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CHRISTIANITY in EARLY MEIJI JAPAN Preface in Accordance With CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN THE BALANCE OF FAITH, STATE, AND CHURCH AS SEEN THROUGH MEIROKU ZASSHI Preface In accordance with the Five Article Oath (Gokajô no Goseimon) of 1868, Japan started a search throughout the world, to become a modern nation. The goals during the first years after the restoration were “a rich country and a strong army” (fukoku kyôhei), and “civilization and enlightenment” (bunmei kaika) to swiftly reach equality with the West. Much of this search was focused on the Western material and techno- logical lead. However, as Herbert Passin states, “even a material object or an industrial process, implies a whole supportive network of ideas, philosophy, social organization, etc. One cannot accept the one without, at least over a period of time, accepting the rest.”1 Adopting Western science would thus mean that Western ideology, philosophy, visions and conflicts would enter Japan as well. In this way, Christianity, forbidden in Japan since the seventeenth century, had a sec- ond opportunity to enter the country. Apart from the adoption of Western technology, the new leaders were also looking for an ideology that could turn Japan into a unified nation, and create equality with the Western powers. The feudal system had been abolished, and along with it, Confucianism had lost a great deal of its authority. Large scale orientation took place inside as well as outside Japan. Here again opportunities existed for Christianity. Here I would like to analyze with the vision of the modernizers and intellectuals of Japan on Christianity as an ideology. I would like to limit this analysis to a certain period. In 1873 the edicts prohibiting Christian- ity to the Japanese were removed. Only in 1889 the ban was officially lifted, but from 1873 onwards there was some tolerance. In 1875 laws were enacted that limited freedom of speech. Thus, 1873-1875 marks a period in which Japanese could write relatively safely about Christianity. 1 PASSIN, Herbert, “Modernization and the Japanese Intellectual: Some Comparative Observations”, in: JANSEN, Marius, B. ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Mod- ernization, Charles E. Tuttle Co., Tokyo, 1985, p.∞∞482. 152 A.M. VAN DER WERF The subject is too broad to treat all thinkers. I have chosen the mag- azine Meiroku Zasshi of Meirokusha, a society of thinkers of different backgrounds, who concentrated on the spread of knowledge. The mag- azine was published in 1874 and 1875: the period of relative freedom to write about Christianity. In this way Meiroku Zasshi can provide a view on the ideas on Christianity in the early Meiji period (1868- 1912). Did the writers of Meiroku Zasshi view Christianity as a possible means for the unification of Japan, in order to enlighten the country, and swiftly attain equality with the West? Was Christianity, in their vision, connected to Western science? Did they see religion as an obstruction to rational thinking? What did they base their vision on? Did they use the Bible or secondary literature? And, would Christianity be a threat to the Japanese identity? Passin’s theory would mean that Christianity would come along with the adoption of Western technology, and, as an exclusive religion, would thereby indeed threaten the Japanese identity. On the other hand, there is the theory of Yoda Yoshiie that states that Japan does not introduce new elements as a replacement for the old, but allows new and old elements to coexist. Modernization in Japan does not mean abandoning the old. If confronted with choice, Japan would choose the best of both possibili- ties, according to Yoda. For the 1860’s and 1870’s this would mean that they would choose for the superior Western technology, but would remain true to their own ethics: “Eastern ethics, Western technology” (Tôyô dôtoku Seiyô gijutsu)2. MEIROKUSHA AND MEIROKU ZASSHI Society and Magazine For a detailed account of the early days of the society, diaries of the key members would have been of tremendous value. However, apart from those of Katô Hiroyuki (1836-1916), no diaries have been left3. This leaves us with Ôjiroku, the autobiography of Nishimura Shigeki (1828-1902), the speech Mori Arinori (1847-1889) held in February 1875 at the first anniversary of Meirokusha, Mori’s letters, the first issue 2 YODA Yoshiie, Radtke, Kurt W., trans. The Foundations of Japan’s Modernization; a Comparison With China’s Path Towards Modernization, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1996, pp.∞∞1- 6. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 153 of Meiroku Zasshi, and the diaries of Katô, to reconstruct the formation of Meirokusha4. Early in 1873 Mori returned from his post as chargé d’affairs (benri kôshi) for the Japanese government in the United States, and came into contact with Nishimura. Mori was disappointed about the fact that scholars in Japan were isolated, that exchange of knowledge was trivial, and that they made virtually no effort for the betterment of society. Besides this, he argued that morality in Japan had deteriorated over the last few years. He now wanted to introduce in Japan a society that would encourage science, and stress the norms and values, just like he had seen in the US. Nishimura agreed, and together they approached several peo- ple to join them. Judging from Mori’s speech in February 1875, the society, despite the name “Meirokusha” (Meiji 6 society), took its proper form in February 1874 (Meiji 7). Up to that time several informal meetings had been held, which for the most part were concerned with what form the society should take, what the aims should be, and how they could contribute to the enlightenment of society5. After Fukuzawa Yukichi (1834-1901) had declined the presidency, the chair was offered to Mori. In February 1875 the society had expanded up to thirty members, including five more regular members (teiin), five correspondents (tsûshin’in), and ten extraordinary members (kakugaiin). During this first year, an increasing number of guests came to attend the meetings of Meirokusha. Mori suggested to sell tickets to make the lectures public and, at the same time create extra income for the society. The following notice was published in the Yûbin Hôchi- shinbun, a newspaper. “Persons who wish to attend the lectures of 3 ÔKUBO Toshiaki, Meirokusha Kô, Rittaisha, Tokyo, 1976, pp.∞∞8-9. 4 NISHIMURA Shigeki, Ôjiroku, in: Nihon Kôdôkai comp., Nishimura Shigeki Zenshû vol.∞∞3, Shibunkaku, Kyoto, 1976, pp.∞∞620-622; Mori’s speech “Meirokusha daiichi nenkai yakuin kaisen ni tsuki enzetsu” (Speech in connection with the first anniversary of Meirokusha and the re-election of officials) in: Meiroku Zasshi (hereafter MRZ) 30, pp.∞∞198-200 (pagenumbers indicate: Meiji bunka zenshû vol. 18: Zasshi hen, Kyôdô Insatsu, Tokyo, 1928, which contains all issues of Meiroku Zasshi); Mori’s letters: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞104-106; The diaries of Katô Hiroyuki, in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞107-120; NISHI Amane, “Yôji wo motte kokugo wo shosuru no ron (On writing Japanese with western characters)”, MRZ 1, pp.∞∞51-56; NISHIMURA Shigeki, “Kaika no do ni yotte kaimoji wo hassubeki no ron” (Theory on that we should reform writing depending on the level of enlightenment), MRZ 1, pp.∞∞56-58. 5 Judging from the articles of NISHI, “Yôji wo motte…”, and NISHIMURA, “Kaika no do…”. 154 A.M. VAN DER WERF Meirokusha, receive permission of the society from the 16th of this month. For the time being, we will issue up to 30 tickets at the building in question at 1 p.m. on the 1st and 16th of every month. We will ask 8 sen per seat.”6 Lectures were not held from the very beginning of the meetings of Meirokusha. Fukuzawa Yukichi wrote in his preface to Fukuzawa Zen- shû (1897) that most of the members considered Japanese an unsuitable language to enunciate complex thoughts and ideas to the masses. Several times he tried to convince those opposed otherwise, and finally he suc- ceeded. “It was just at the time of the Formosa expedition. I talked about it fluently in a typical debating manner. I finished talking without boring anybody for thirty minutes to an hour, and sat down. When I asked whether they had followed my argument, all answered that they had understood well! […] I said: “What I just stated was in Japanese. The words I spoke entered all of your ears, and you understood the meaning; is this then not a lecture? Don’t condemn lectures from now on.””7 At the start of the second year Mori was replaced as president, in compliance with the regulations, by Mitsukuri Shûhei (1825-1886)8. However, in may 1875 the articles concerning the board in the regula- tions were drastically revised. The president was replaced by six com- missioners (kaikan) who made up the board together with the treasurer and the secretary9. Soon after the start of Meirokusha in February 1874, the society started with the publication of a magazine called Meiroku Zasshi, as was stated in the regulations10. It is unclear when the first six issues were published but based on the announcements made in Yûbin Hôchishinbun and the dates on later issues, they probably appeared in March, April and May 1874. It was the intention of Meirokusha to publish twice a month, but this was not observed strictly; in some months there were no 6 Advertisement in Yûbin Hôchishinbun no.581, 6 February Meiji 8 (1875) in: ÔKUBO Toshiaki ed., Meiji bungaku zenshû vol.3: Meiji keimô shisô shû (hereafter MKSS), Chikuma Shobô, Tokyo, 1967, pp.∞∞408-409. 7 Fragment from Fukuzawa zenshû in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞121-122. The speech Fukuzawa refers to is “Sei tai wagi no enzetsu (Speech on the peace negotiations connected to the Formosa expedition)”, MRZ 21, pp.∞∞156-158, and is dated 16 November, 1874.
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