CHRISTIANITY in EARLY MEIJI JAPAN Preface in Accordance With

CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN THE BALANCE OF FAITH, STATE, AND CHURCH AS SEEN THROUGH MEIROKU ZASSHI

Preface

In accordance with the Five Article Oath (Gokajô no Goseimon) of 1868, Japan started a search throughout the world, to become a modern nation. The goals during the first years after the restoration were “a rich country and a strong army” (fukoku kyôhei), and “civilization and enlightenment” (bunmei kaika) to swiftly reach equality with the West. Much of this search was focused on the Western material and technological lead. However, as Herbert Passin states, “even a material object or an industrial process, implies a whole supportive network of ideas, philosophy, social organization, etc. One cannot accept the one without, at least over a period of time, accepting the rest.”1 Adopting Western science would thus mean that Western ideology, philosophy, visions and conflicts would enter Japan as well. In this way, Christianity, forbidden in Japan since the seventeenth century, had a second opportunity to enter the country. Apart from the adoption of Western technology, the new leaders were also looking for an ideology that could turn Japan into a unified nation, and create equality with the Western powers. The feudal system had been abolished, and along with it, Confucianism had lost a great deal of its authority. Large scale orientation took place inside as well as outside Japan. Here again opportunities existed for Christianity. Here I would like to analyze with the vision of the modernizers and intellectuals of Japan on Christianity as an ideology. I would like to limit this analysis to a certain period. In 1873 the edicts prohibiting Christian- ity to the Japanese were removed. Only in 1889 the ban was officially lifted, but from 1873 onwards there was some tolerance. In 1875 laws were enacted that limited freedom of speech. Thus, 1873-1875 marks a period in which Japanese could write relatively safely about Christianity.

1 PASSIN, Herbert, “Modernization and the Japanese Intellectual: Some Comparative Observations”, in: JANSEN, Marius, B. ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Mod- ernization, Charles E. Tuttle Co., Tokyo, 1985, p.∞∞482. 152 A.M. VAN DER WERF

The subject is too broad to treat all thinkers. I have chosen the magazine Meiroku Zasshi of Meirokusha, a society of thinkers of different backgrounds, who concentrated on the spread of knowledge. The magazine was published in 1874 and 1875: the period of relative freedom to write about Christianity. In this way Meiroku Zasshi can provide a view on the ideas on Christianity in the early Meiji period (1868- 1912). Did the writers of Meiroku Zasshi view Christianity as a possible means for the unification of Japan, in order to enlighten the country, and swiftly attain equality with the West? Was Christianity, in their vision, connected to Western science? Did they see religion as an obstruction to rational thinking? What did they base their vision on? Did they use the Bible or secondary literature? And, would Christianity be a threat to the Japanese identity? Passin’s theory would mean that Christianity would come along with the adoption of Western technology, and, as an exclusive religion, would thereby indeed threaten the Japanese identity. On the other hand, there is the theory of Yoda Yoshiie that states that Japan does not introduce new elements as a replacement for the old, but allows new and old elements to coexist. Modernization in Japan does not mean abandoning the old. If confronted with choice, Japan would choose the best of both possibili- ties, according to Yoda. For the 1860’s and 1870’s this would mean that they would choose for the superior Western technology, but would remain true to their own ethics: “Eastern ethics, Western technology” (Tôyô dôtoku Seiyô gijutsu)2.

MEIROKUSHA AND MEIROKU ZASSHI

Society and Magazine For a detailed account of the early days of the society, diaries of the key members would have been of tremendous value. However, apart from those of Katô Hiroyuki (1836-1916), no diaries have been left3. This leaves us with Ôjiroku, the autobiography of Nishimura Shigeki (1828-1902), the speech Mori Arinori (1847-1889) held in February 1875 at the first anniversary of Meirokusha, Mori’s letters, the first issue

2 YODA Yoshiie, Radtke, Kurt W., trans. The Foundations of Japan’s Modernization; a Comparison With China’s Path Towards Modernization, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1996, pp.∞∞1- 6. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 153 of Meiroku Zasshi, and the diaries of Katô, to reconstruct the formation of Meirokusha4. Early in 1873 Mori returned from his post as chargé d’affairs (benri kôshi) for the Japanese government in the United States, and came into contact with Nishimura. Mori was disappointed about the fact that scholars in Japan were isolated, that exchange of knowledge was trivial, and that they made virtually no effort for the betterment of society. Besides this, he argued that morality in Japan had deteriorated over the last few years. He now wanted to introduce in Japan a society that would encourage science, and stress the norms and values, just like he had seen in the US. Nishimura agreed, and together they approached several people to join them. Judging from Mori’s speech in February 1875, the society, despite the name “Meirokusha” (Meiji 6 society), took its proper form in February 1874 (Meiji 7). Up to that time several informal meetings had been held, which for the most part were concerned with what form the society should take, what the aims should be, and how they could contribute to the enlightenment of society5. After Fukuzawa Yukichi (1834-1901) had declined the presidency, the chair was offered to Mori. In February 1875 the society had expanded up to thirty members, including five more regular members (teiin), five correspondents (tsûshin’in), and ten extraordinary members (kakugaiin). During this first year, an increasing number of guests came to attend the meetings of Meirokusha. Mori suggested to sell tickets to make the lectures public and, at the same time create extra income for the society. The following notice was published in the Yûbin Hôchi- shinbun, a newspaper. “Persons who wish to attend the lectures of

3 ÔKUBO Toshiaki, Meirokusha Kô, Rittaisha, Tokyo, 1976, pp.∞∞8-9. 4 NISHIMURA Shigeki, Ôjiroku, in: Nihon Kôdôkai comp., Nishimura Shigeki Zenshû vol.∞∞3, Shibunkaku, Kyoto, 1976, pp.∞∞620-622; Mori’s speech “Meirokusha daiichi nenkai yakuin kaisen ni tsuki enzetsu” (Speech in connection with the first anniversary of Meirokusha and the re-election of officials) in: Meiroku Zasshi (hereafter MRZ) 30, pp.∞∞198-200 (pagenumbers indicate: Meiji bunka zenshû vol. 18: Zasshi hen, Kyôdô Insatsu, Tokyo, 1928, which contains all issues of Meiroku Zasshi); Mori’s letters: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞104-106; The diaries of Katô Hiroyuki, in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞107-120; NISHI Amane, “Yôji wo motte kokugo wo shosuru no ron (On writing Japanese with western characters)”, MRZ 1, pp.∞∞51-56; NISHIMURA Shigeki, “Kaika no do ni yotte kaimoji wo hassubeki no ron” (Theory on that we should reform writing depending on the level of enlightenment), MRZ 1, pp.∞∞56-58. 5 Judging from the articles of NISHI, “Yôji wo motte…”, and NISHIMURA, “Kaika no do…”. 154 A.M. VAN DER WERF

Meirokusha, receive permission of the society from the 16th of this month. For the time being, we will issue up to 30 tickets at the building in question at 1 p.m. on the 1st and 16th of every month. We will ask 8 sen per seat.”6 Lectures were not held from the very beginning of the meetings of Meirokusha. Fukuzawa Yukichi wrote in his preface to Fukuzawa Zen- shû (1897) that most of the members considered Japanese an unsuitable language to enunciate complex thoughts and ideas to the masses. Several times he tried to convince those opposed otherwise, and finally he succeeded. “It was just at the time of the Formosa expedition. I talked about it fluently in a typical debating manner. I finished talking without boring anybody for thirty minutes to an hour, and sat down. When I asked whether they had followed my argument, all answered that they had understood well! […] I said: “What I just stated was in Japanese. The words I spoke entered all of your ears, and you understood the meaning; is this then not a lecture? Don’t condemn lectures from now on.””7 At the start of the second year Mori was replaced as president, in compliance with the regulations, by Mitsukuri Shûhei (1825-1886)8. However, in may 1875 the articles concerning the board in the regulations were drastically revised. The president was replaced by six commissioners (kaikan) who made up the board together with the treasurer and the secretary9. Soon after the start of Meirokusha in February 1874, the society started with the publication of a magazine called Meiroku Zasshi, as was stated in the regulations10. It is unclear when the first six issues were published but based on the announcements made in Yûbin Hôchishinbun and the dates on later issues, they probably appeared in March, April and May 1874. It was the intention of Meirokusha to publish twice a month, but this was not observed strictly; in some months there were no

6 Advertisement in Yûbin Hôchishinbun no.581, 6 February Meiji 8 (1875) in: ÔKUBO Toshiaki ed., Meiji bungaku zenshû vol.3: Meiji keimô shisô shû (hereafter MKSS), Chikuma Shobô, Tokyo, 1967, pp.∞∞408-409. 7 Fragment from Fukuzawa zenshû in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞121-122. The speech Fukuzawa refers to is “Sei tai wagi no enzetsu (Speech on the peace negotiations connected to the Formosa expedition)”, MRZ 21, pp.∞∞156-158, and is dated 16 November, 1874. 8 Announcement in Yûbin Hôchishinbun no.∞∞577, 2 February 1875 (Meiji 8); in: MKSS, p. 409. 9 Revised regulations of May 1875, in: MKSS, p.∞∞404-405. 10 Regulations of February 1873, article 13, in: MKSS, pp.∞∞403-404. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 155 publications at all, in others four or even five. Nevertheless, on average Meiroku Zasshi was published a little over twice a month, with an average of 3,205 copies sold per issue in the first year11.

End of Publication In his speech of February 1875, Mori stated that the society faced difficult times. The cause for these difficulties was the deliberation of political issues by the members of Meirokusha. Although it was the intention of the society not to react or comment on the current political situation, several issues were dealt with, if only abstractly. Mori feared measures by government. Apart from prohibition for false accusation and libel, articles X, XI, XII and XIII of the regulations concerning newspapers of the Shuppan Jôrei of October 1873, limited writers in their publications. It was forbidden to discuss law and the constitution, and no foreign ideas were to be introduced that might hinder the policy or administration of government, or cause any degree of revolt12. The Shinbun Jôrei of 28 July 187513 limited publications even further, prohibiting criticism on the government, presenting of memorials or petitions, and disturbing the minds of the people. What was to limit Meiroku Zasshi most were articles VI and VII, which stipulated that newspapers and magazines were to have one editor who was fully responsible for the contents of publication. Meiroku Zasshi had been a magazine in which writers could publish independently. Articles were not meant to represent Meirokusha as a whole. The magazine was intended to make the discussions held at the meetings public. One single editor, who would be legally responsible for all the publications did not

11 BRAISTED, William Reynolds, Meiroku Zasshi, Journal of the Japanese Enlighten- ment, University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo, 1976, p. xx-xxi; Advertisement Yûbin Hôchi- shinbun No. 286, 9 March, 1874 (Meiji 7) in: MKSS, p. 406. Ôkubo questions the dating of the magazine because the dates indicated on the issues often differ from the dates announced in the newspapers. Ôkubo thinks that the advertisements are correct, and that the dates on the magazine were the intentional dates of publication. See: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞29-31. Unfortunately, no figures are known about the second year. See ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, p.∞∞8. 12 Newspaper Regulations; Notif. No. 352, Oct. 19 1873, in: MCLAREN, W.W. ed., Japanese Government Documents, University Publications of America Inc., Reprint, Washington D.C., 1979, pp.∞∞534-535. 13 The Newspaper Press Law; Notif. No.101, June 28, 1875, in: MCLAREN, Japanese Government Documents, pp.∞∞539-543. 156 A.M. VAN DER WERF fit the formula of Meiroku Zasshi. Mori, however, did take that respon- sibility, and thus became responsible for all opinions published on popularly elected assembly, religion, education and so on. The regulations made it more and more difficult to cary on a public discussion in a magazine. At the meeting of 1 September 1875 a deci- sion was made in this matter. The Yûbin Hôchishinbun reported on 4 September, that Fukuzawa had called for a vote, and that it had been decided to halt the publication of Meiroku Zasshi14. At the meeting Fukuzawa argued as follows. The Shinbun Jôrei threatened free speech and it would be impossible to continue publishing Meiroku Zasshi without violating the regulations. Several articles in previous issues had been violations, as they criticized government policy. Fukuzawa saw three options to continue publication. First of all, one could adapt the articles in such a way that the contents would not violate the regulations. This, of course, would mean the end of freedom of speech, and betrayal of ones own integrity. The second possibility was to keep on writing in the same manner: keeping freedom of speech, but breaking the law. The first option he discarded because a society that was established to exchange and discuss views and opinions, could impossibly be instructed what to publish by any authority. Keeping free speech, and breaking the law, was also practically impossible, due to the fact that one editor-in-chief would be held responsible for the statements of others. “If we were to choose for freedom of publication, we cannot take part in the course of action together, unless the views of the members truly meet as one, and we become one society as if we were one body.”15 A last possibility was to speculate on leniency by government towards their publication. However, Fukuzawa argued that the society would then be totally subjected to the arbitrariness the state. Ideas and theories published in Meiroku Zasshi, could not be measured objectively. State- ments intended as abstract theory, could be interpreted by others as libel or attack. “It is like discussing the temperature of the air without a ther- mometer. Although the temperature is the same, the impressions of those who refer to it are not necessarily the same. We publish the magazine and state our thoughts, but it is up to the opinion of others whether or not

14 Yûbin Hôchishinbun No.∞∞768, 4 September 1875 (Meiji 8), and Fukuzawa’s speech in: MKSS, pp.∞∞409-411. 15 MKSS, p.∞∞410. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 157 we should be punished for it. Therefore we have to say that our thoughts are controlled by others.”16 He continued by saying that it had been the intention to avoid contemporary matters and to have discussions in a purely academic way, as was indicated in the regulations, “but when we decide to be true to these explicit regulations, we cannot set boundaries to the opinion of people. There can be no limit to the level of knowledge. Can we really expect that we will not enter the region of politics when we exchange opinions and broaden our knowledge? Even when we look at the magazine since the establishment of the society, we know that we can no longer have that hope.”17 It was decided to stop the publication of Meiroku Zasshi. In case members wished to continue their publications, they would have to do this personally, and independently from the magazine. After this two more issues of Meiroku Zasshi were published. The stop, however, was intended for Meiroku Zasshi and not for Meirokusha. The lectures continued until 1876. After that meetings were held under the name of “Meiroku-kai” until 191018.

KNOWLEDGE OF THE WEST

Intellectuals Meiroku Zasshi and the members of Meirokusha are often given as an example of the enlightenment (keimô shisô) in Japan19. They covered all sorts of topics. At first this was done in a theoretical way, but often strong links existed to the issues of contemporary Japanese society, where the ideals of bunmei kaika gained more and more popularity. Meiroku Zasshi can be seen as a magazine of importance. It fitted smoothly in the bunmei kaika culture of the early Meiji period, and many of its writers occupied a position of influence. Several founded universities or other institutions of education, and some of them served

16 MKSS, pp.∞∞410-411. 17 MKSS, p.∞∞411. 18 Diaries of Ueki Emori in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞124-128. SHIMIZU Renrô, Mizuhoya Usaburô no koto, in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha Kô, p.∞∞123. Diaries of Katô Hiroyuki in: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, pp.∞∞107-120. 19 This becomes clear from Braisted’s title: Meiroku Zasshi, Journal of the Japanese Enlightenment, and Ôkubo’s Meiji keimô shisô shû in which he directs most attention to Meirokusha and Meiroku Zasshi. 158 A.M. VAN DER WERF at high positions in government or at the imperial court. In the first year the magazine was only available in Tokyo, but still 3,205 copies were sold per issue on average. Even the lay-out of Meiroku Zasshi became a standard for scientific and intellectual magazines20. In Japanese as well as in Western literature Meirokusha is often depicted as the first society of Japanese intellectuals in the Western sense, or as the start of the modern Japanese intelligentsia21. This of course immediately raises the question in what way they differed from previous thinkers, what their position in society was, and whether they indeed were intellectuals. At the beginning of the Meiji period, those in power had started a search for a way to unify the nation. This started with the proclamation of the Five Article Oath of 1868. “The essence of the state as laid down in the “Five Article Oath” and the “Writ on the Political System” was more than anything else a unified state with the emperor at its center, based on a conference of the powerful daimyo […]. Although in itself it did not yet signify the establishment of a modern state, it contained the potential for developing into a modern state.”22 However, the urges for a unified nation were even stronger outside the circles of power. “[They] produced a disproportionate amount of the public opinion (yoron) of the period. Influential and possessed of a highly developed national consciousness, their interest in ideological issues seldom flagged.”23 Although the goal of a unified nation was clear, the government dis- persed its search more in a process of trial and error. After the restoration Japan did not intend to blindly copy the West, despite the need for friendship and the West’s technological lead. First of all Japan looked to its past and revived the structures and terminology of the Nara period (710-784)24. The geographical indexation of the Shinto shrines, with Ise

20 ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô, p.∞∞8, 25. 21 See, for example: ÔKUBO, Meirokusha kô; CRAIG, Albert, “Science and Confucian- ism in Tokugawa Japan”, in: JANSEN, Changing Japanese Attitudes…; PASSIN, Modern- ization and the…; and KOSAKA Masaaki, Abosch, David trans., Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, Pan-Pacific Press, 1958. 22 YODA, The Foundations of…, p.∞∞69. 23 GLUCK, Carol, Japan’s Modern Myths, Ideology in the Late Meiji Period, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1985, p.∞∞10. 24 GLUCK, Japan’s Modern Myths, pp.∞∞1-2.; Westney, D. Eleanor, Imitation and Inno- vation, The Transfer of Western Organizational Patterns to Meiji Japan, Harvard Uni- versity Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1987, pp.∞∞2-3. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 159 on top, unintentionally produced a framework for unification of the country. It must be stressed that this was intended to legitimize the sovereignty of the emperor ideologically, and thereby strengthen the power of the new leaders25. Meirokusha was part of those outside the circles of power who tried to introduce new thought and views to society. It is true that many of the members were or had been serving in government, but Meirokusha itself, had no connection with any governmental organization. Several groups and types of people spread new thoughts and ideology. In Japan’s Modern Myths Gluck speaks of “ideologists”, rather than “intellectuals”, and Braisted also seems to avoid the term “intellectuals” and stresses the fact that in Meirokusha scholars spread ideas and knowledge about the West26 Were the writers of Meiroku Zasshi indeed intellectuals? The terms “intellectuals” and “intelligentsia” originated in the second half of the nineteenth century, when they refered mostly to France and Russia. At that time they indicated a self-conscious group that independently from authority or dogma, produced and spread critical, progressive, and mostly, left-wing thoughts about the existing social and political situation. Nowadays, the term refers to “persons who, occupationally, are involved chiefly in the production of ideas (scholars, artists, reporters, performers in the arts, scientists, etc., as well as students in post-secondary institutions, who are apprentices to these occupational roles).”27 Most of the members of Meirokusha had had a bureaucratic career in the Tokugawa period (1600-1867). Some continued it in the Meiji period, others chose a more academic career. Some were original thinkers, others transferred existing knowledge through translations and comments. With this in mind they fit in the modern definition of “intellectuals”, and some of them in the original one. I consider it to be of greater importance to see them in Meiji society, as a part of the group that consciously was involved with transfer of knowledge, ideology, thought, and science, whether original or not.

25 LOCKOWANDT, Ernst, “The State-Orientation of Shintô Shrines: Traditional Trait or Innovation of the Meiji-Period — or Both?”, lecture at the symposium: Rituale und ihre Urheber — “Invented Traditions” in der Japanischen Religionsgeschichte, Universität Trier, 21-23 March, 1996. 26 GLUCK, Japan’s Modern Myths; BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi. 27 BRYM, Robert J., Controversies in Sociology 9: Intellectuals and Politics, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., London, 1980, p.∞∞12. 160 A.M. VAN DER WERF

Discussion According to Ôjiroku Mori had said the following to Nishimura: “In the United States scholars study science together by forming academic societies in accordance with what they study. They hold lectures and contribute to the public. The scholars of our country are isolated and have no interaction. Therefore it is extremely rare that they are beneficial to society. I hope that the scholars of this country will form academic societies, and have meetings and lectures, like the scholars of that country.”28 Mori wanted to establish a society to enable scholars to step out of their isolation and discuss their subjects. In the Tokugawa period this had been a major problem. Generally speaking, at the end of the Tokugawa period, scholars were organized in three traditions29: neo-Confucianism, kokugaku and rangaku. Neo-Confucianism had legitimized Tokugawa rule and prepared the samurai who were to enter government service. It was organized in schools with a clear hierarchy between teachers and students. Critical thought and analytic power were not encouraged. The main point was to read the classics. To simplify: those who were still “studying” them were students, those who had read them were teachers. New thinking was produced by some, but the schools remained focussed on teaching existing knowledge and did not engage in discussion30. Kokugaku focussed on Japanese culture dating back to a time before the introduction of Buddhism and Confucianism. A landmark was reached by Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801), who annotated the Japanese classics in Kojikiden. Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) took kokugaku from philology to ideology by connecting Shinto cosmogony to kokugaku. From the nineteenth century onwards kokugaku may be considered as a philosophical tradition31. The Mito-school, for example, incorporated the ideas of kokugaku. Intended by the bakufu as a school of history, they engaged in political philosophy in the nineteenth century. One of the works that stirred the

28 NISHIMURA, Ôjiroku, p.∞∞621. 29 For a more elaborate overview on scholars and science in Tokugawa and Meiji Japan, see: CRAIG, Science and Confucianism…; KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…; PASSIN, Modernization and the…. 30 CRAIG, Science and Confucianism…, pp.∞∞155-157.; KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…, pp.∞∞1-6. 31 CRAIG, Science and Confucianism…, pp.∞∞155-157. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 161 country was Shinron (New Theories, 1825) by Aizawa Seishihai, which questioned the legitimacy of the bakufu. The emperor was the true sovereign, not the bakufu. Discussion within the Mito-school continued on whether the bakufu then had to be seen as the legal representative of the sovereign emperor. Hardly any discussion was made with other traditions32. Rangaku gained some popularity at the end of the eighteenth century. At first it could not be seen as an independent tradition. Knowledge, mostly gathered at the request of the bakufu or feudal lord (daimyô), was incorporated in other traditions. And above all, rangaku was concerned with practical knowledge. It was prohibited to study Western philosophy or politics. Only during the first half of the nineteenth century, did rangaku gain a measure of independence33. Some attempts were made to study Western philosophy and politics, but the severe control of the bakufu made it impossible for them to come out in the open and discuss these ideas34. Discussion of ideas among scholars of different backgrounds, and the spread of knowledge to enlighten society were the main goals of Meirokusha, even though the members differed on ideas how to do this. Meirokusha’s first article of the regulations states: “The main purpose of establishing the society is, that interested companions will come together to encourage the education of our country, and that they will confer on the means to that end. Furthermore, it is [the purpose] that comrades, by assembling, will exchange different opinions, broaden their knowledge and shed light on their insights.”35 Inside the cover of Meiroku Zasshi this was printed: “Although this is a trivial booklet, we will be extremely happy if it becomes a help in opening up knowledge for the people of the country.”36 A similar text was printed on 9 march 1874 in Yûbin Hôchishinbun37. And finally, in the first issue of Meiroku Zasshi, Nishimura wrote: “Now, for the first time we start to form societies of science and literature. […]

32 CHANG, Richard T., From Prejudice to Tolerance; A Study of The Japanese Image of the West 1826-1864, Sophia University, Tokyo, 1970, p.∞∞33-38. Shinron in: TSUNODA, R., ed., Sources of Japanese Tradition, Columbia University Press, New York, 1965, pp.∞∞589-603. 33 CRAIG, Science and Confucianism…, pp.∞∞149-151. 34 KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…, pp.∞∞7-9. 35 MKSS, p.∞∞403. 36 MKSS, p.∞∞406. 37 Yûbin Hôchishinbun No. 286, 9 March Meiji 7 [1874], in MKSS, p.∞∞406. 162 A.M. VAN DER WERF

I pray that we may open the eyes of the ignorant, create a model for society with the elevated theories of various teachers, and that we will not render the ambition of the intellectuals futile.”38 With the meetings, lectures and the publication of the magazine, Meirokusha made it possible for the first time, to engage in public discussion and spread knowledge, regardless of tradition.

Theoretical Knowledge One glance at the titles in Meiroku Zasshi shows that the writers wanted to enhance Japan’s civilization by using, or referring to, Western ideas and technology. The study of the West and the study through Western languages, had started in the sixteenth century, when Western- ers came to Japan to do trade or spread Christianity. After the close of the country in 1639, this study continued through the Dutch East India Company (VOC), whose employees were mainly Dutch. The knowledge of the Dutch language was used not only to continue trade, but also to remain informed about the situation in the world through the yearly reports the Dutch had to submit to the bakufu officials. Similar information was gained through China, Korea and the Ryukyu Islands, with whom Japan still had diplomatic ties and trade contacts39. The translation of a medical book, called Tafel Anatomia, by Sugita Genpaku and others in 1774 is often seen as the start of the study of Western science through the Dutch language. This translation was of great importance, especially for Japanese medicine, but still the knowledge was incorporated into other traditions, and studies were done on a small scale and locally40.

38 NISHIMURA Shigeki “Kaika no do ni yotte kai-moji wo hassubeki no ron”, MRZ 1, p.∞∞58. 39 TASHIRO Kazui, “Foreign relations During the Edo Period: Sakoku Reexamined”, in: The Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol.∞∞8, No. 2, Society for Japanese Studies, Summer 1982.; JANSEN, Marius B., “Japan in the Early Nineteenth Century”, in: JANSEN, Marius B., ed., The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 5; The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp.∞∞90-98; SCHWANTES, Robbert S., “Religion and Modernization in the Far East: a Symposium; I. Christianity versus Science; a Conflict of Ideas in Meiji Japan”, in The Far Eastern Quarterly; Review of Eastern Asia and the Adjacent Pacific Islands, Vol.∞∞XII, The Science Press, Lancaster, November 1952-August 1953. 40 SUGITA Genpaku, MATSUMOTO Ryôzô and KIYOOKA Eiichi trans., Dawn of Western Science in Japan, Rangaku Kotohajime, The Hokuseido Press, Tokyo, 1969, pp.∞∞31-32; SANSOM, G., A History of Japan, Vol. III: 1615-1867, Dawson, Folkstone, 1978, (Stan- ford Junior University, 1978) pp.∞∞199-200, 232. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 163

Foreign threat resulted in a centrally organized rangaku, controlled by the bakufu. The appearance of foreign ships off the coast of Japan, and Russian expeditions to Hokkaido and the Kurile islands in the early nineteenth century, were seen by the bakufu as a threat to Japan’s secu- rity. Faced with superior Western technology, it was more and more realized that knowledge of practical Western science could benefit Japan. Western books were now no longer allowed to circulate the country freely, but were to be stored in a central library. In this way the bakufu kept control on the use of information. In 1811 the bakufu opened a translation office aimed at practical science such as medicine, astronomy, and military studies41. The Opium War in China (1839-1842) gave another impulse to rangaku, and made Japan review its vision on the world and its interior social and political structure. Above all, it was a shock to the Confucians who had placed Japan in the cultural periphery of China. The Japanese, now confronted with superior Western technology, economy, and military, considered themselves backwards. This motivated them to learn from the West in order to maintain their independence and attain equality42. With the Opium War and the opening of the country by Perry in 1854 in mind, the bakufu decided to establish the Bansho Shirabesho43 (Research Institute for Barbaric Writings) in 1855. In 1862 the institute owned an extensive library. However, the books were still concerned with practical studies. Books on politics, for example, only dealt with the practical appliance of law and administration, not with political philosophy. There was no possibility to study this in Japan44. Some tried to study the West in secret in Japan, but most knowledge was to be gained in the West itself. From the sixties onwards, more and more Japanese were sent abroad to study Western institutions and technology. Unavoidably they also got in contact with Western philosophy and religion45.

41 JANSEN, Japan in the…, pp.∞∞93-102.; JANSEN, Marius B., “New Materials for the Intellectual History of Nineteenth-Century Japan”, in: Harvard Journal Of Asiatic Stud- ies, No.∞∞20, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1957, pp.∞∞573-574. 42 CHANG, From Prejudice to…, p.∞∞ix.; JANSEN, Marius B., “Changing Japanese Atti- tudes Toward Modernization”, in: JANSEN, Changing Japanese Attitudes…, pp.∞∞56-59. 43 The institute changed name twice; from 1862 on it was called the Yôsho Shirabesho (Research Institute for Western Writings), and from 1863 it was called the Kaiseijo (Insti- tute for Development). See: JANSEN, New Materials for…. 44 JANSEN, New Materials for…, pp.∞∞584-593. 45 For accounts of the frustration of limited study in Japan and the first experiences in the West see, for example: FUKUZAWA Yukichi, BAARLE, Rob van trans., De Poorten 164 A.M. VAN DER WERF

CHRISTIANITY

Negative Vision At the end of the Tokugawa period, the Japanese vision on Christian- ity was still largely based on the memories of the “Christian Century in Japan” (1550-1650). Exclusive Christianity had been a threat to Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism, which had coexisted in reasonable tolerance, and often were complementary to each other. At first, the missionaries were tolerated in view of the lucrative trade with Portugal. The arrival on the scene of other Western countries in the early seventeenth century, broke the link between religion and commerce, and even introduced the Japanese to the conflict between Catholicism and Protes- tantism. Missionaries were suspected of preparing Japan for colonization by the West. Besides, the bakufu feared conspiracies and coalitions through Christianity, which might threaten its recently established position of power. Christianity was prohibited, missionaries deported, and the trade with the VOC was continued stripped of Christianity: no Christian literature, no crucifixes, and no priests46. In the absence of Christian propaganda, the Japanese views on Chris- tianity were primarily formed and influenced by those opposing the religion. Otis Cary gives examples of pamphlets that circulated in Japan around 1868, at which time Japan had been reopened to the West for fourteen years47. According to the pamphlets, Protestants and Catholics alike were alienating the Japanese from their heritage, by destroying Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism. Portraying themselves as teachers, they “spread about the abominable poison of Jesus” with the ultimate goal of occupying Japan48. Even the Bible was portrayed as a document full of violence, magic, and lies, and Jesus was portrayed as being Evil himself. “[Jesus] deceived the ignorant lower classes, making them

Gaan Open, Meulenhoff, Amsterdam, 1878; HIRAKAWA Sukehiro, WAKABAYASHI, Bob Tadashi, trans., “Japan’s Turn to the West”, in: JANSEN, The Cambridge History…; BEASLEY, William G., Japan Encounters the Barbarian; Japanese Travelers in America and Europe, Yale University Press, London, 1995. MINEAR, Richard H., “Nishi Amane and the Reception of Western Law”, in: Monumenta Nipponica; Studies in Japanese Culture, Vol. XXVIII, No.∞∞2, Sophia University, Tokyo, 1973. 46 CARY, Otis, D.D., A History of Christianity In Japan, Charles E. Tuttle Company, Inc., Tokyo, 1987; CHANG, From Prejudice to…. 47 English translations in: CARY, A History of Christianity… vol.∞∞2, p.∞∞90ff. 48 CARY, A History of Christianity… vol.∞∞2, p.∞∞90. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 165 follow himself until his evil design of murdering the sovereign of the country and seizing the country and people for himself being discov- ered, he was put to death by crucifixion. He was a most traitorous ani- mal. […] Considering that the foundation lay in such violent wicked- ness, it is impossible that any of his believers can be either filial or loyal.”49 Christianity, if allowed, would destroy the Imperial House, and therefore ought to remain prohibited. “If we allow our countrymen to become corrupted by this abominable religion, it is to be feared lest the disposition which venerates the Imperial line should disappear and traitors arise who would aim at the throne for themselves. This is what I have feared and grieved over for years. I humbly pray the princes, nobles, and the great officers […] to rigidly prohibit this religion while our people are not yet deeply affected with Protestantism […] and thus insure to the people safety under the shadow of the Imperial favor.”50

Rangaku and Christianity Fujita Tôko (1806-1854) was one of the great figures of the Mito- school at the time Aizawa wrote Shinron. According to Richard Chang, Fujita’s vision of the West can be seen as representative of the xeno- phobia in the bakumatsu period51. Fujita was an influential advisor to the daimyô of Mito. He popular- ized sonnô jôi (revere the emperor, expel the barbarians), a slogan of those opposing the bakufu. Central in his thought was the kokutai (national polity): Japan had always been ruled by a line of emperors unbroken, who descended directly from the sun-goddess, and ruled tran- scendentally over the loyal and submissive people. To protect the kokutai, he considered sonnô jôi a duty, and the highest virtue52. Because the Mito-school had been a school for historical study, it had made Fujita familiar with the “Christian Century in Japan”. He con- cluded that the loyalty of a Christian was first to Christ, and only secondly to his lord. This he saw as a major threat to Japan, which in those days was a feudal society53.

49 Translation in: CARY, A History of Christianity… vol.∞∞2, p.∞∞92. 50 Translation in: CARY, A History of Christianity… vol.∞∞2, p.∞∞96. 51 CHANG, From Prejudice to…, p.∞∞45. 52 CHANG, From Prejudice to…, pp.∞∞34-38. 53 CHANG, From Prejudice to…, pp.∞∞42-58. 166 A.M. VAN DER WERF

This anti-foreign and anti-Christian view also influenced his opinion about rangaku. Fujita thought that rangaku contained the rudiments of Christianity; if you could read the alphabet, the texts of this sect were also accessible. The rangakusha made a mistake by thinking that the form of Christianity that came to Japan now, was not as evil as that of the sixteenth century. Rangakusha formed a fifth column for the West- erners to conquer Japan54. The opening of Japan intensified the anti-foreign sentiment of jôi. It was seen as incompetence: the bakufu had signed treaties with the foreign powers in an attempt not to fall victim to them, but this had failed. Several paragraphs of the treaties, such as those on the extraterritorial jurisdiction and the fixed tariffs, were only beneficial to the West, undermined the autonomy of Japan, and therefore only created more hostility55. “Anti-foreign” more and more evolved into “anti-bakufu” and therefore to “pro-emperor”56. Sakatani Shiroshi (1822-1881), a member of Meirokusha, wrote the following on sonnô jôi. “In their hearts, they all [the bakufu] detest the foreign countries and want to set up inhumane barbarism by expelling them, but they start opening the harbors, saying that it is inevitable, while trembling with fear. […] Every word and action is merely makeshift, or subservient. It does not come from their true feelings; it is nothing but flattery. They explain it by saying that it is too early to expel the barbarians, and that we have to wait until the time has come. […] I can only be angry about the fact that they insult the sovereign, disgrace the country, and cause great harm to future relations.”57

Tolerance Perry came to Japan in 1854 bearing a letter from president Filmore addressed to the emperor of Japan. “The Constitution and laws of the United States forbid all interference with the religion or political con- cerns of other nations. I have particularly charged Commodore Perry to abstain from every act which could possibly disturb the tranquillity of your Imperial Majesty’s dominions.”58

54 CHANG, From Prejudice to…, pp.∞∞49-63. 55 SANSOM, A History of…, p.∞∞237. 56 At first sonnô and jôi were separate ideas. See: CHANG, From Prejudice to…. 57 SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Sonnô jôi setsu” (On sonnô jôi), MRZ 43, p.∞∞263. 58 In: CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞2, p.∞∞30. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 167

Despite this intention of non-intervention, the treaty of 1858 guaran- teed American citizens freedom of religion in Japan. The Dutch had already been enjoying this freedom on Deshima since 1856. After this, several other countries received the same freedom59. However, it was still prohibited to spread Christianity among the Japanese. The government took rigorous action against Japanese Chris- tians, both in the Tokugawa period, as well as in the early Meiji period. Deportation and executions were conducted around Nagasaki and Urakami, where, reportedly, entire communities were Christian60. In 1868, almost immediately after the restoration, a declaration was issued that stated that the evil sect of Christianity (kirishitan ja-akumon) remained forbidden. Western missionaries succeeded in having the word “evil” removed. Now a new discussion started: If Christianity was not evil, why was it still prohibited?61 Due to numerous protests by the West, in 1868 a conference was held on the persecution and treatment of Japanese Christians. Ôkuma Shigenobu stressed that in the past Christianity in Europe had divided the people, and that often wars had been fought in the name of God. Christianity might have changed, but one could not expect that a tradition that took centuries to evolve in Europe, could be transplanted to Japan instantly. Christianity remained prohibited for the Japanese62. Several attempts were made by Westerners to spread Christianity among the Japanese. In 1861 John Liggins urged in The Spirit of the Mission to train Japanese to spread the religion. Apart from this several Bible classes were organized secretly. In 1866 a translation of the Bible had been completed. The doubts on whether to print it were resolved by a fire that destroyed the manuscript. Finally in 1872 the first translations of the New Testament appeared63. There were also some Japanese who advocated more freedom for Christianity. Some even suggested to adopt Christianity as the state religion. If Japan was to modernize, it needed Christianity, the base on which Western society was founded, some argued64. Nakamura Masanao

59 CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞2, pp.∞∞39-40. 60 CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞1, pp.∞∞294-335. 61 CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞2, pp.∞∞66-67. 62 CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞1, pp.∞∞309-312. 63 CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞2, pp.∞∞68-100. The Spirit of the Mission in: CARY, A His- tory of… vol.∞∞2, pp.∞∞53-55. 64 SCHWANTES, Religion and Modernization…, p.∞∞123. 168 A.M. VAN DER WERF

(1832-1891) wrote the following in 1872. “In general we may say that the condition of Western countries is but the outward leaf and blossom of their religion, and religion is the root and foundation on which their prosperity depends. […] Does Your Majesty judge the Western religion to be evil? Then the Western nations themselves must be evil. […] So, too, all industry, patience and vigour must likewise be evil. […] So long as Your Majesty does not repeal the prohibitory laws against Christian- ity, however assiduously the nation may endeavour to acquire the arts and civil reforms of Europe, it can never attain to the true European civilisation. […] If Your Majesty should at last desire to establish Chris- tianity in Japan, he should first of all be baptised himself, and become the chief of the church, and be called the leader of the millions of his people […] The praises of Japan will ascend to the heaven, and the voice of her admiration will reach to the uttermost parts of the world.”65 Mori Arinori advocated Christianity more moderately. In 1872 he wrote Religious Freedom in Japan, a Memorial and Draft of Charter, in which he advocated total freedom of religious conviction for all people. He argued moreover, that those who opposed Christianity did not know what they were talking about because of the ban on Christian literature66. Despite the pleas of Nakamura, Mori, and more fanatic individuals like Joseph Hardy Neesima (Niijima Jô, 1843-1890), one of the first Japanese to preach Christianity in Japan67, and the efforts of Westerners, the ban on Christianity remained until 1889. The signs branding Chris- tianity an evil religion were taken down in February 1873, and although this introduced some degree of tolerance, officially the religion remained prohibited for Japanese.

CHRISTIANITY IN MEIROKU ZASSHI

The position the writers held in society and their role as “ideologists” make Meiroku Zasshi a good object of study to see which ideas were considered and what discussions were held by the Japanese intellectuals of the early Meiji period. In this respect I have to make two remarks. First, most members of Meirokusha were rangakusha, which

65 “Japan Weekly Mail” 25 may 1872, In: CARY, A History of… vol.∞∞2, pp.∞∞75-76. 66 MORI Arinori, “Religious Freedom in Japan, a Memorial and Draft of Charter”, in: Meiji bunka zenshû vol. 11: Shûkyô Hen, Kyôdô Insatsu, Tokyo, 1928, pp.∞∞532-546. 67 CARY, A History of…∞∞vol.∞∞2. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 169 might distort an objective discussion; and secondly, all writers were independent writers, and as such their writings cannot be seen as representative of all members of Meirokusha. As we have seen, this was a major reason to stop the publication of the magazine. Despite these remarks, the magazine may be relied upon as a source to study the discussion of early Meiji Japan. First of all, because in this age of bunmei kaika Japan was very much focused on the West, the rangakusha68 played an important role in spreading knowledge. Secondly, because articles were written individually, Meiroku Zasshi reflects the real discussion of a group of thinkers, in this case Meirokusha, without the possibility to hide behind an organization, and instead of a collectively compromised or forced opinion. Together with the social position of the members of Meirokusha, these arguments make Meiroku Zasshi a good example of what was being considered and discussed in government, and what was being thought and discussed about at (sub-) academic level.

Religion Among other things, Meiroku Zasshi dealt with religion, sometimes in an abstract manner, but many contributors analyzed very concretely the role religion had played in different societies, or debated what a specific religion could mean for Japan. Not surprisingly, most attention was focussed on Christianity, now that foreign countries had free access to Japan, and most foreigners were Christians. Not everybody wrote about Christianity, and for some it was only of secondary importance. Among those who did, Nishi Amane, Kashi- wabara Takaaki, Tsuda Mamichi, Mori Arinori and Sakatani Shiroshi made the most interesting statements on religion, and Christianity in par- ticular. Nakamura Masanao and Nishimura Shigeki referred to it as well.

Nishi Amane Nishi Amane had been trained as a Confucian scholar and started focusing on Western learning when he joined the Bansho Shirabesho in 1857. He is known for introducing Western philosophy in Japan. In 1862 he went to The Netherlands to study law and economics. Back in

68 As the influence of Dutch rapidly declined in the bakumatsu period, the term yôgaku (Western learning) is often used instead of rangaku. 170 A.M. VAN DER WERF

Japan, he rejoined the Kaiseijo. After the Restoration Nishi served at the War Ministry69. Between 1866 and 1867 he wrote Hyakuichi Shinron (published in 1874), in which he tried to separate government from ethics, and law from morals. He stressed the need not to base government on virtue, as was used to be done in the Confucian tradition, but to found it on law. Virtuous government was only adequate for societies that were not yet completely civilized70. This was a hard attack on Confucianism. In Meiroku Zasshi he made similar statements: “What we used to call science up to seven or eight years ago, did not go beyond the four books and the five classics. Even the six classics of the four masters were but toys. Made humble, they ranked with the tea ceremony or flower arrangement; revered, they were only evenly matched to bow, horse, sword and spear.”71 In Meiroku Zasshi there are three series of articles that state his ideas on the role of religion in society. These are “On religion” (Kyômonron), “On knowledge” (Chisetsu) and “On the three treasures of life” (Jinsei sanbôsetsu)72. In the earlier article “On writing Japanese with Western characters” Nishi had already stated that it would not be long before Western religions would enter Japan. “Among clothing, food, housing, law, politics, customs and even among the hundred trades and sciences, there is nothing for which we did not turn to taking it from them. […] We cannot expect for long that mixed residence will not come or that Western religion will not enter.”73 What was religion according to Nishi? In “On religion” he stated that all religions were based on faith, and that faith lay beyond human knowledge (chi no oyobazaru tokoro). As religion was based on faith, it would be impossible even for the most wise to impose any religion by argument. He thought people would only believe in what they thought to

69 KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…, pp.∞∞94-112; BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, pp. xxvi- xxvii; MINEAR, Nishi Amane and…; Japan Biographical Research Department, the, The Japan Biographical Encyclopedia & Who’s Who, The Rengo Press Ltd., Tokyo, 1958. 70 MINEAR, Nishi Amane and…. 71 NISHI Amane, “Hi gakusha no shokubun ron” (Against the theory of the duty of scholars), MRZ 2, p.∞∞60. 72 “Kyômonron” was published in 6 parts in MRZ 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 and 12; they are num- bered 1 to 7 because part 4 does not exist. “Chisetsu” was published in 4 parts in MRZ 14, 17, 20 and 22. “Jinsei sanbôsetsu” appeared in 4 parts in MRZ 38, 39, 40 and 42. 73 NISHI, “Yôji wo motte…”, MRZ 1, p.∞∞52. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 171 be true. Proof had no part in religion. This meant that not only could a religion not be forced on people, it could not be prohibited either. There was to be freedom to believe what one wanted and even freedom for agnostics74. Nishi stressed the difference between religious and scientific teachings. He stated that science and religion were completely different; science was in the area of intellectual capacities, and religion lay outside this area. “Beyond human knowledge” did not mean that it was impossible to understand. Once something became scientific knowledge, it ceased to be beyond human knowledge, and thus, was no longer part of religion. Science was to contribute to the enlightenment of society, by prohibiting religious faith in things rationally explicable75. By using reason (ri), science (gaku) had to build up wisdom (chi), and refute false statements. The skills (jutsu) were meant for conduct according to science and wisdom. Furthermore, religion was not to be attacked by another religion as both were outside the area of human knowledge, but it could be refuted by scientific facts as these were inside the area of human knowledge76. Despite the freedom to believe what one wanted, Nishi thought it the duty of government to free the people of superstition. Government was to rule the people as parents over a child. How could one allow one’s child to be superstitious? Those who lead society should not force their subjects to believe, but should promote that religion which in their rational opinion would be the best for society77. In a civilized society, church and state had to exist separately. The authority of government had a different scope than the authority of religion. Government was secular and ruled from birth until death, and had no say about things such as higher powers or life after death. Govern- ment had to monitor and uphold public order by uniting the people and creating a nation, with the ultimate goal of prosperity. Religion was to be concerned with judgement after death and therefore was to have no influence in this world78.

74 NISHI, “Kyômonron ichi”, MRZ 4, pp.∞∞70-71.; “Kyômonron ni”, MRZ 5, pp.∞∞74-75. 75 NISHI, “Kyômonron san”, MRZ 6, pp.∞∞80-81. 76 NISHI, “Chisetsu ichi”, MRZ 14, pp.∞∞122-124; “Chisetsu san” MRZ 20, pp.∞∞155-156. 77 NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu ichi”, MRZ 38, pp.∞∞236-239; NISHI, “Kyômonron go”, MRZ 8, p.∞∞96. 78 NISHI, “Kyômonron ichi”, MRZ 4, pp.∞∞70-71. 172 A.M. VAN DER WERF

According to Nishi, European history had proved that secular power of the Church was dangerous. During the the Middle Ages, secular power had been based on the relation between church and state, and had resulted in abuses of power such as excommunication and inquisition. In the modern age these abuses were understood and church and state were separated. In the case of Japan, the state was to have all secular power and was not to transfer any of it to the church. The church was to be sub- ordinate to the state. A bureau had to see to it that no religion would damage the state. It should not consider or judge the doctrines of a religion itself, or interfere with hierarchy within a religion. If religious hierarchy was compared to secular hierarchy, a link of authority would be reestablished, and this had to be avoided at all costs79. Nishi did recognize the unifying force religion possessed, but did not think this appropriate for an enlightened society. In a theocracy religion certainly had the power to unify, as long as the people kept faith in the state religion or the divine ruler. But the moment the people would turn towards enlightenment, they would start to search for the truth, and no longer rely on religion. Premises and ideologies based on rational thought were far better than religious or faith-based ideologies. Besides, no one could be forced to believe a religion. Therefore, a state that was based on religion would either violate the principle of freedom of religion, or lose unity among the people80. A state religion or imposed popular religion was, according to Nishi, not the means to unify the people. Nevertheless he did see some value in Christianity. The teachings of Christianity came close to rational morals. Civilization and enlightenment were just means to attain general prosperity. This ultimate goal could be attained by honoring the three treasures of life: health, wisdom, and wealth. Health (mame) was a treasure as every man had an urge to live, which was obviously a law imposed by heaven. Wisdom (chie) was a treasure as heaven had ordered all to outrival others; animals were to use physical strength, humans were to use intellectual capacities. Wealth (tomi) was the third treasure as it was clear in society that humans, in contrast to animals, needed more than food to satisfy their need81. In social interaction these three had to be

79 NISHI, “Kyômonron ni”, MRZ 5, pp.∞∞74-75. 80 NISHI, “Kyômonron ichi”, MRZ 4, pp.∞∞70-71; “Kyômonron ni”, MRZ 5, pp.∞∞74-75; “Kyômonron san”, MRZ 6, pp.∞∞80-81. 81 NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu ichi”, MRZ 38, pp.∞∞236-239. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 173 honored. The basic rule was that no one was to violate his own treasures, nor those of others. If this rule was observed, then humanity (jin) and righteousness (gi) could be achieved82. As these treasures were equally valuable for every individual, regardless of social status, it was the duty of the government to make sure that everybody was free to do what he wanted, as long as his treasures or those of others were not violated. This principle was also found in “égalité et liberté”, which Nishi thought to be a Christian idea. However, they had value because they could be rationally determined83. Honoring the three treasures would lead to a unified people and better social intercourse, Nishi thought. Here he saw two direct opposites. The question was whether to promote one’s own treasures for general good, or to promote those of others, because “Man lives for others”84, as he thought the Protestant Christian doctrine preached. According to Nishi, neither pure egoism nor pure altruism would benefit society. A compro- mise would be the answer. Public gain was the sum of private gains. Man should first promote his own treasures to morally cultivate himself, and after that he could use this to benefit the general good85.

Kashiwabara Takaaki Kashiwabara Takaaki had been a physician to the Tokugawa family. For Meirokusha he became a correspondent to “keep his area of Shizuoka informed on intellectual trends in the capital”86. In total he wrote four articles in Meiroku Zasshi. Three of them were comments on Nishi’s series “On religion”, and are titled “Doubts about ‘On religion’“ (Kyômonron gimon)87. Nishi thought that man distinguished himself from the animals by his intellectual capacities and the pursuit of science. Kashiwabara, on the other hand, thought it was religion which separated man from the animals and brought civilization. “How can you say there is no mutual rela- tionship? When government has no doctrine, the laws will not function, and when the people are without religion, they will not obey government. There cannot be even one day that man is without religion. Living

82 NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu ni”, MRZ 39, pp.∞∞241-243. 83 NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu san”, MRZ 40, pp.∞∞246-249. 84 English in original text; NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu shi”, MRZ 42, p.∞∞258. 85 NISHI, “Jinsei sanbôsetsu shi”, MRZ 42, pp.∞∞258-259. 86 BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, p.∞∞xxxii-xxxiii. 87 Published in 3 parts in MRZ 29, 30 and 31. 174 A.M. VAN DER WERF a long live, well-fed and well-clad without religion, is close to animals. Religion is the unifying force in government.”88 Religion was just the thing government needed as a fundamental and unifying principle. A government that ruled its subjects like parents over a child, could of course never allow the people to believe in stones, trees and foxes, he thought, but at that time, this was not uncommon in Japan. As the function of true religion, according to Kashiwabara was to “search for the truth by warding off injustice and repelling licentious- ness”89, he saw it as an instrument of government in its battle against superstition and false religion. The Ten Commandments of Christianity were intended as judgement for the afterlife, but were very apt to serve in this world. “If any man sins against these, he deserves to receive punishment by government. The doctrine of religion only lacks in providing details of penal law. But it has more extreme things. The good man will receive the price of Heaven; the bad man will receive the punishment of Hell. These are more severe than the five severe punishments [of government]. If man were to observe the commandments well, we would have the five punishments, but, ah, could we not discontinue them?”90 Despite his wish for a close connection between church and state, he did realize the dangers involved. For Nishi excommunication and inquisition in European history were decisive arguments to separate church and state, and to deny any secular power to the church. Kashiwabara saw it a different way, and refuted this view, also using arguments from European history. He acknowledged that in Europe the power of the Catholic Church had been dangerous due to hierarchical flattery. Never- theless, this had been corrected, not by science but by religion itself. “Does the evil of religion reach its apex here? Luther started to flourish when the will of Heaven returned. When he saved us from evil, the authority of the Pope declined abruptly. When we search from where this evil arises, it is not religion but man.”91 Without religion, the laws of a nation had no support, and therefore would not be obeyed by the people, and man would not be any different from the animals. Whole nations had collapsed due to the evils of religion, but no state could survive without religion. Religion was the instrument to reach the hearts of the people. It provided the morals for

88 KASHIWABARA Takaaki, “Kyômonron gimon ichi”, MRZ 29, p.∞∞197. 89 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon ichi”, MRZ 29, p.∞∞197. 90 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon ichi”, MRZ 29, p.∞∞197. 91 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon ni”, MRZ 30, p.∞∞201. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 175 well organized families and sincere individuals that would obey and respect the laws of the nation92. For building the nation, Japan had to select and adopt a religion with the ability to unify and lift civilization to a higher level, and spread it among the people. Not every religion would be suitable: a government that believed in stones and foxes itself, could only rule a people that believed in stones and foxes. Japan had to continue the development it had known from antiquity. According to Kashiwabara, since antiquity Japan had had “the teachings of nature” (tennen no oshie). To comple- ment and organize this, Confucianism had been introduced. Because society became more and more complex, Buddhism was introduced to guide the ignorant people. Simultaneously evil superstitious beliefs arose, which had now reached their extremes. Therefore it was now the time to introduce a new doctrine. Selecting the right religion was not an easy task, Kashiwabara thought. Government could not simply select the best, or let the people choose freely. What was suitable for one could be wrong for another, and old and new traditions would always conflict. “The great voices will not enter the provincial ears. The best is not fit to lead the common man. The inequality of the hearts of the people is like their faces. […] Although its teachings are just, in the end, a religion will not be practiced unless it wins the people.”93 Despite these uncertainties, Kashiwabara did think a strong and con- vincing government based on a new and suitable religion, would be the best means to destroy the false beliefs of the past, and unite the people into a nation. Freedom of religion could alienate the people from the foundations of the country. Laws would not be respected and obeyed, and there would be no unified country94.

Tsuda Mamichi Tsuda Mamichi joined the Bansho Shirabesho in 1857 together with Nishi Amane, and also together with him he studied in The Netherlands from 1862 until 1865. On their return in Japan they both rejoined the Kaiseijo. Later Tsuda joined the Ministry of Justice, and in 1890 he took seat in Parliament95. Tsuda produced more articles than any other writer

92 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon ni”, MRZ 30, pp.∞∞200-201. 93 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon san”, MRZ 31, p.∞∞206. 94 KASHIWABARA, “Kyômonron gimon ni”, MRZ 30, pp.∞∞200-201. 95 KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…, pp.∞∞94-112; BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, pp.∞∞xxvi- xxviii. 176 A.M. VAN DER WERF in Meiroku Zasshi96. Most are concerned with European liberalism and humanism. Almost all of them are focused on how and by what means civilization and enlightenment could be attained. His idea of a civilized society was as follows. “A world where practical studies generally pre- vail and clearly reach the reason of every person, we can truly praise as civilized. But we cannot hope for this, because the harvest of the general public’s progress reaching this stage, will not accumulate for a long time to come, not even in the countries of Europe or America.”97 Religion, in his opinion, would not bring enlightenment. He thought it too simple to attribute everything to a god or a creator, and because the concept of god was not for humans to understand, he saw no sense in discussing the concept seriously98. However, religion did have a major function in society. It could, to some extend, support it, and produce the virtues, norms, and values necessary for civilization. Once progress had been made, religion would be replaced. “What is it that supports general growth of a people that has not yet reached this stage [of civilization and enlightenment]? I say it is religion. The aim of religion, in general, is to guide the unenlightened and have them advance on the good path.”99 Apart from producing morals, religion would be perfect to lead the ignorant towards enlightenment, as they could not be convinced by rational argument. Intelligent persons could be convinced by rational argument, but the unenlightened had to be convinced by flattery or intimidation. The use of demons in Buddhism and the Christian ideas of Heaven and Hell were forms of intimidation, according to Tsuda100. Among the great religions of the world, Tsuda thought Christianity most suited to lead the unenlightened; especially the doctrines of Protes- tantism were means to support enlightenment. “There is now nothing in the world that supports general enlightenment for the people, as does Christianity. However within it, it does not escape differences in merits and faults. Nevertheless, I think it the best plan for our country today, to

96 Ôkubo attributes 24 articles to him in Meirokusha Kô, and Braisted “some 29” in Meiroku Zasshi. Counting results in 27 entries, of which 3 belong to a series. In my opinion this makes 25 articles. 97 TSUDA Mamichi, “Kaika wo susumuru hôhô wo ron su” (Discussing the methods to advance enlightenment), MRZ 3, p.∞∞65. 98 TSUDA Mamichi, “Moto wa hitotsu ni arazaru ron” (theory that the origin is not single), MRZ 8, pp.∞∞96-98. 99 TSUDA, “Kaika wo susumuru…”, MRZ 3, p.∞∞65. 100 TSUDA Mamichi, “Tengu setsu” (On Tengu), MRZ 14, pp.∞∞126-127. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 177 help the progress of our enlightenment by taking that of Christianity which is the newest, the best, most liberal, and comes closest to the most civilized theories.”101 Government had to be careful in importing from other cultures. The right conduct of government was to be directed by time and circumstances, and was not to be forced forward or held back. In his opinion, the bakufu had collapsed because it had clung too hard to the old traditions. And if the new government would now destroy the traditions that were still right and valid, it would destroy itself. The opening of the country, the signing of the treaties, and the reversal of sovereignty from the shôgun back to the emperor, were all dictated by time. But the imports of seemingly simple matters, such as Western architecture, were in fact pure tyranny, because they were not dictated by circumstances or time. Government should not rush into things but had to wait for the right moment to take appropriate measures. If not, government would lose the support of the people, and thereby its legitimacy, and become a dictatorship102.

Mori Arinori In 1865 Mori went to England to study for his han, Satsuma. Later he went to the United States where he studied in a religious community. Mori had had no connections with the Bansho Shirabesho. He served the Meiji government as a diplomat in the United States (1870-1873) and China (1875-1979), and became Minister of Education in 1885. As chargé d’affairs in the United States, he wrote Religious Freedom in Japan, in which he stated that no one could force a belief or religion onto another; there had to be absolute freedom of religious conviction. The ban on Christianity had to disappear completely. Back in Japan Mori engaged in the enlightenment movement, and almost immediately he established Meirokusha. Besides this, he founded a commercial school, which later became Hitotsubashi University103. In connection with Christianity Mori wrote one notable article entitled “Religion” (Shûkyô)104. In it he does not define religion, but he does

101 TSUDA, “Kaika wo susumuru…”, MRZ 3, p.∞∞66. 102 TSUDA Mamichi, “Seiron no ni” (On government 2), MRZ 11, pp.∞∞108-110. 103 Hall, Mori Arinori.; KOSAKA, Japanese Thought in…, pp.∞∞94-112.; BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, pp.xxv-xxvi.; MORI, Religious Freedom in…. 104 MORI Arinori, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, pp.∞∞82-86. 178 A.M. VAN DER WERF treat the relation between state and religion. The larger part of “Reli- gion” consists of a translation and summary of Droit des Gens (1858) by Emeric Vattel, and Commentaries on International Law (1872-1873) by Robert Phillimore. Nevertheless, it does reflect Mori’s views. In the preface he states his opinion, and he uses the translations as arguments. “Tsuda thinks the best plan is to select the best denomination from the world and adopt it as our national religion. Following the idea of sepa- ration of state and church, Nishi thinks it wise to disconnect religion and government, and decide for the principle of long-term religious freedom. I, for one, think that it is the special duty of government to protect the life and possessions of the people, and therefore religious affairs should be left up to the liking of every person. This may cause unforeseen harm to others. Therefore government must control this by properly establishing laws. […] Today I submit this to the criticism of my friends, and I would like to offer it as a means for discussion about this important issue.”105 Freedom of religious belief was a first necessity for a good society. This meant that one did not have to belief in another religion, nor had to abide by the rules of another religion. It also meant that no individual was allowed to disturb public order in the name of a religion. “The best way to avoid disturbances caused by the differences in religion, is to completely tolerate the religions that do not harm ethics or hinder national politics, and to let them be practiced freely.”106 A state religion or national religion was not entirely impossible. Reli- gion served man in his quest for a better life and gave stability and order within a society. Religion used to be connected to the supernatural only, but had come to regulate secular society as well107. When a majority of the people adhered to a certain religion, that religion had to be adopted as the national religion. When the entire population adhered to the same religion, the state had to worship this religion as well, and compile laws for worship. This was no task for individuals but for the government, as it was their duty to protect the welfare of society. If no national religion existed, it was the duty of the ruler to select a religion which he thought to be right and most suited to society, because the ruler had to promote the interest of the people108.

105 MORI, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, p.∞∞83. 106 MORI, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, pp.∞∞82-86., quotation p.∞∞83. 107 MORI, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, p.∞∞85. 108 MORI, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, p.∞∞83. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 179

A national religion was permissible, but religious organizations were to have no secular power. Government was to compile all laws, including those concerning a national religion. Foreign interference in matters of state or national religion was out of the question. The way the Vati- can used loyalty, and undermined local authority, was unacceptable. The clergy was to be respected, but was not to have independent secular power109.

Sakatani Shiroshi Sakatani Shiroshi joined Meirokusha in 1874 at the age of fifty-two. Sakatani had tried to specialize in Western studies before, but had to give it up to take care of his sick mother in Bitchû. There he established a school for Chinese studies. After the restoration he moved to Tokyo where he tried to secure a position in government. He noticed, however, that his education was valued more outside the circles of government. Like Nishimura and Nakamura, Sakatani stayed focused on Confucian- ism, while familiarizing himself with the West. All three are notable for their warnings against too rapid, or unnecessary adoption of Western things. Practical sciences were not the problem, but ethics had to be considered carefully before they could be introduced in Japanese society110 In almost all articles in Meiroku Zasshi Sakatani apologized for his ignorance and incompetence about Western things. He said his only knowledge of the West had come through Meirokusha. Nevertheless, Sakatani, as well as the other non-rangakusha, has to be considered as an important figure in the society, since it had been Mori’s idea to liber- ate scholars of different backgrounds from their isolation, and start discussion on equal grounds. Sakatani primarily focused on the relation between government, ethics and enlightenment. He devoted a lot of attention to religion, Western as well as Eastern, and philosophies on ethics. There is no specific article that treats religion as a means for unification. His ideas about this have to be composed from different articles. Sakatani thought government to be primarily responsible for the pro- tection and the education of the people. An excellent way to improve this, he thought, would be to allow different customs and ethics to

109 MORI, “Shûkyô”, MRZ 6, pp.∞∞83-84. 110 BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, pp.∞∞xxx-xxxii.; Dai Jinmei Jiten, “Sakatani Rôrô”. 180 A.M. VAN DER WERF coexist. People would thereby be encouraged in competitiveness, he argued. In the West, conflict between different thought — especially between church and science — had produced great scientific achieve- ments, and it would be wonderful if conservation of different thought would lead to the same in Japan, he argued111. Japan was on the right track with the enlightenment movement, he thought, but Sakatani was afraid all would be in vain if there was no ethical foundation. He thought that the people would base their behavior on that of their leaders, and therefore it was essential that they would provide an appropriate model. In an autocracy the behavior of the people would completely depend on that of their leaders. In that case, the rulers could never criticize the ruled, as this behavior would be a reflection of their own behavior. In this way, ethics were the best means to unify the state. Religious ethics functioned to correct the hearts of people and make them live sincerely, and secular ethics would correct human conduct. To have this function in the right way, first those in government had to behave in a proper way; after that the people would follow like grass bending in the wind112. According to Sakatani, states were built on humans, and humans needed an ethical basis. Without it, the world would be barbaric. The “good”, provided by religious and secular ethics, had to be the ruling principle in a state. Faith was the most important in ethical teachings. Confucius already had said that no man would be sincere without faith. For this reason as well, the thousands of religions in the world put faith fist. If faith was rejected, no person or nation would be worthy, and no agreement or state would last. But which ethics needed to come first? “What stops the ego of human desire and unites the hearts of the masses when we stress the good of heaven’s reason and embrace faith? I say there are only secular ethics. At times you cannot rely on secular ethics, there are religious ethics.”113 Every person was to be free to choose his own religion, but government had to make sure no religion would hurt the state. The law had to

111 SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Son i setsu” (On honoring differences), MRZ 19, pp.∞∞149-150: SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Yô seishin issetsu” (Another opinion on nurturing the mind), MRZ 40, pp.∞∞249-251. 112 SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Seikyô no gi yo” (More doubts on secular ethics), MRZ 25, pp.∞∞176-178; SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Mekake setsu no gi” (Doubts on the visions on concu- bines), MRZ 32, pp.∞∞209-211. 113 SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Seikyô no gi daiichi” (Doubts on secular ethics 1), MRZ 22, p.∞∞163. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 181 provide that no religion would hold any secular power. If a religion were to have secular power, the state would become its slave. All people once were slaves of religion. Protestantism had improved the situation in Europe, but in reality, it had been a substitution of one religion for another. Rulers in Europe were no longer subjected to the rule of the Pope, but many of the people still subjected themselves to him uncondi- tionally. Japan as well had stopped to base politics on religious teachings, but the people were still slave of Buddhism, Sakatani thought. He feared that even more slavery would be added if Japan would give itself to Christianity. The common people were too ignorant to understand this, and therefore the people had to be guided in case of religion114. The secular ethics that a government would use to rule, could corre- spond with religious ethics. They should, however, have a rational foundation. As long as it was rational, it did not matter whether the same was found in Christianity, Buddhism, or any other religion. For this same reason it did not matter whether Japan would stick to Eastern values or not115. “When establishing a state we have to take their strong points. But we may not lose our spirit. When we lose this […] even the strong points will cause us all the more damage.”116 In the Meiji period Japan had left the path of barbarism, and had begun to model itself after the civilized customs and laws of the West. The abolishment of the han and the military functions of the samurai, and the enactment of army and navy, were all good measures, according to Sakatani. Nevertheless, Japan had to be careful not to cary it too far, and thereby lose its own traditions. Japan needed religious ethics to unite the hearts of the people. European religions possessed this power, but these would not be incorporated and accepted without any struggle. This could lead to an unwanted struggle between European and Japanese values. Besides, European ethics had not put an end to the evils of the world as well117.

114 SAKATANI Shiroshi, “Amakudaru no setsu no tsuzuki” (Descending from heaven; Continued), MRZ 36, pp.∞∞227-230. 115 SAKATANI, “Seikyô no gi yo”, MRZ 25, pp.∞∞176-178. 116 SAKATANI “Yô seishin issetsu ni” (Another opinion on nurturing the mind 2), MRZ 41, p.∞∞254. 117 SAKATANI, “Mekake setsu no gi” MRZ 32, pp.∞∞209-211.; SAKATANI, “Yô seishin issetsu ni”, MRZ 41, pp.∞∞254-255. 182 A.M. VAN DER WERF

Nakamura Masanao Nakamura Masanao had been a neo-Confucian scholar. In 1842 he started with rangaku and in the 1860’s he specialized in English studies. In 1866 he lead a group of students for the bakufu to England. Although he remained a Confucian, he was very much attracted to Christianity. He saw several parallels between the Christian God and the Confucian idea of Heaven. Most likely he taught Christian literature in Chinese in Tokyo in 1869. Altough he became a Christian in 1873, Nakamura was not of great influence on the Christian movement in Japan. The one thing that stands out is his above mentioned petition in favor of Chris- tianity of 1872. Moreover, Nakamura is noticed for Japanese Liberalism. His translations of Samuel Smiles’ Self Help and John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty sold well, and are said to have been a success among Japanese students. In 1872 he became a translator with the Ministry of Finance. Besides Meirokusha, he was also active in Dôninsha, a society that stressed moral training, and advocated a better position for women. In 1881 he was appointed as professor at the University of Tokyo118. One would expect Nakamura to seize the opportunity, and preach Christianity in Meiroku Zasshi, but he did not. He did write about Chris- tianity, but only in relation with European history and the development of science and enlightenment in the West. Nakamura recognized, like Nishi did, that knowledge had to be divided into knowledge that could be measured and knowledge that was subject to interpretation. Religion, ethics and philosophy belonged to the latter. The exact sciences established facts, and took more and more from the area of believe and faith. With the development of the exact sciences, mankind would more and more understand the work of the Creator, and more and more turn towards good, Nakamura thought119. Law existed to make man happy. Nakamura took Francis Bacon’s idea on how this could be achieved: first of all, by making man have faith in God and making him fear His ways, and secondly by teaching man moral behavior. Changes in political structure would not suffice to change the nature of the people. Water did not change if it was poured

118 HIRAKAWA, Japan’s Turn to…; BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, p.∞∞xxx-xxxi.; CARY, A History of…. 119 NAKAMURA Masanao, “Seigaku ippan zengo no tsuzuki yaku” (An outline of western science; continued interpretation from previous issues), MRZ 16, pp.∞∞133-136. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 183 from a bowl into a cube; the nature of man was the same, and had to be changed before old customs could be replaced by new ones120. Some caution was necessary. “When making new law and establishing new regulations, it is absolutely necessary to follow the customs of the region and the people, and intent to comply to their feelings. The greatest danger is that “literary men” will suddenly apply law, based on which they could have learned from the writings of the ancient, without being cau- tious to this danger.”121 In case of fundamental reforms, attention had to be paid to the natural spirit of the times. Thereby harmony would remain and the people would not be confused. Reforms that were implemented too fast or with force, would disturb harmony, and in the end, would be doomed to fail122. Nakamura thought something had to be done, but did not give concrete advice on how this had to be done. He only gave the example of Protestantism in Europe, and did not state that this had to be incorporated in Japan. He even warned that every unit of culture had to be examined on whether it could be adopted in another culture.

Nishimura Shigeki Nishimura Shigeki had been an advisor to the bakufu, and in the Meiji period he became a lector to the emperor and a public servant with the Ministry of Education. Nishimura had been raised in the Confucian way, and advocated Chinese ethics and loyalty to the emperor. In the fifties he started to study rangaku, but he remained convinced of the superiority of Chinese ethics. Nishimura feared that all Western things would be adopted without questioning, and therefore he suspected everything that was not necessary. Certainly Christianity could hurt Japan, in his opinion. After the restoration he focused more on Western politics and philosophy. He criticized the Japanese scholars that did not interact with others, kept too strictly to their tradition, and took no part in the progress of Japanese civilization. To earn a place of respect in the world, he thought, Japan had to acknowledge that it was but a niche of the world,

120 NAKAMURA, “Seigaku ippan zengo…”, MRZ 16, pp.∞∞133-136; NAKAMURA Masa- nao, “Jinmin no seishitsu wo kaizô susu setsu” (On changing the disposition of the people), MRZ 30, pp.∞∞201-202. 121 NAKAMURA, “Seigaku ippan zengo…”, MRZ 16, pp.∞∞135-136. 122 NAKAMURA Masanao, “Seigaku ippan no tsuzuki” (An outline of western science; continued), MRZ 23, pp.∞∞170-171. 184 A.M. VAN DER WERF and it had to look at European history before implementing reform. Japan had to take Christianity as an example, that had provided Europe with ethical training, the fundaments for good laws and unity among the people. The weak point of the West, he thought, was the fact that West- ern philosophers were too competitive and always wanted to outrival their predecessors, thereby loosing sight of the real issues. This was con- trary to the Confucians who revered the “sages”123. Two articles in Meiroku Zasshi reflect clearly Nishimura’s ideas on progress of Japanese society. These are “Theory that ethics and government are not two ways” (Shûshin chikoku hi futamichi ron), in Meiroku Zasshi 31, and “On the turnover” (Tenkan setsu) in Meiroku Zasshi 43. Japan had to take Christianity as an example, but that did not mean introducing it in Japanese society. The effect Christianity as an institution had had in Europe was good, but he did not comment on the contents of the doctrine. In “Theory that ethics and government are not two ways” he warned that it would be Japan’s ruin if it were to leave Japan- ese ethics too quickly. Neo-Confucianism had been the foundation and legitimization of the bakufu, and now the bakufu had disappeared, neo- Confucianism was threatened as well. Nishimura was fiercely opposed to this. He argued that Japan had to keep neo-Confucianism at least until a suitable replacement had been found124. Government had lost all ethics, but the people still valued the old ethics and stuck to the old customs. Although he thought the ethics of the people to be low and vulgar, at least they had ethics, he argued. Gov- ernment and nobility had no ethical foundation, which Nishimura thought to be worse than the “baring of the legs” and the “urinating in public” by the people125. Nishimura did not think Japan would have a unifying ideology quickly. He saw too many contradictions in the building of the new Japan. On the one hand, there were the supporters of sonnô jôi who were said to have caused the restoration, and on the other hand, there were the supporters of bunmei kaika, who were said to be concentrated on the building of the new Japan. The first group was thought to revere everything Japanese and to resent anything foreign, and the second group was

123 BRAISTED, Meiroku Zasshi, pp.∞∞∞xxxi-xxxii; SHIVELY, Donald H., “Nishimura Shigeki: A Confucian View of Modernization”, in: JANSEN, Changing Japanese Atti- tudes…. 124 NISHIMURA Shigeki, “Shûshin chikoku hi futamichi ron”, MRZ 31, p.∞∞204. 125 NISHIMURA, “Shûshin chikoku hi…”, MRZ 31, pp.∞∞204-205. CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 185 thought to abolish everything old and ancient, and to be focussed on the foreign countries and everything new. This could cause a split in government as well as in the country. Nishimura eventually chose for bunmei kaika, because it encouraged educating the people on all fronts. This education should not mean the abandonment of everything old, but allowing the people to choose their own destiny, and letting them choose freely what to keep and what to adopt126. “Therefore I earnestly beg you: polish the learning of the people, nurture their vitality, do not yield to authority and force, and do not fear tribulation. When the people can seize legislative power, they will use it to erase their other disadvantages like ice. The power of the people will grow strong, and the power of the country too will follow and become strong. At a time like this, the meaning of [the phrase] “competing with all countries in the world” of the [Five Article] Oath will be realized, and we will reach prosperity for high and low together.”127 According to Nishimura Japan now worked the wrong way around. Japan wanted civilization and enlightenment even before the people had a proper moral foundation. After the people had been educated ethically, culture could be build to achieve civilization and enlightenment, he thought. In Meiroku Zasshi he did not state whether Christianity could provide this education. He primarily stressed that ethics and morals should not disappear in Japan. Ethics should provide the laws; not the other way around. Government had almost lost all sense of ethics, and now it started to disappear from the people as well.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Everybody was aware that, if Japan wanted to attain a position of influence or equality in the world, it had to unify. The Five Article Oath was an example of this. In Meiroku Zasshi too, pleas were made. A foundation was necessary, not only for the relations with the outside world, but also for the administration of Japan itself. Many argued that there would be arbitrary rule if there was no ethical foundation for the law. Fukuzawa argued similarly when he proposed to cease the publication of Meiroku Zasshi.

126 NISHIMURA, “Tenkan setsu”, MRZ 43, pp.∞∞260-263. 127 NISHIMURA, “Tenkan setsu”, MRZ 43, pp.∞∞262-263. 186 A.M. VAN DER WERF

An exclusive religion as an ideological foundation would indeed bring the people closer together, most writers thought, but it would hinder the progress of Japan. It was not thought that Christianity would become popular among the people. And besides, forcing people to believe was not an option, according to most writers. First of all, they did not think the government had the right to force people into believing a religion, because religion could not be explained. And, secondly, the people would turn away from government if they had to obey laws that had no explicable foundation. A central, all-embracing ideology was not seen as a real option. This affirms Yoda’s theory that Japan incorporates new elements to coexist with existing elements, and not to replace old or existing elements. Only Kashiwabara thought that government should found law on a specific religion, and that false religions, and their ethics, would be replaced automatically by true religions. He was opposed to freedom of religion because it would cause a differentiation of the people from the law and the unity of the state. He alone was an advocate of an exclusive state religion, but even he thought it to be virtually impossible to convince an entire population of the correctness of a religion. Opposite to the ideas of Kashiwabara were Nishi’s ideas of separating ethics and administration. The other five contributors I dealt with here, thought that law should indeed have a religious or secular ethical foundation. However, religion was never to have more power than the state. Tsuda as well, who advocated to unite the people through Protestantism, thought of an elite that would rationally judge and control the religion. In due time the religion had to be replaced. The distinction Nishi had made in Hyakuichi Shinron between universal laws and ethical laws, and which he restated in Meiroku Zasshi, was applied by most writers. Not much difficulty was seen in accepting tech- nologies as these were subjected to the universally valid laws of physics, but when it came to ethical matters, most writers agreed that it had to be investigated whether these would fit in Japanese society. According to Sakatani and Nishimura it was not necessary to look to the West to find the proper ethics. First of all, Japan had to stick to Confucian ethics, they thought. Both writers can be seen as supporters of “Eastern ethics, West- ern technology”. Even Nakamura, who only in 1872 had petitioned for the adoption of Christianity as the state religion, because the wealth and the lead of the West were based on it, reconsidered in Meiroku Zasshi. Christianity had caused the rise of wealth in Europe, but this did not mean it would do the same in Japan. He recognized the differences CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MEIJI JAPAN 187 between universal and ethical laws, and warned for the danger of importing ethical matters into society that were not suitable. The writers were aware of the fact that adopting Western science meant the introduction of Western ideology, philosophy, and religion to Japan as well. Taking the idea of “Eastern ethics, Western technology”, the Confucian writers tried to prevent this. The value writers attributed to Christianity was only remotely connected to the contents of the Bible, and if so, often based on secondary Western literature. For example, the account of the Creation, or Jesus as the savior of mankind, were not treated at all. Only Kashiwabara took the contents of the Bible as subject. He wrote about the Ten Command- ments and the punishments of Heaven and Hell. However he did this, not because these were written in the Bible or God had given them, but because they provided an ethical foundation for secular law. Kashi- wabara focused on the functional value of Christianity. When he evalu- ated Christianity, he referred to it as a religious institution. The same is true for Tsuda, who envisioned an active role for Christianity; he saw religion as an instrument to lead the ignorant towards enlightenment. He admired the several branches of Christianity for their interpretation of the doctrine, but never did he praise the doctrine itself. References writers made on the teachings of Christianity, were often done through translation of comments of Western writers on Christianity, or religion in general. On this the writers founded their opinions about Christianity. This is most clearly illustrated by Mori’s article “Religion”, which was not his evaluation of Christianity. He intended it as the basis for a broad discussion on religion in general. Christianity was central to “Religion” because it was compiled from summaries and translations of Western pieces on religion. The question I wanted to answer was whether the writers of Meiroku Zasshi viewed Christianity as a possible means for the unification of Japan, in order to enlighten the country, and swiftly attain equality with the West. The writers did see Christianity as a means of unification, but doubted whether Christianity could achieve the same in Japan as it had in Europe. They feared that a foreign religion could not be introduced into Japan without causing confusion and chaos. Japan needed a foundation that would suit its society, in order to unite the people and build a new and modern nation. This foundation did not have to be a Western ideology. Possibly, it would be better to select an Eastern, or even a Japanese foundation, to have it quickly root in the existing Japanese 188 A.M. VAN DER WERF customs, and to have it suit the level of enlightenment. Christianity, and certainly Protestantism, was admired by the writers of Meiroku Zasshi. However, the idea of freedom of religion, the fear of secular power of a religion as an organized institution, and above all, the notion that religion and ethics were not universally valid, as were the laws of physics of medicine, made them conclude that Christianity in its Western exclusive form was not applicable as a means for the unification of Japan in order to enlighten the country and swiftly attain equality with the West. When Meirokusha halted the publication of Meiroku Zasshi, the society was still in an early stage. In the first year the society had increased in members, and the administrative form had changed from one president to six commissioners in may 1875. The only way the society could continue when it stopped spreading knowledge though Meiroku Zasshi, was in relative isolation which was the very thing Mori had wanted to avoid in establishing the society. The variation of subjects in Meiroku Zasshi was to such an extend that no broad discussion had started on many of them. Only the foundations for concrete discussions were laid for matters like a popularly elected assembly, economic reforms, the role of scholars in the progress of Japan, or the relation between state, ethics and religion. Reactions of one writer to another are not that frequent in Meiroku Zasshi. The discussion of religion too had only started. Most writers had only stated their opinion. For a good discussion of the subject, a corresponding terminology would be expected. This was not the case. Even for the terms “religion” and “Christianity”, different translations were used. In some cases where the terms indicating “Christianity” are used, it is not even clear whether they indicate the faith, the religion as an institution, or whether they are used specifically for Protestantism or Catholicism. Within Meirokusha, which promoted the spread of knowledge, different opinions on enlightenment even existed. Tsuda, for example thought of it as a goal in itself, while Nishi and Sakatani clearly though of it as a means to reach happiness, prosperity and peace to society. One can only speculate that continuation of Meiroku Zasshi had resulted in a better defined discussion.

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