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Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG. -
Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)
DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO). -
Poland at a Crossroads? Analysing the 2019 Parliamentary Election
UCL SSEES Press Briefing Poland at a crossroads? Analysing the 2019 parliamentary election Press briefing 15 October 2019 BACKGROUND TRIUMPH OF THE RULING PARTY On 13 October 2019, Polish voters went to Professor Aleks Szczerbiak (University of the polls to re-elect the 460-member Sejm Sussex) (the lower house of pArliAment) And the 100- member SenAte (the upper house). KEY POINT PiS Achieved this remarkable electoral success As they were the sole pArty The ruling nAtionAlist-conservative LAw And not only campAigning about, but Also with a Justice (PiS)-led coAlition retAined its majority record of delivering on, the sociAl needs thAt in the lower house, winning 235 seAts, but, many Poles care most About. with 48 seAts, lost its majority in the SenAte. It wAs the PiS-led coAlition’s second electoral 1. PiS wAs Able to score A victory despite victory After gAining An Absolute majority in Accusations About undermining Polish both houses in 2015. democracy put forwArd by both domestic And externAl Actors. The main opposition bloc, the Civic CoAlition, came second with 134 And 43 seAts in the 2. PiS populArity wAs predicated on its lower And upper houses, respectively. The success in fulfilling its generous Left coAlition Also gAve A strong enough welfAre pledges while in office. Also, performance to enter pArliAment. the pArty “redistributed prestige” by providing A sense of importAnce to the Voter turnout wAs A record 61.7% – the sociAl groups previously highest of the post-1989 pArliAmentAry condescended to by the governments elections in PolAnd. led by liberal urbAn elites. -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries. -
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary Anna Grzymala-Busse Stanford University October 24, 2017 The failure of party competition The unprecedented support for populist parties, their hold on power, and the subse- quent erosion of democracy in Poland and in Hungary are all the result of the failure of mainstream political parties. The \natural parties of government" failed to articulate distinct policies and to respond to constituent concerns. Populist right-wing parties took advantage of this indifference in the last ten years, and convincingly argued they better represented the interests of \real" Poles and Hungarians against the corrupt and collusive elite establishment. To achieve their goal of a state loyal to the will of the people, these parties then set out to systematically dismantle the formal institutions of liberal democ- racy: courts, media freedoms, civil society associations, and constitutions. They also undermined the informal values that buttress liberal democracy, such as protecting the opposition, transparency in financial dealings, or equal treatment of all citizens. Neither civil society alone nor international criticism have been able to thwart these processes of democratic corrosion. Only other political parties can do so, but they remain too weak, divided, and hampered by new laws passed by the populist governments. Initially after the collapse of communism in 1989, Poland and Hungary were the poster children for successful transformation. They were the first to democratize, with Round Table agreements in 1989 that led to free elections and political competition. Both successfully managed the transition to a market economy, and both were among the earliest entrants to NATO and the EU among the post-communist states. -
Poland: the Olitp Ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected]
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Political Science College of Arts & Sciences 2014 Poland: The olitP ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/poli_sci Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Curry, J. L. (2014). Poland: The oP litics of “God's Playground”. In S. L. Wolchik & J. L. Curry (Eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, (pp. 235-263). Rowman & Littlefield. Copyright © 2014 Rowman & Littlefield. Reproduced by permission of Rowman & Littlefield. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher for permission to copy, distribute or reprint. View the book in our Faculty Book Gallery. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baltic Sea BELARUS POLAND *Warsaw eWroclaw CZECH REPUBLIC Map l 0.0. Poland CHAPTER 10 Poland THE POLITICS OF "GOD'S PLAYGROUND" Jane Leftwich Curry Poland was the first and one of the most successful transitions from a centralized com munist state to a liberal, more Western-style democracy. During the European economic crisis, Poland's economy maintained one of the highest growth rates in the European Union (EU). Its political system stabilized. It has been both an active member of the EU and a strong advocate for liberalization of its eastern neighbors as well as for their inclu sion in European initiatives. -
Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
“The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland. -
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform. -
Polish Senate
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Polish Senate 1. At a glance Re-established after the democratic transformations of 1989 the Senate consists of 100 senators elected for 4 years by direct universal suffrage, by secret ballot, in single-member constituencies. In accordance with article 10 (2) and article 95 of the Constitution of 2 April 1997, the legislative power is exercised by the Sejm and the Senate. In specific cases, both chambers may have joint sessions as the National Assembly. The Chamber has the right to initiate legislation. The Senate examines bills passed by the Sejm within 30 days of their submission, unless a bill is urgent, in which case it is examined within 14 days. The Senate may accept, amend or reject a bill passed by the Sejm. The Senate’s resolution to reject or amend a bill is deemed accepted when it is not overruled by the Sejm by an absolute majority of votes in the presence of at least half the statutory number of deputies. Parliamentary elections to both the Sejm and Senate were held in Poland on 13 October 2019. Since December 2017 Mateusz Morawiecki from PiS is the Prime Minister. Next elections are to be scheduled for October 2023 at latest. 2. Composition SENATE Parties EP % Number of seats PiS - Prawo i Sprawiedliwość 48% 48 (Law and Justice) KO - Koalicja Obywatelska 43% 43 (Civic Coalition) PSL - Polskie Stronnictwo 3% 3 Ludowe (Polish Peasants’ Party) SLD - Sojusz Lewicy 2% 2 Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance) Independent Senators 4% 4 100 3. -
The Polish Paradox: from a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion Zofia Kinowska-Mazaraki Department of Studies of Elites and Political Institutions, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Polna 18/20, 00-625 Warsaw, Poland; [email protected] Abstract: Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.