"GLOSSING OVER" FEMINISM?: a General Semantics Critique
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The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: a Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov a Thesis
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: A Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov A thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science for honors Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2019 1 Note name change from National Front to National Rally in June 2018 1 Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to a number of people who were integral to my research and thesis-writing journey. I thank my advisor, Dr. Michael Munger, for his expertise and guidance. I am also very grateful to my two independent study advisors, Dr. Beth Holmgren from the Slavic and Eurasian Studies department and Dr. Michèle Longino from the Romance Studies department, for their continued support and guidance, especially in the first steps of my thesis-writing. In addition, I am grateful to Dr. Heidi Madden for helping me navigate the research process and for spending a great deal of time talking through my thesis with me every step of the way, and to Dr. Richard Salsman, Dr. Genevieve Rousseliere, Dr. Anne Garréta, and Kristen Renberg for all of their advice and suggestions. None of the above, however, are responsible for the interpretations offered here, or any errors that remain. Thank you to the entire Duke Political Science department, including Suzanne Pierce and Liam Hysjulien, as well as the Duke Roman Studies department, including Kim Travlos, for their support and for providing me this opportunity in the first place. Finally, I am especially grateful to my Mom and Dad for inspiring me. Table of Contents 2 Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………4 Part 1 …………………………………………………………………………………………...5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………..5 Purpose ………………………………………………………………………………..13 Methodology and Terms ……………………………………………………………..16 Part 2 …………………………………………………………………………………………..18 The National Rally and Women ……………………………………………………..18 Marine Le Pen ………………………………………………………………………...26 Background ……………………………………………………………………26 Rise to Power and Takeover of National Rally ………………………….. -
Do Atheism and Feminism Go Hand-In-Hand?: a Qualitative Investigation of Atheist Men’S Perspectives About Gender Equality
Do Atheism and Feminism Go Hand-in-Hand?: A Qualitative Investigation of Atheist Men’s Perspectives about Gender Equality Rebecca D. Stinson1 The University of Iowa Kathleen M. Goodman Miami University Charles Bermingham The University of Iowa Saba R. Ali The University of Iowa ABSTRACT: Drawing upon semi-structured interviews with 10 self-identified atheist men in the American Midwest, this qualitative study explored their perspectives regarding atheism, gender, and feminism. The data was analyzed using consensual qualitative research methodology (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). Results indicated these men had a proclivity for freethought—a commitment to questioning things and prioritizing reason over all else. They believed gender differences were primarily due to cultural and social influence in society. Gender inequality was highlighted as a problem within the U.S. and throughout the world, however this belief did not necessarily lead to being feminist-identified. There appeared to be a pathway linking their intellectual orientation, atheism, and belief in gender equality. KEYWORDS: ATHEISTS, MEN, GENDER EQUITY, FEMINISM 1 Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Rebecca D. Stinson, The University of Iowa, Department of Psychological and Quantitative Foundations, 361 Lindquist Center North, Iowa City, IA 52242, email: [email protected]. Secularism and Nonreligion, 2, 39-60 (2013). © Rebecca D. Stinson. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License. Published at: www.secularismandnonreligion.org. DO ATHEISM AND FEMINISM GO HAND-IN-HAND? STINSON Introduction Atheists are individuals who do not believe in a god2 or gods. It is difficult to calculate the number of atheists in the United States because of the various terms atheists use to identify themselves (e.g., humanist, skeptic, non-believer; see Zuckerman, 2009), and because atheists may hesitate to self-identify as atheists due to the negative consequences associated with the label (Arcaro, 2010). -
Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2009 Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger Jenni Marie Simon University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Simon, Jenni Marie, "Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 929. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/929 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER __________ A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of Social Sciences University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy __________ by Jenni M. Simon November 2009 Advisor: Dr. Christina Foust Author: Jenni M. Simon Title: REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER Advisor: Dr. Christina R. Foust Degree Date: November, 2009 ABSTRACT This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. -
Three Waves of Feminism
01-Krolokke-4666.qxd 6/10/2005 2:21 PM Page 1 1 Three Waves of Feminism From Suffragettes to Grrls e now ask our readers to join us in an exploration of the history of W feminism or, rather, feminisms: How have they evolved in time and space? How have they framed feminist communication scholarship in terms of what we see as a significant interplay between theory and politics? And how have they raised questions of gender, power, and communication? We shall focus our journey on the modern feminist waves from the 19th to the 21st century and underscore continuities as well as disruptions. Our starting point is what most feminist scholars consider the “first wave.” First-wave feminism arose in the context of industrial society and liberal politics but is connected to both the liberal women’s rights movement and early socialist feminism in the late 19th and early 20th century in the United States and Europe. Concerned with access and equal opportunities for women, the first wave continued to influence feminism in both Western and Eastern societies throughout the 20th century. We then move on to the sec- ond wave of feminism, which emerged in the 1960s to 1970s in postwar Western welfare societies, when other “oppressed” groups such as Blacks and homosexuals were being defined and the New Left was on the rise. Second-wave feminism is closely linked to the radical voices of women’s empowerment and differential rights and, during the 1980s to 1990s, also to a crucial differentiation of second-wave feminism itself, initiated by women of color and third-world women. -
The Public Eye, Winter 2017
WINTER 2017 The Public Eye In this issue: Religious Freedom is a Progressive Value • Birth of the Alt Right • Mobilizing Misogyny • Right Moves: Interview with Jason Stahl editor’s letter BY FREDERICK CLARKSON After the November election, the growing concern among progressives about the “Alt THE PUBLIC EYE Right”—an ideology that draws together White supremacism, misogyny, antisemitism, QUARTERLY and authoritarianism in an irony- and meme-fueled movement—became a sense of emer- gency. Followers of the movement were Sieg Heiling in Washington D.C. hotels, and a spate PUBLISHER Tarso Luís Ramos of attacks against minority groups and people of color were reported across the country. It seemed as though the worst elements of President Trump’s base had emerged en masse to EDITOR mark their victory with virulent displays of intolerance. But as with confronting any threat, Kathryn Joyce effective response first requires understanding it. COVER ART Nansi Guevara In this issue, as well as in a rapidly-expanding list of online-exclusive reports, stories, and LAYOUT profiles, PRA is doing what it does best: digging into the fraught subject of the White na- Gabriel Joffe tionalist Alt Right with meticulous research and broad historical context. This edition of PRINTING The Public Eye includes two full-length features concerning the Alt Right. The first of these Red Sun Press is David Neiwert’s “Birth of the Alt Right” (pg. 4). Neiwert, who with journalist Sarah EDITORIAL BOARD Posner investigated the movement over the course of the presidential race, delves into the Frederick Clarkson • Alex DiBranco deep backstory of how the Alt Right came to be. -
Sisters at Odds
REVIEW Sisters at odds DIANA SCHAUB hadUST itsas Jacobinsthe movement, so too forthe"Libertyfeminist, Equality,movement, Fraternity"with its parallel call for women's liberation, the equality of the sexes, and politically conceived sisterhood. According to Christina Hoff Sommers, it is the final term of the triad that has in- spired dangerous radicalism in the feminist camp and led to something on the order of feminism's own Reign of Terror. Liberty and equality, yes--those are the hallmarks of what Sommers terms "equity" or "First Wave" feminism: "the tradi- tional, classically liberal, humanistic feminism that was initi- ated more than 150 years ago." Original feminism demanded and won fundamental political rights for women and opened up educational and economic opportunity. Sommers considers herself and most Americans to be feminists of this sort--heirs to the Enlightenment and its principles of individual justice. Her quarrel is with the "Second Wave" or "gender" feminists who have abandoned universalism for gynocentrism and traded enfranchisement for seemingly permanent victim status. Soli- darity with women has come to mean hostility to men, and particularly to that alleged system of male dominance: the "heteropatriarchy." Who Stole Feminism? How Women Have Betrayed Women _ is an attempt to reclaim feminism from these female Jacobins (prominent among them, Catherine MacKinnon, Naomi Wolf, Andrea Dworkin, Alison Jaggar, Susan Faludi, and Catherine Stimpson). In her Girondist dissent, Sommers joins a growing number of women, from Katie Roiphe to Camille Paglia, trying to wrest power from the radical Montagnards. Sommers claims that "misandrism [man-hating] ... was not a notable feature of the women's movement until our own times"; indeed, she finds that "the idea that women are in a gender _Simon and Schuster. -
2017-Year-In-Review-Peakprosperity
2017 Year in Review Markets Fiddle While Rome Burns David B. Collum Betty R. Miller Professor of Chemistry and Chemical Biology Cornell University Email: [email protected] Twitter: @DavidBCollum Introduction “He is funnier than you are.” ~David Einhorn, Greenlight Capital, on Dave Barry’s Year in Review Every December, I write a survey trying to capture the year’s prevailing themes. I appear to have stiff competition—the likes of Dave Barry on one extreme1 and on the other, Pornhub’s marvelous annual climax that probes deeply personal preferences in the world’s favorite pastime.2 (I know when I’m licked.) My efforts began as a few paragraphs discussing the markets on Doug Noland’s bear chat board and monotonically expanded to a tome covering the orb we call Earth. It posts at Peak Prosperity, reposts at ZeroHedge, and then fans out from there. Bearishness and right-leaning libertarianism shine through as I spelunk the Internet for human folly to couch in snarky prose while trying to avoid the “expensive laugh” (too much setup).3 I rely on quotes to let others do the intellectual heavy lifting. PeakProsperity.com 1 “Consider adding more of your own thinking and judgment to the mix . most folks are familiar with general facts but are unable to process them into a coherent and actionable framework.” ~Tony Deden, founder of Edelweiss Holdings, on his second read through my 2016 Year in Review “Just the facts, ma’am.” ~Joe Friday By October, I have usually accrued 500 single-spaced pages of notes, quotes, and anecdotes. -
Voltairine De Cleyre: More of an Anarchist Than a Feminist?
LIBERTARIAN PAPERS VOL. 2, ART. NO. 8 (2010) VOLTAIRINE DE CLEYRE: MORE OF AN ANARCHIST THAN A FEMINIST? STEVE J. SHONE* IN RECENT YEARS, there has been significant interest in the writings of Voltairine de Cleyre (1866–1912), with a number of authors attempting to reassess her work, in some cases drawing increased attention to the perspective that her ideas constitute a form of feminism. Remembered also as a poet, anarchist, and atheist, de Cleyre was born in Leslie, Michigan, a small town south of Lansing. Her parents, who were impoverished tailors, left Leslie when Voltairine was about one year old, following the accidental drowning death of another daughter, Marion, at the age of five. The family moved to St. Johns, Michigan, a town on the north side of Lansing (Avrich 1978, 19–20; Havel [1914] 2005, 7). Despite the objections of Voltairine’s mother, her father, an atheist and admirer of Voltaire, created her distinctive given name to commemorate his own beliefs (Avrich 1978, 19; Havel [1914] 2005, 7; Palczewski 1955, 54; Sartwell 2005, 4). Schooled at the Convent of Our Lady of Lake Huron, in Sarnia, Ontario, de Cleyre rebelled against the physical and intellectual rigidity of her training and rejected religion, although some commentators feel that she retained a somewhat clerical demeanor, which DeLamotte (2004, 35) refers to as “an emotional kinship to the religious sensibility.” Her ally in anarchism, *Steve J. Shone, Ph.D. may be reached at [email protected]. His book, Lysander Spooner: American Anarchist will be published by Lexington Books in May, 2010. -
Violence Against Women
Violence Against Women Karen F. Balkin, Book Editor Daniel Leone,President Bonnie Szumski, Publisher Scott Barbour, Managing Editor Helen Cothran, Senior Editor CURRENT CONTROVERSIES San Diego • Detroit • New York • San Francisco • Cleveland New Haven, Conn. • Waterville, Maine • London • Munich © 2004 by Greenhaven Press. Greenhaven Press is an imprint of The Gale Group, Inc., a division of Thomson Learning, Inc. Greenhaven® and Thomson Learning™ are trademarks used herein under license. For more information, contact Greenhaven Press 27500 Drake Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 Or you can visit our Internet site at http://www.gale.com ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, Web distribution or information storage retrieval systems—without the written permission of the publisher. Every effort has been made to trace the owners of copyrighted material. Cover credit: © Najlah Feanny/CORBIS SABA LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Violence against women / Karen F. Balkin, book editor. p. cm. — (Current controversies) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7377-2042-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-7377-2041-7 (lib. bdg. : alk. paper) 1. Women—Violence against. 2. Women—Violence against—United States. I. Balkin, Karen F., 1949– . II. Series. HV6250.4.W65V536 2004 362.88'082—dc21 2003048328 Printed in the United States of America Contents Foreword 8 Introduction 10 Chapter 1: Is Violence Against Women in the United States a Serious Problem? Chapter Preface 15 Yes: Violence Against Women in the United States Is a Serious Problem Violence Against Women Is a Serious Problem by Patricia Tjaden and Nancy Thoennes 17 Physical violence against women in America is widespread, injurious, and sometimes deadly. -
Reagan's “Gender Gap” Strategy and the Limitations of Free-Market Feminism
marisa chappell Reagan’s “Gender Gap” Strategy and the Limitations of Free-Market Feminism In late November 1982, presidential aide Lee Atwater forwarded to chief of staff James Baker a report warning about “one of the most severe challenges facing the [Reagan] administration” in the coming year, one that “could lock the GOP into permanent minority status.” He was referring to the “gender gap”: 1 women had voted for Reagan in signifi cantly lower proportions than men, Reagan’s approval lagged among women, and pundits credited women voters with several Democratic victories in the 1982 midterm elections. Polls also showed potential presidential contenders for 1984 running “substantially better among women than men in trial heats with President Reagan.” Pollster Ronald Hinckley counseled that “continued growth of the gender gap . could cause serious trouble for Republicans in 1984,” while California congresswoman Bobbie Felder warned that the gender gap could prove “disastrous.” Media analysts contributed to Republican alarm. Adam Clymer speculated in the New York Times that the gender gap “may infl uence American life in the 1980s as much as the civil rights revolution did in the 1960s.” 2 Th e gender gap off ered feminists and Democrats as much hope as it caused Republicans worries. Former New York congresswoman Bella Abzug I would like to thank Rebecca Davis, Serena Mayari, Alice Kessler-Harris, Wendy Mink, participants in the session on “Th e Political Uses of Feminism, 1970–2000” at the 2010 Organization of American Historians Annual Meeting, and Eileen Boris for thoughtful comments and suggestions; Carol Bucy for sharing her paper on the Reagan administra- tion’s debates about women; and the archivists at the Reagan Presidential Library. -
Is It Possible to Identify As a Feminist and Vote for Donald Trump?
The feminists who voted for Trump: Is it possible to identify as a feminist and vote for Donald Trump? Politics with a minor in International Relations Abstract 1 Literature on feminist voting in the 2016 American Presidential election has focused predominantly around Hillary Clinton. For many researchers, the existence of feminists voting for Donald Trump is merely a consequence of feminist reactions to Clinton. Additionally, much of this research is media based, indicating a lack of academic rigour to its conclusions. Although some scholars have investigated the reasoning behind the many white women who voted Trump, they have not explored this fully with feminist theory in mind. This dissertation will focus exclusively on feminist women who chose to vote for Trump. Utilizing a broad range of feminist theory, from waves of feminism to the hyphenation model, it will formulate a definition of feminism in 2016 America. This will indicate the theory behind feminist justifications for voting Trump. Existing interviews with feminist Trump voters will be analysed against the theoretical definition of feminism. This will provide examples of how feminists explain their voting choices in practice and demonstrate both the links and discrepancies between Trump and feminism. On reflection, this dissertation finds the common understanding of feminism as directly opposed to Trump to be overly simplistic. Whilst some feminist voters provide reasons for voting Trump that appear to contradict the theory of feminism, others provide explanations that are strongly rooted in feminist theory. It concludes, that whilst it is unlikely, it is possible to identify as feminist and vote for Trump. -
Free Speech in Peril
Cover Free Speech in Peril College—Where You Can’t Say What You Think pg. 1 MindingtheCampus.org Title Page FREE SPEECH IN PERIL College: Where You Can’t Say What You Think MINDING THE CAMPUS pg. 2 MindingtheCampus.org TABLE OF CONTENTS One: Exploiting Diversity as a Political PAGE 07 Wedge TK essays describing how once well-intentioned policies became corrupted by identity politics and bloated administrative staffs. The articles, like all others in this publication, were written primarily by professors and educators. Two: Rejecting the First Amendment PAGE 124 Today’s colleges and universities have mastered the art of intimidation—not only silencing students who might deviate from the current orthodoxy on campus, but also making it clear that professors risk their tenure if they don’t toe the political line. Three: Silencing Conservatives PAGE 207 In a powerful essay, author Charles Murray describes how protestors tried to stop him from speaking about his new book at Middlebury College, despite being invited by students. His experience was mirrored by many other conservative professors and analysts, including Heather Mac Donald and Professor Amy Wax. Four: Indoctrinating Students PAGE 260 It’s clear from the moment they set foot on campus that students have entered a monoculture. Everyone must believe in the same basic tenets—that if something or someone makes you “feel bad,” it’s evil. pg. 3 MindingtheCampus.org INTRODUCTION By John Leo “If men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter, which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us; the freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep, to the slaughter.” — George Washington, first U.S.