9/11 - the Rebirth of the Myth of the American Hero and Feminism
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Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock
Genders 1998-2013 Genders 1998-2013 Genders 1998-2013 Home (/gendersarchive1998-2013/) Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock May 1, 2012 • By Linda Mizejewski (/gendersarchive1998-2013/linda-mizejewski) [1] The title of Tina Fey's humorous 2011 memoir, Bossypants, suggests how closely Fey is identified with her Emmy-award winning NBC sitcom 30 Rock (2006-), where she is the "boss"—the show's creator, star, head writer, and executive producer. Fey's reputation as a feminist—indeed, as Hollywood's Token Feminist, as some journalists have wryly pointed out—heavily inflects the character she plays, the "bossy" Liz Lemon, whose idealistic feminism is a mainstay of her characterization and of the show's comedy. Fey's comedy has always focused on gender, beginning with her work on Saturday Night Live (SNL) where she became that show's first female head writer in 1999. A year later she moved from behind the scenes to appear in the "Weekend Update" sketches, attracting national attention as a gifted comic with a penchant for zeroing in on women's issues. Fey's connection to feminist politics escalated when she returned to SNL for guest appearances during the presidential campaign of 2008, first in a sketch protesting the sexist media treatment of Hillary Clinton, and more forcefully, in her stunning imitations of vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin, which launched Fey into national politics and prominence. [2] On 30 Rock, Liz Lemon is the head writer of an NBC comedy much likeSNL, and she is identified as a "third wave feminist" on the pilot episode. -
The War on Terror and the Problematique of the War Paradigm
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W EL F A R E The War on Terror and the Problematique of the War Paradigm By Dino Kritsiotis Confronting Global Terrorism and American Neo-Conservatism: The Framework of a Liberal Grand Strategy . By Tom Farer. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2008. This volume is not for the faint-of-heart. In Confronting Global Terrorism and American Neo- Conservatism: The Framework of A Liberal Grand Strategy (2008), Tom Farer reaches deep into psyche and soul of “a nation’s humanistic culture” (79), 1 and examines the “fateful decision” of the Bush Administration after September 11, 2001, “to pursue its ends unconstrained by conventional interpretations of the applicable law” (82). He argues that “it would strain credulity if someone suggested that [the torture memoranda] were spontaneously generated by mid-level officials” and locates the heart of decision-making in the White House of the Bush Administration who, Farer writes, “requested legal advice both to determine the limits imposed by acts of Congress and the risk of criminal liability particularly for persons not in a position to deny responsibility if they went outside statutory law and their actions became public” (85). There is no mincing of words here, no recoiling from the charges or criticisms made, and it is a process that comes with its unflattering and hard-hitting historical parallels (64). Yet, it is also the case that a strong sense takes hold in Confronting Global Terrorism that the path trodden by the United States in these years need not have been so—that this particular democracy need not have compromised its moral standing and its authority, or its commitment to the rule of law. -
Militarised Masculinity in the Colombian Armed Conflict: Gender Attitudes and Configurations of Practice
Militarised masculinity in the Colombian armed conflict: gender attitudes and configurations of practice Signe Svallfors, Stockholm University Department of Sociology and Demography Unit WORK IN PROGRESS, DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE Abstract I explore a number of outcomes relating to the concept of militarised masculinity in Colombia, combing nationally representative data on individual women’s health and behaviour with regional historical data on armed conflict violence from 1998–2016. Militarised masculinity is operationalised both as attitudes towards gender equality and as configurations of practice. Using multiple department fixed effects linear probability models, the preliminary results show that conflict related positively to four different outcomes. The probability of emotional, less physical, as well as sexual intimate partner violence by men against women increased with more conflict violence. As did women’s tolerance towards violence against women. Conflict further related negatively to the probability of women taking part in decisions surrounding their health care, and the probability of women’s violence against their male intimate partners. Experiences of severe intimate partner violence and sexual violence perpetrated by others than the respondent’s partner did not associate to armed conflict. 1 Introduction Militarised masculinity conceptualises a shift in male gender norms, attitudes and behaviours towards the soldier as hegemonic within contexts of armed conflict (Goldstein, 2001; Rones & Fasting, 2017; Wadham, 2017). A growing body of research has analysed sexual violence in war (e.g. Cohen, 2013; Eriksson Baaz & Stern, 2009; M. L. Leiby, 2009; Muvumba Sellström, 2016; Solangon & Patel, 2012). But the gendered dynamics of war in the private sphere are less known and have scarcely been addressed quantitatively. -
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: a Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov a Thesis
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: A Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov A thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science for honors Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2019 1 Note name change from National Front to National Rally in June 2018 1 Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to a number of people who were integral to my research and thesis-writing journey. I thank my advisor, Dr. Michael Munger, for his expertise and guidance. I am also very grateful to my two independent study advisors, Dr. Beth Holmgren from the Slavic and Eurasian Studies department and Dr. Michèle Longino from the Romance Studies department, for their continued support and guidance, especially in the first steps of my thesis-writing. In addition, I am grateful to Dr. Heidi Madden for helping me navigate the research process and for spending a great deal of time talking through my thesis with me every step of the way, and to Dr. Richard Salsman, Dr. Genevieve Rousseliere, Dr. Anne Garréta, and Kristen Renberg for all of their advice and suggestions. None of the above, however, are responsible for the interpretations offered here, or any errors that remain. Thank you to the entire Duke Political Science department, including Suzanne Pierce and Liam Hysjulien, as well as the Duke Roman Studies department, including Kim Travlos, for their support and for providing me this opportunity in the first place. Finally, I am especially grateful to my Mom and Dad for inspiring me. Table of Contents 2 Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………4 Part 1 …………………………………………………………………………………………...5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………..5 Purpose ………………………………………………………………………………..13 Methodology and Terms ……………………………………………………………..16 Part 2 …………………………………………………………………………………………..18 The National Rally and Women ……………………………………………………..18 Marine Le Pen ………………………………………………………………………...26 Background ……………………………………………………………………26 Rise to Power and Takeover of National Rally ………………………….. -
Ulating the American Man: Fear and Masculinity in the Post-9/11 American Superhero Film
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 5-2011 Remas(k)ulating the American Man: Fear and Masculinity in the Post-9/11 American Superhero Film Carolyn P. Fisher College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Fisher, Carolyn P., "Remas(k)ulating the American Man: Fear and Masculinity in the Post-9/11 American Superhero Film" (2011). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 402. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/402 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Remas(k)ulating the American Man: Fear and Masculinity in the Post-9/11 American Superhero Film by Carolyn Fisher A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy from The College of William and Mary Accepted for _________________________________ (Honors, High Honors, Highest Honors) ______________________________________ Dr. Colleen Kennedy, Director ______________________________________ Dr. Frederick Corney ______________________________________ Dr. Arthur Knight Williamsburg, VA April 15, 2011 Fisher 1 Introduction Superheroes have served as sites for the reflection and shaping of American ideals and fears since they first appeared in comic book form in the 1930s. As popular icons which are meant to engage the American imagination and fulfill (however unrealistically) real American desires, they are able to inhabit an idealized and fantastical space in which these desires can be achieved and American enemies can be conquered. -
Metoo and the Promise and Pitfalls of Challenging Rape Culture Through
#MeToo and the Promise and Pitfalls of Challenging Rape Culture through Digital Feminist Activism Kaitlynn Mendes, University of Leicester Jessica Ringrose, University of London, Institute of Education Jessalynn Keller, University of Calgary On 24th October 2017, the #MeToo hashtag began trending on Twitter. Although the phrase was initiated by African American women’s rights activists Tarana Burke in 2006, it gained widespread attention when actress Alyssa Milano used it as a Twitter hashtag in response to allegations of sexual assault by Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Through the #MeToo hashtag, Milano encouraged members of the public to join in to showcase the magnitude of the problem of sexual violence. Capturing both public and media attention, the hashtag was used 12 million times in the first 24 hours alone (CBS, 2017). Since 2014, we have been studying the ways feminists have increasingly turned to digital technologies and social media platforms to dialogue, network and organise against contemporary sexism, misogyny and rape culture (see Mendes et al., forthcoming).i As a research team the sheer volume of attention paid towards this hashtag took us by surprise, but the fact survivors took to social media to share their experiences and engage in a ‘call-out culture’ resonated strongly with our research findings over the past three years. Although #MeToo is perhaps one of the most high-profile examples of digital feminist activism we have yet encountered, it follows a growing trend of the public’s willingness to engage with resistance and challenges to sexism, patriarchy and other forms of oppression via feminist uptake of digital communication. -
Dear #Meninists
DEAR #MENINISTS: Graphic: Fia Miller When I first heard the term “meninism,” I thought it was some type of religion (I was confusing it with “Mennonite”). As it turns out, I was very wrong. Meninism began in the early 2000s to describe a semi-satirical movement opposed to sexism and in support of women’s equality. It has since become an ideology mocking radical feminism, claiming that men, too, suffer from gender-based oppression. Highlighting issues like “men’s rights,” “violence against men,” and “victimization by women,” it has taken the idea of feminism and flipped it on its head. And that’s where the problem is. Meninists seem to target misandry and the hatred of men rather than proper, basic feminism—not hatred, but rather the idea that all sexes and genders deserve equal rights and opportunities. They claim that men, too, are victims of sexism, that they have to conform to unrealistic social expectations: they must be tough, never emotional; they should like soldiers and superheroes and never princesses. They insist that boys and men are injured in sports and combat while trying to live up to societal expectations, that stereotypes hurt men, too—and, in these respects, they’re not wrong. Society’s strict gender roles and stereotypes hurt everyone involved—girls shouldn’t have to be pink, boys shouldn’t have to be blue. Lately, a popular debate has been that of gendered toys; why not give little boys Barbies and little girls racecars? I don’t see any reason a child should be prevented from playing with a toy because it is labeled “just for girls” or “boys DEAR #MENINISTS: only.” While women have their own set of stereotypes, men are often expected to be tough and athletic, not sensitive or emotional. -
Antifeminism in New Nationalist Discourse 2020 AUTHORS
Antifeminism in New Nationalist Discourse 2020 AUTHORS Sophio Tskhvariashvili Shota Saghinadze The project was achieved with the support of the Women’s Fund in Georgia Georgian Young Greens 2020 Antifeminism in New Nationalist Discourse Problem description Antifeminism, as a political phenomenon, is reactionary and is often used as a tool for right-wing radicalization. Antifeminism is often associated with anti-queer sentiments since the main goal of feminist and queer activism is to eliminate the patriarchal social order and the social inequality it causes. In the Georgian context, we can identify the political actors who take this reac- tionary position and divide them into three research categories: 1) FAR-RIGHT (GEORGIAN MARCH, LEVAN VASADZE, ETC.) Their position on the above issues is direct and openly negative, which, in many cases, can also be a source of direct violence. These distinctly reactionary groups do not want to maintain a dominant quo status and seek to return to the mythologized "good old days" where a cis-hetero, Christian, ethnically Georgian man held an absolute dominant position. A necessary condition for the self-expression of their power is the subjugation of women and the destruction of "deviants". 2) "PROGRESSIVE" FORCES (GIRCHI, FREEDOM SOCIETY, ANTI-OCCUPATION MOVEMENT) In this case, we are dealing with politically relatively variable groups that fall into the range of those with nominally progressive values: libertarians, liberals, and liberals with nationalistic tendencies. They position themselves as advocates of women and queer rights, although their rhetoric often serves to downplay the importance of feminist and queer movements. The frequent disregard for the positions of queer and feminist activ- ists, and the rejection of systemic problems as a concept, only serves to reinforce the existing misogynistic and queerphobic background. -
University of Southampton Research Repository Eprints Soton
University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES English Behind Apocalypse The Cultural Legacy of 9/11 by Matthew Stuart Leggatt Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2013 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT HUMANITIES English Doctor of Philosophy BEHIND APOCALYPSE THE CULTURAL LEGACY OF 9/11 by Matthew Stuart Leggatt ‘Part One: 9/11 and the Death of the Capitalist Utopia’ focuses on how 9/11 has been memorialised, mythologised, and mobilised by contemporary culture. It examines a range of cultural materials from literature, film, and architecture, to 9/11 in the media. The section discusses, through a fusion of cultural and political thought, how the War on Terror became the inevitable continuation of the binary rhetoric of good and evil perpetuated since 9/11. -
IS MENINISM the NEW FEMINISM? Meninism. MenIngitis...Men
IS MENINISM THE NEW FEMINISM? Meninism. Meningitis...menstruation...menopause. It would appear that men are at the root of a lot of our problems.Yes, we are talking about meninism. A four syllable semi-satirical name given to a movement birthed from men’s rights activists or MRA’s for short. The term was initially spread on social media platforms to satirise radical feminists and feminism as a whole, but the disturbing thing is this joke has escalated into more than that. These men truly believe they are the oppressed sex and maybe they have a point. But can we really believe what the anti-feminists have to say? What essentially started off as meme culture, “why can’t she buy flowers for him” or the classic “make me a sandwich” meme that everyone has seen with an ironic “#meninist”, has spread its “message” like a nasty rash on people’s timelines; the concept of “meninism” may appear superficially as utterly trivial, as it infested the entire world’s social media, but threads and threads filled with bad jokes, rooting themselves so deeply into our online subconscious have led many to actually supporting the movement. Watch out feminists, the boys are back in town and they are here to bring - drum roll please - gender equality! These so called gender equality activists inhabit multiple forums such as Reddit, the darkest and genuinely most terrifying place on the internet, a cesspool filled with boys and men craving an answer to why the feminazis are corrupting their treasured masculinity. And just to make things more alarming - it is one hundred percent anonymous, so they can spread the word of the feminist antichrist, also known as Paul Elam. -
Narrating the Movement: a Rhetorical Analysis on the Digital Mobilization, Remix, and Hijack of #Metoo
Illinois State University ISU ReD: Research and eData Theses and Dissertations 4-2-2021 Narrating The Movement: A Rhetorical Analysis On The Digital Mobilization, Remix, And Hijack Of #Metoo Rocky Roque Illinois State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd Part of the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Roque, Rocky, "Narrating The Movement: A Rhetorical Analysis On The Digital Mobilization, Remix, And Hijack Of #Metoo" (2021). Theses and Dissertations. 1407. https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd/1407 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ISU ReD: Research and eData. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ISU ReD: Research and eData. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NARRATING THE MOVEMENT: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS ON THE DIGITAL MOBILIZATION, REMIX, AND HIJACK OF #METOO ROCKY ROQUE 129 Pages The Me Too movement garnered digital disclosures after Alyssa Milano’s initial tweet in October 2017. Over the period of two years, different remixes of #MeToo surfaced which led to the subsequent hijack of the hashtag. Furthermore, Boyle (2019) argued that the movement can be studied as a “moment” or a “discourse.” Scholars have examined Me Too as a moment, or a singular occurrence that emerged due to mainstream popularity. However, this analysis will study the movement as a discourse, to reveal the intricate interactions present with each remixed hashtag. Through Fisher’s narrative paradigm, an in-depth analysis was conducted to examine how Twitter disclosures contain narrative coherence and fidelity. -
The Public Eye, Winter 2017
WINTER 2017 The Public Eye In this issue: Religious Freedom is a Progressive Value • Birth of the Alt Right • Mobilizing Misogyny • Right Moves: Interview with Jason Stahl editor’s letter BY FREDERICK CLARKSON After the November election, the growing concern among progressives about the “Alt THE PUBLIC EYE Right”—an ideology that draws together White supremacism, misogyny, antisemitism, QUARTERLY and authoritarianism in an irony- and meme-fueled movement—became a sense of emer- gency. Followers of the movement were Sieg Heiling in Washington D.C. hotels, and a spate PUBLISHER Tarso Luís Ramos of attacks against minority groups and people of color were reported across the country. It seemed as though the worst elements of President Trump’s base had emerged en masse to EDITOR mark their victory with virulent displays of intolerance. But as with confronting any threat, Kathryn Joyce effective response first requires understanding it. COVER ART Nansi Guevara In this issue, as well as in a rapidly-expanding list of online-exclusive reports, stories, and LAYOUT profiles, PRA is doing what it does best: digging into the fraught subject of the White na- Gabriel Joffe tionalist Alt Right with meticulous research and broad historical context. This edition of PRINTING The Public Eye includes two full-length features concerning the Alt Right. The first of these Red Sun Press is David Neiwert’s “Birth of the Alt Right” (pg. 4). Neiwert, who with journalist Sarah EDITORIAL BOARD Posner investigated the movement over the course of the presidential race, delves into the Frederick Clarkson • Alex DiBranco deep backstory of how the Alt Right came to be.