How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality?
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KAS MP SOE Redebeitrag AM En
REPORT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung MEDIA MONITORING LABORATORY February 2015 Media under their own momentum: www.fmd.bg The deficient will to change www.kas.de Foundation Media Democracy (FMD) and KAS. In summary, the main findings, by the Media Program South East Europe of areas of monitoring, include: the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) present the joint annual report on the MEDIA DISCOURSE state of the Bulgarian media environment in 2014. The study summarises the trends Among the most striking images in the coverage of socio-political constructed by Bulgarian media in 2014 was developments in the country. During the the presentation of patriotism as the monitored period dynamic processes sanctuary of identity. Among the most unfolded – European Parliament elections watched television events during the year and early elections to the National turned to be the Klitschko-Pulev boxing Assembly took place, three governments match. The event inflamed social networks, changed in the country’s governance. morning shows, commentary journalism. It was presented not simply as boxing, but as The unstable political situation has also an occasion for national euphoria. Such affected the media environment, in which a discourse fitted into the more general trend number of important problems have failed of nourishing patriotic passions which to find a solution. During the year, self- through the stadium language, but also regulation was virtually blocked. A vast through the media language, are easily majority of the media continued operating mobilised into street and political forms of at a loss. For many of them the problem symbolic and physical violence against with the ownership clarification remained others (Roma, refugees, the sexually and unresolved. -
Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P. -
Macroeconomic Stability, Financial Consolidation Achieved”
“Macroeconomic stability, financial consolidation achieved” Prime Minister Ana Brnabic met in Sofia on Wednesday with Chief Executive Officer of the World Bank Kristalina Georgieva. The meeting came on the eve of the international conference “Stronger Regional Integration in the Balkans,” the Serbian government announced. Brnabic and Georgieva “agreed that Serbia has achieved macroeconomic stability and financial consolidation in the past few years owing to comprehensive economic reforms that are consistently being implemented.” These results were verified by progress on the World Bank’s Doing Business List, where out of 190 countries Serbia ranked 43rd, which is why the World Bank has declared Serbia the reform leader in South East Europe. The meeting focused primarily on the projects of the World Bank in Serbia relating to the fields of infrastructure, energy, health, education, public administration reform, development of the financial sector and small and medium-sized enterprises, the government said. Brnabic informed Georgieva about progress in implementing World Bank’s Program “Strategic Framework for Partnership for the period 2016-2020”, focusing, among other things, on fiscal sustainability, financial and macroeconomic stability and strengthening of institutional capacity. Brnabic and Georgieva also discussed cooperation in the Western Balkans region and the prime minister pointed out that this cooperation is one of the main priorities of the Serbian government. She added that Serbia is committed to becoming stronger because building a common economic area in the Western Balkans region will increase economic growth, reduce unemployment and improve the standard of living of all citizens of the region. When it comes to cooperation between Serbia and Bulgaria, the prime minister pointed out that the construction of the gas pipeline between the two countries is one of the priority projects in the field of energy, whose realization provides for diversification of directions and sources of supply. -
The Magnitsky Law and the Rico
SSRG International Journal of Economics and Management Studies Volume 8 Issue 7, 6-20, July, 2021 ISSN: 2393 – 9125 /doi:10.14445/23939125/IJEMS-V8I7P102 © 2021 Seventh Sense Research Group® The Magnitsky Law and The Rico Law - The Guarantee For The Fight Against Corruption And The Mafia In Bulgaria And The European Union - The Example of The Attempts To Steal Private Land Through Concession, Theft of Land And Theft of Land Through State Structures Lord Prof. PhD PhD Momtchil Dobrev-Halachev Scientific Research Institute Dobrev & Halachev.JSC., Sofia.Bulgaria Received Date: 17 May 2021 Revised Date: 22 June 2021 Accepted Date: 05 July 2021 Abstract - Lord prof PhD PhD Momtchil Dobrev- The fight against the mafia and corruption in Bulgaria Halachev and Prof. Mariola Garibova-DObreva and in the European Commission and the European Union developed 2006 “Theory of degree of democracy” and does not yield results because the mafia is at the highest “Theory of degree of justice / injustice /” based on their state and European level and does what it wants. This practice in court, prosecutor's office, state. Prof. Momchil mafia holds courts, prosecutors and all kinds of state Dobrev has been creating Theory of Corruption, "Theory institutions and the latter carry out its orders. of the Mafia," Theory of Mafia "," Financial Banking Resource Technological Mafia Materialism "since 2003" 1.1 Introduce the Problem The problem with the mafia and corruption in Bulgaria Keywords - Crise, mafia, corruption, Magnitsky law, and in the European Union and the European Commission RICO law, finance. is huge. We have repeatedly applied evidence of the scale . -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Bulgarian Cultural Identity, Balkanism and Self-Colonisation in Bulgarian Tv Series Staklen Dom (2010-2012)
BULGARIAN CULTURAL IDENTITY, BALKANISM AND SELF-COLONISATION IN BULGARIAN TV SERIES STAKLEN DOM (2010-2012) Daria Pritup Master’s Thesis University of Helsinki Department of World Cultures Area and Cultural Studies April 2017 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Maailman kulttuurien laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Daria Pritup Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Bulgarian Cultural Identity, Balkanism and Self-colonisation in Bulgarian TV Series Staklen dom (2010-2012) Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Alue- ja kulttuurintutkimus / Intercultural Encounters -maisteriohjelma Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu year 71 Huhtikuu 2017 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract (voiko tän kirjoittaa minä muodossa, kts alla ehdotukset) Tutkimuksessa käsittelen suosittua bulgarialaista televisiosarjaa hyödyntäen balkanismin ja itsekolonisaation teorioita löytääkseni merkkejä 2010-luvun bulgarialaisen kulttuuri-identiteetin rakentumisesta. Näiden teorioiden mukaan “Balkan” on käsitteellistetty sivistymättömänä ja jälkeenjääneenä kulttuurillisena alueena, josta “sivistyneen Euroopan” ongelmat juontavat. Länsieurooppalainen kulttuurihegemonia määrittelee aina itsensä “sivistyksen” ja “edistyksen” keskiöön, ja siitä poikkeavat periferiaan. Periferiakulttuurit puolestaan muodostavat kulttuuri-identiteetin, joka perustuu vieraisiin arvoihin ja on aina puutteellinen ja kehittymätön suhteessa keskukseen. Itsekolonisoivat kulttuurit -
Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42 -
2008 January March.Pdf
1/2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................................ 1 1. The Political Situation............................................................................................................................ .. 2 2. State and Development of the Party System in Bulgaria......................................................................... .. 5 2.1. Processes within the governing coalition .............................................................................................. 5 2.1.1. Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) ............................................................................................................ 6 2.1.2. NMSP (National Movement for Stability and Progress) ....................................................................... 7 2.1.3. Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) ........................................................................................ 8 2.2. Processes within the Right-wing Political Environment .......................................................................... 8 2.2.1. Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) ..................................................................................................... 8 2.2.2. Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (DSB) ................................................................................................. 9 2.2.3. Bulgarian New Democracy (BND) ..................................................................................................... -
Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical. -
“Balkan Stream”: Romania Instead of Bulgaria?
“Balkan Stream”: Romania instead of Bulgaria? With the export leg of the Turkish Stream (TurkStream) gas pipeline, designed to bring Russian natural gas along the Balkan route further to Europe, slated to go fully on-stream in late 2020 – early 2021, all transit countries need to timely fulfill their obligations to get their national gas transportation infrastructure prepared for this. Thus far, Serbia has moved closest to achieving this target, while Bulgaria’s position on this issue is causing a growing sense of bewilderment in Russia, which might be forced to change the pipeline’s route and replace its Bulgarian section with a Romanian one as a transit option. The Russian and Serbian presidents, Vladimir Putin and Aleksandar Vučić, discussed issues pertaining to the construction of a trans-Balkan route for transporting Russian gas to Europe, during their December 4 meeting in Sochi. President Putin confirmed that Serbia could participate in the gas transit via the Turkish Stream pipeline, even despite the fact that the prospect is called into question by Russia’s partners in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. “Yes, it is possible,” Putin concluded, adding that the Serbian stretch of the Turkish Stream pipeline, running from Bulgaria to Hungary, is almost finished now. “As for Serbia’s possible participation in the transit of Russian gas through TurkStream – yes, it’s possible. As a matter of fact, all our partners in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe raise this question. We are ready,” Vladimir Putin confirmed at a joint news conference following talks with his Serbian counterpart. He also accused Bulgaria of deliberately delaying the construction of the Turkish Stream gas pipeline, and threatened to find alternative options for implementing this project if Sofia refuses to come along. -
Bulgaria Country Report BTI 2003
Bulgaria Status Index 7.7 Management Index 6.4 (Democracy: 4.0 / Market Economy: 3.7) System of Government Parliamentary Population 8.0 Mio. Democracy GDP p. c. ($, PPP) 6,890 Voter turnout 67.03 (2002) Unemployment rate 19.5 % Women in Parliament 26.3 % HDI 0.795 Population growth -0.3 % UN-Education Index 0.91 Largest ethnic minority 9.4 % (1992) Gini-Index 31.9 Figures for 2001 – if not indicated otherwise. a) Annual growth between 1975 and 2001. Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2003. 1. Introduction The beginning of the period under study coincided roughly with the formation of the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) government under Ivan Kostov in early 1997. The previous Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) government under Zhan Videnov had run Bulgaria’s economy to ruin during its short mandate from January 25, 1995 to December 28, 1996, and was forced out by popular demand. Ivan Kostov’s SDS-led government, in power from May 23, 1997 to July 24, 2001, is, to date, the only government since 1990 to have completed a full term of office. Although it was able to bring stability to the country and its macroeconomic situation, the SDS-led government was ousted in the June 17, 2001 elections by former czar Simeon II Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and his three-month- old party the National Movement for Simeon II (NDSV). The SDS lost the election because it had been unable to improve economic conditions for the average person and because voters had placed unrealistic hopes in the former czar. This report concludes that, despite all apparent political and macroeconomic stabilization since the 1997 crisis, severe deficiencies remain in regard to the rule of law; administrative efficiency; and the fight against organized crime, corruption and mafia structures (Bulgaria ranks 45th in the Corruption Perception Index with a score of 4.0). -
Bulgaria: the Greatest Vacillations Simeon Djankov March 1, 2014 In
Bulgaria: The Greatest Vacillations Simeon Djankov March 1, 2014 In one of the most famous economics books, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, Joseph Schumpeter (1942) predicted the inevitable collapse of capitalism. I grew up in the last two decades of socialism in Bulgaria and as students we were repeatedly told that socialism would prevail in the whole world, and that in Bulgaria it would soon enter its ultimate form, communism. Then everything would be free and nobody would have to work, unless they wanted to. A strange thing to tell children. Luckily, few believed. In the summer of 1989 I finished high-school and took the entrance exams in international relations at the Karl Marx Institute of Economics in Sofia. In my graduating high-school class was also the grandson of the Secretary General of the Bulgarian Communist Party Todor Zhivkov. He, too, fancied a career in diplomacy. This was a problem. There were rigid quotas for entering international studies – for fear of students taking off to the West after graduation – and in that particular year there was only one slot allotted for diplomacy. As luck had it, Zhivkov Junior failed the exams and did what most offspring of totalitarian leaders had done before – went to study in Switzerland. And I entered the Karl Marx Institute. I did not stay long at the Karl Marx Institute, and neither did its name. In December 1988 during a speech at the United Nations Council in New York, Mikhail Gorbachev had declared that the Soviet Union would no longer intervene in the international affairs of other countries from the socialist bloc.