voting. In a chronological overview of anti-corruption voting, I shall look at patterns of voting for anti-corruption opportunists and reformists and try to determine whether they are part of a learning curve for both the public and politicians. An important outcome is that elections are rarely decided on corruption issues alone and that preference formation among voters about the issue of ethical politics is a complex process. In terms of what can be learnt, research shows that the public’s right to dissolve parliament mid-term and popular independent institutions such as the presidency, an anti-corruption agency or external monitoring can help resolve accountability crises. Revelations of corrup- tion have the strongest effect when the economy is in decline. As anti-corruption reforms do not make a lasting impression in times of prosperity, an economic crisis is the best time to make a clean sweep. -
Populism: the Bulgarian Case
Populism: the Bulgarian case CHRISTIANA CRISTOVA PhD em Ciência Política (Universität Eichstätt - Ingolstadt) Membro do Media Program South East Europe of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation Sofia, Bulgária [email protected] Abstract The paper explores various aspects of populism focusing on the Bulgarian case study since 1989 with reference to its empirical manifestations, the legitimacy crisis and political culture traits. The text focuses on parliamentary represented parties and re- constructs the evolution of populism from an ephemeral phenomenon to an integral part of the political system. Particular attention is being paid to the year 2001, when the king’s return unleashed the “populist moment” opening up the space for the mas- sive influx of populist parties. The paper advocates the thesis that, with the exception of Ataka, populist parties generally remain within the limits set by constitutional democracy, yet at the same time, by reducing complexity to trivialized solutions they only aggravate the legitimacy crisis instead of overcoming it. Key words: populism, Bulgaria, National Movement Simeon the Second, GERB, postcommunism. Introduction opulism has become the “new condition of the political in Eu- Prope” (Krastev, 2008, p. 26). According to Herman Van Rom- puy, President of the European Council, populism can be considered a major threat to Europe (de Rituerto, 9/4/2010). Last but not least, a “populist Zeitgeist” has been identified too (Mudde, 2004). The victory of populism has usually been considered as in oppo- sition to liberal democracy. Politicians such as Jörg Haider (Austria), Christoph Blocher (Switzerland), Silvio Berlusconi (Italy) or recently Geert Wilders (Netherlands), to cite a few, are often being identified as examples of populism.