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Introduction Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée --- Une question? Un problème? Téléphonez au 04 99 63 69 28. RabiotIMP --- Départ imprimerie --- 2018-5-17 --- 10 h 53 --- page 9 (paginée 9) sur 492 Introduction En juillet 1343, le peuple de Florence mettait brutalement fin au gouvernement de son seigneur, Gautier de Brienne duc d’Athènes, auquel la Commune avait confié le pouvoir un an plus tôt. En raison de ses méthodes de gouvernement et de choix politiques peu goûtés par les citoyens, l’expérience avait tourné court, et le peuple réaffirma vite sa souveraineté au sein des institutions. Mais, après quelques semaines de tensions sociales et de conflits larvés entre popolo grasso, l’ancienne oligarchie marchande, et popolo minuto, les représentants des classes sociales intermédiaires, le pouvoir échoyait finalement aux seconds. Irrité, le chroniqueur Giovanni Villani écrivait dans sa Nuova cronica : Et note ce que fait le gouvernement des cités lorsqu’en sont seigneurs les artisans, [travailleurs] manuels et illettrés, car la majorité des XXI collèges des Arts qui diri- geaient la Commune était alors formée pour la plupart de petits artisans venus du contado ou de l’étranger, lesquels se soucient bien peu de la République, ni même de savoir la conduire 1. Marchand en faillite et ancien magistrat écarté des offices communaux, le septua- génaire Villani optait pour le point de vue de l’ancienne classe dirigeante et, délivrant un jugement sévère contre la nouvelle Seigneurie, formulait à son attention quelques principes de bon gouvernement, l’incitant à suivre « ce qu’enseigne Aristote dans 1. Giovanni Villani, Nuova cronica, éd. G. Porta, vol. III, Parme, 1991, livre XIII, chapitre XLIII (désormais Nuova cronica, XIII 43): « E nota che fa il reggimento delle cittadi, essendone signori artefici e manuali e idioti, però che i più delle XXI capitudini dell’arti, per li quali allora si reggea il Comune, erano artefici minuti veniticci di contado e forestieri, a·ccui poco dee calere della republica, e peggio saperla guidare; e però che avolontatamente fanno le leggi straboccate sanza fondamento di ragione, e male si ricordano chi dà le signorie delle cittadi a sì fatte genti quello che n’ammaestra Aristotile nella sua Politica, cioè che’ rettori delle cittadi sieno i più savi e discreti che si possano trovare. E ’l savio Salamone disse : “Beato quello regno ch’è retto per savio signore”. E questo basti aver detto sopra la presente materia, con tutto che per difetti di nostri cittadini e per li nostri peccati male fummo retti per li grassi popolani, come poco adietro avemo fatta menzione. E da dubitare è del reggimento di questi artefici minuti idioti e ignoranti e sanza discrezione e avvolontati. Piaccia a Dio che sia con buona riuscita la loro signoria, che me ne fa dubitare. » Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée --- Une question? Un problème? Téléphonez au 04 99 63 69 28. RabiotIMP --- Départ imprimerie --- 2018-5-17 --- 10 h 53 --- page 10 (paginée 10) sur 492 10 Écrire, comprendre et expliquer l’histoire de son temps... sa Politique, à savoir que les recteurs des cités doivent être les plus sages et les plus avisés que l’on puisse trouver ». Mais désabusé par ce gouvernement des « petits artisans, idiots et ignorants, sans discernement et irréfléchis », il concluait sur une note bien pessimiste : « Plaise à Dieu que leur seigneurie ait de bons effets — ce dont je doute. » Au-delà de sa dimension réactionnaire (contre la nouvelle Seigneurie), élitiste (contre les illettrés) et campaniliste (contre les non-florentins), cet extrait de la Nuova cronica illustre peut-être mieux que tout autre la dimension polémique et cathartique de la chronique de Giovanni Villani, à un moment où le recul temporel fait désormais défaut au chroniqueur et où l’histoire s’écrit au présent. Au terme d’un grand’ œuvre en onze livres, dans lequel il a narré par le menu l’histoire de sa Commune depuis ses origines, Villani entreprend alors de raconter celle de son temps. Une histoire qui n’est pas encore écrite et qui est suffisamment nouvelle pour qu’il y consacre un nouveau volume de sa chronique, inscrivant ainsi dans l’économie du texte et dans les consciences de son époque une césure entre histoire passée et histoire de son temps. C’est à ce lien entre un auteur et son temps que ce travail s’intéresse, en questionnant les divers aspects que revêt, au xive siècle, l’écriture de l’histoire du temps présent : s’en informer, la comprendre et l’expliquer. À travers le cas de la Nuova cronica de Giovanni Villani, c’est d’abord la culture et les outils d’un historien du Moyen Âge que nous interrogerons, afin de mieux comprendre par quels prismes et selon quels principes celui-ci lit les événements de son époque et tente de donner un sens à ce temps qui s’écoule face à lui. Il ne s’agira donc pas d’une synthèse sur Giovanni Villani, ni d’une étude générale sur la Nuova cronica, deux questions à propos desquelles nous renvoyons à la bibliographie présentée en fin de volume. 1 Au cœur de la Nuova cronica : Florence À travers la lecture de la Nuova cronica (et du présent ouvrage), le lecteur se retrou- vera en permanence plongé dans la Florence du Trecento. Objet d’une bibliographie diluvienne 1, la Cité au lys a obnubilé des générations de chercheurs, d’historiens et d’érudits, au point d’être élevée au rang d’idéal-type de la cité médiévale italienne. À tort? Sans doute. Mais il demeure que le rayonnement florentin, tant dans le domaine culturel que dans ceux de la politique, de l’économie et des armes, en fait un objet central dans l’histoire de l’Italie du Moyen Âge. Quelques pages ne seront 1. Pour une synthèse sur l’histoire de la ville, nous renverrons à l’ouvrage, fondamental bien qu’à maints égards dépassé, de Robert Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz, Berlin, 5 vol., 1896-1927 (trad. it. de G. B. Klein, Storia di Firenze, Florence, 1973). Plus récent, John Najemy, A History of Florence, 1200-1575, Malden, 2006. Pour d’autres références, nous renvoyons à la bibliographie en fin de volume. Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée --- Une question? Un problème? Téléphonez au 04 99 63 69 28. RabiotIMP --- Départ imprimerie --- 2018-5-17 --- 10 h 53 --- page 11 (paginée 11) sur 492 Introduction 11 donc pas de trop pour présenter la situation, au début du xive siècle, de cette cité qui constitue véritablement l’âme de la Nuova cronica. C’est d’abord du fait de la forme si particulière de ses institutions, et peut-être plus encore par la participation active de ses habitants aux décisions politiques, que Florence s’est imposée à travers l’historiographie comme l’objet d’un intérêt renouvelé et inégalé. De fait, son histoire politique mouvementée en a fait un laboratoire des institutions communales. Le xiiie siècle avait ainsi été marqué par deux fronts intérieurs, tous deux en passe d’être résolus de façon plus ou moins définitive au début du siècle suivant : d’une part, l’affrontement entre Guelfes et Gibelins, c’est-à-dire théoriquement entre les partisans de la papauté et les partisans de l’empereur, mais qui découlait plus souvent de rivalités familiales 1 ; d’autre part, celui entre populus et milites, lequel s’était exacerbé avec l’émergence d’une nouvelle classe marchande enrichie 2. Le premier conflit fut réglé dès 1266 au profit des Guelfes, avec l’aide des armées de Charles d’Anjou. Une fois les chefs du parti gibelin exilés, la Commune s’ancrait solidement, et définitivement, aux côtés de l’alliance guelfe, dont les intérêts étaient représentés au sein des institutions par la puissante et aristocratique Parte guelfa. Les rivalités idéologiques et les haines familiales demeurèrent toutefois vives, et les accès de violence ponctuèrent l’histoire florentine : en 1301, l’affrontement entre Guelfes noirs (radicaux, partisans des Donati) et Guelfes blancs (modérés, partisans des Cerchi) se soldait par la victoire des premiers et l’expulsion des seconds. Le second clivage, entre peuple et magnats, aboutissait vers la fin du xiiie siècle à la mise en place d’institutions populaires et à l’exclusion des grandes familles issues de l’aristocratie 3. Établie dès 1250, la Commune populaire reposait sur deux organes parlementaires, le Conseil du peuple et le Conseil des Cent, qui furent vite subordonnés à un Capitaine du Peuple censé faire contrepoids à un Podestat traditionnellement garant des intérêts aristocratiques. En 1282, la Commune se dota ensuite d’un nouvel organe exécutif populaire, le collège des Prieurs, qui complétait sans les remplacer les organes précédents, relégués à un rôle essentiellement judiciaire. 1. Sur la question, au milieu d’une bibliographie foisonnante, nous renverrons à Ghibellini, guelfi e popolo grasso. I dententori del potere politic a Firenze nella seconda metà del Dugento, Florence, 1978. Voir également Giulano Milani, L’esclusione dal Comune. Conflitti e bandi politici a Bologna e in altre città italiane tra xii e xiv secolo, Rome, 2003. 2. Sur l’affrontement entre populus et milites, outre les études classiques de Gaetano Salvemini (Magnati e popolani in Firenze dal 1280 al 1295, Florence, 1899), Nicola Ottokar (Firenze alla fine del Duegento, Florence, 1926) et Nicolai Rubinstein (La lotta contro i magnati in Firenze, Florence, 1939), nous renverrons aux études, plus récentes, de Christiane Klapisch-Zuber (Retour à la cité. Les magnats de Florence, 1340-1440, Paris, 2006) et de Silvia Diacciati (Popolani e magnati. Società e politica nella Firenze del Duecento, Spolète, 2010). 3. Sur les institutions florentines, outre l’ouvrage très complet de Robert Davidsohn (op.
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