IAR Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies ISSN Print : 2709-3328 | ISSN Online : 2709-3336 Frequency : Bi-Monthly Language : English Origin : Kenya Website : https://www.iarconsortium.org/journal-info/iarjhcs Research Article
Impact of Da’wah Activities of Shaykh Uthman Bn Foduwe, the fall of Birnin Kebbi and the Emergence Gwandu Emirate Article History Abstract: The paper examines how the Da’wah activities of Shaikh Uthman bn Fodiyo leads to the conquest of Birnin Kebbi, the capital city of Kebbi Kingdom, Received: 22.05.2021 in April 1805. The event had unique position in the history of the 1804 Jihad and Revision: 01.06.2021 the subsequent emergence of Gwandu Emirate. The territory served as a military Accepted: 10.06.2021 base from where the Jihad activities were carried out between 1805 and 1809. The Published: 20.06.2021 historic event further gave birth to new Islamic system of governance in the territory of Kebbi Kingdom and the establishment of Sokoto Caliphate. Author Details Dr Aminu Alhaji Bala*1 and Buhari Keywords: Da‟wah, Kebbi Kingdom, 1804 Jihad, Gwandu Emirate and Bello2 Northern Nigeria. Authors Affiliations 1Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of INTRODUCTION Arts and Islamic Studies Usmanu Danfodiyo The main focus of this paper is to discuss and trace the historical University, Sokoto, Nigeria 2Kebbi State Arabic &Islamic Education background of the area that gave birth to Gwandu Emirate out of Kebbi Board Kingdom, and the religious practices and condition of people in the area, Corresponding Author* which necessitated the Da’awa activities of Shaykh Uthman bn Fodiyo Dr Aminu Alhaji Bala before the fall of Birnin Kebbi. The paper will also portray the structure of administration that existed in the Kingdom before the period of How to Cite the Article: nineteenth century, and how Shaykh‟s Da’awa facilitated in reforming Aminu Alhaji Bala & Buhari Bello. (2021); Impact of Da’wah Activities of Shaykh Uthman Bn the Kebbi people and provide Islamic polity known as Gwandu Emirate Foduwe, the fall of Birnin Kebbi and the Emergence to govern larger part of Kebbi kingdom. Gwandu Emirate. IAR J Human Cul. Stud. 2(3) 7-17 Copyright @ 2021: This is an open-access article An over view of Gwandu Emirate Carve out of Kebbi Kingdom distributed under the terms of the Creative Towards the end of eighteenth century the people of Kebbi kingdom, Commons Attribution license which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction whose political structure existed for almost three centuries, was in in any medium for non commercial use condition of decay and the situation had necessitated for reform which (NonCommercial, or CC-BY-NC) provided the leads to the Da‟awa activity of Shaykh Uthman bn Fodiyo not only in original author and source are credited. Kebbi Kingdom but in the whole of hausa land, leading to the emergence of a new polity after the fall of Birnin Kebbi in 1805 at Gwandu.
The word Gwandu is interchangeably used as an appellation to both entire western part of Sokoto caliphate in the nineteenth century and the town of Gwandu, but according to Abubakar Aliyu Gwandu “the word Gwandu is a derivation from a Hausa word gandu, meaning royal farmlands.” He described the farmland area to be originally Kotal Kanta‟s farmland. Therefore, the head farmer, Sarkin noma of Kanta‟s farm established this village, and it grew as a big settlement called Gwandu.1 But, according to another source it‟s a derivation from a Fulfulde word “QANDU meaning a valley”2 it also appeared in Tazyin al warqat of Shaykh Abd Allah Foduye as QANDU.3 Today Birnin Kebbi is the Emirate Headquarters of Gwandu and the capital of Kebbi state Nigeria.
Gwandu territory before nineteenth century was under the powerful Kingdom of Kebbi which appeared as early as sixteenth century.4 This powerful kingdom had been a province in the Songhai Empire until its ruler Kotal Kanta rebelled against Askia, after he has built his own local power on the Kebbi River at Surame, his capital. Under the Kanta, Kebbi was powerful enough to withstand and counter-attack an empire as powerful as Bornu.5 Therefore, Kanta‟s powers control the region during the reign of Mai Ali of Bornu6. At the peak of its power, Kebbi stretched from Aghades in the
1 Gwandu A.A, “Abdullahi B. Fodio As A Muslim Jurist” PhD. Thesis , School of Oriental studies Elvet Hill, Durham, 1977, P.56. 2 Gwandu Emirate, Gwadu The Domain Of Abdullahi,( ed.) S.A Birnin Kebbi and H.S Kende, Birnin Kebbi, Almudathir Innovative concept, 2007, p.1. 3 Abdullahi B. Muhammad Foduye, Tazyin Al-Warqat, (ed.) And Trans., M.Hisket, Ibadan, University press,1963, P.80. 4 Last M., The Sokoto Caliphate, London, Longman Group limited, 1977, p.lxiv. 5 Ibid, p.lxv. 6 Ibid, p.lxv.
7
Aminu Alhaji Bala & Buhari Bello; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-2, Iss- 3 (May-Jun, 2021): 7-17 north to areas of Oyo and Ibadan in the South; and from Zazzau in the east to Gurma, and the eastern Songhai to Tera in the west.7
Surame, the capital of Kebbi kingdom, was destroyed in the early eighteenth century by a Tuareg leader Aqabba of Ahir, who launched an attack that led to the death of Sarkin Kebbi Hammadu (Ahmadu).8 The inhabitants of the capital moved about sixty miles downstream west to Birnin Kebbi.9
Religious Condition of the People of Kebbi before Nineteenth Century. Religion as a universal need is very central and influential in all facets of lives of the people. According to Dennis, while defining religion, he states that: Religion and religious ideas are related to the universal human need to make sense of the world we live in. These ideas are therefore central to our understanding of our society and how it works. It follows that religious ideas will play a crucial role in determining how people explain and react to change in their society, influencing the direction in which their society will continue to change.10 Religion and religious ideas of the Hausa people is paganism and they continued to retain their traditional pagan religious belief before the introduction and spread of Islam in Hausaland. Bugaje maintained that Paganism, otherwise called, traditional religion provided the Hausa people a belief system and interpretation of the mysteries of life. This traditional religious system revolved around a belief in a high distant god (Ubangiji), who is not actively connected with everyday life of men, and is supplemented by a chain of supernatural forces (Iskoki) directly in touch with men and controlling their destiny in everyday life. The natural resources such as agricultural land, forest, rivers, iron ore and salt deposits are believed to be in the custody of these Iskoki.11
Kebbi communities like other people of Hausaland are not an exception in terms of religious activity before the arrival of Islamic religion in the region. The religious practice of Hausaland after the arrival of Islam was also corrupted as classified by Shaykh Uthman bn Fodiyo in his book Nurul Al-bab12 in which he highlighted that the people could be grouped into three classes; the pure Muslims who practice the religion in accordance with Islamic injunctions and with them, there was no act of disbelief which was contrary to the practice of Islam or from their utterances what contradict the Islamic Faith. The second groups are those who mix Islam with syncretism and were also found among the Muslim group, they mix-up Islamic practice with un-Islamic customs or were found in their utterances something which clearly shows some kind of contradictions in their Islamic belief and they are described as unbelievers according to this classification. While the third group, according to the Dan Fodiyo’s classifications are the Pagans who practice traditional religion, who were born unbelievers and they did not claim to be Muslims.13 Shaykh Muhammad Bello also in his book Infaq al-maysur outline the various groups in Hausaland, he states:
It is hardly to find in these towns (Hausaland) one whose faith and mode of worship is authentic, except very few and it is hardly to find in their majority, one who knows Tauhid (Islamic monotheism): Among them were unbelievers who worshiped trees and Jinns, they proclaim on themselves unbelief, they neither pray nor fast or give poor due, they insult god and state what is not suitable to Him. These are the majority people of Sudanese known as maguzawa (idolators) 14
Therefore, pagan practice has predated Islamic religion in the area under review and it was observed in the following condition.
7 Gwandu A.A, Op. cit, p. 6. 8 Alkali M.B, ” A Hausa Community in Crisis: Kebbi in the Nineteenth Century” M.A Dissertation, A.B.U Zaria, 1969, p.80. 9 Last M, Op. cit, p.lxv. 10 C. Dennis, “The Role of Religion in Social Change”, in S. Afonja, and O. Pearce (ed), Social Change in Nigeria, Longman Press, Ibadan, 1986, p. 139. 11 F. Fuglestad “A Reconsideration Of Hausa History before the Jihad”, J. A.H. 19, 3 (1978), p. 322. 12 Uthman b. Foduye, Nural Albab, Sokoto,Dan Ige Tsamiyar yaro printing,nd. 13 Ibid. 14 Muhammad Ballo, Infaq al-Maysur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Takrur, (ed.) Whittings C.E.J., Luzac and Company, London, 1951, p. 28. (Translation mine.) 8
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Traditional Religion The Pagan practice or traditional beliefs are present in Hausaland from time immemorial and the main characteristic of these Pagans who practice traditional religions or beliefs as the paying or showing some kind of reverence for a number of spirits localized particularly in Trees, Stones, Wells and Rivers.15 In the era of traditional religion, prior to the coming of Islam, the Kebbi people were known to have two major religions as highlighted by Hanafi: Spiritual religion and Ancestral religion.16 The Kebbi people who practices spiritual religion long before the coming of Islamic religion in the area observed an intensive devotional activities and sacrifices to various object of worship.
Similarly, they believed in some supernatural powers, or creations to which they attributed some extra-ordinary attributes and power. They recognized them as their gods, and worship them in recognition of these power and extra- ordinary performances of the spirits. It is popularly known as Bori religion or traditional cult. Bori was practiced as a religion with a view to providing solution to all human problems such as social, political, economic, health (sickness) and all problems related to man. A center existed for the Bori and professional activities to which most of them depended and it includes fishing and ferry activities, farming, hunting, blacksmithing and traditional barbing. The professionals of each of these jobs patronized and satisfied the demands of Bori.17 The political authorities were also fully involved as mentioned above in the appointments of a new king of the Kingdom. Alkali, further exposited, that the Sarki was the custodian of the wuraren tsafi (places of heathen worship) and he provide sacrificial animals. He worked hand in hand with the officials of bori and their counsel and advice was always sought in matters of particular significance to the welfare of the state like warfare.18The activities of farming were also connected to the bori activities like gyaran gari and shan kubewa. The purpose of all these was to predict harvest condition of the year and also it aimed to appease the iskoki to grant a prosperous rice harvest and an abundant fishing season.19 They believe they will succeed whenever these rituals and sacrifices are offered. The fishermen and ferrymen also performed certain rituals, called gyaran ruwa and it is preceded by human sacrifices, bada mutum.20 Other practices were associated with water spirit, for example a priest will dropped his new born baby in a river immediately after birth for a period of one week to initiate the baby to water sprit and these practices were found in places like Gulma town and Dankanawa village21 by sarakunan ruwa who uphold the practice.22 Some Arawa people are also among the practitioners of this traditional bori religion.23
The places of this worship include places like under trees, hut, river bank, top of a hill etc as houses for Bori spirits. The priests of this worship are called Boka, magajiya, sarkin ruwa or Maidaji, who were considered as the intermediaries between spirits and the people of a given village or town. The spirits were also called with different names like Doguwa, Inna, Hajon Ruwa, Dantsatsumbe or Dandanguna. The main wisdom behind the worship is simply the provision of solutions to all problems, as well as protection and cure to all their needs.
The second type of traditional religious group in the kingdom was the Ancestral religion. It was composed of different shrines from individual, family or communal. This practice originates from the worship of dead ancestors who died and believed to be an intermediary between the living and God.24 It had more to do with morals than any other aspect of life. It was a spirit of check and balances, a modifier and a discipline center for its people. The ancestor‟s shrine detects right from wrong as well as the righteous from its followers. Therefore, no guilty member would like to swear at the shrine because he will die instantly.25 But, those who are not guilty nothing will happen to them. The ancestral practices were also found around Zuru area which was associated with ceremonies like magiro, uhola and golmo, they performed certain sacrifices which were made to idols.26 It was upon this foundation that Islam was able to be established in Hausaland, gradually supplanting polytheist culture with monotheism.
15 Last M, Op cit, p.lxix. 16 H. U. Yeldu,”The Impact of Colonialism on Arawa Muslim Community of Nigeria –Niger Republic Boarder” M.A Dissertations, U.D.U Sokoto, 2006, p.22. 17 An interview with Alhaji Rabiu Gulma, 59 years old, at his Office Arabic Board, Birnin Kebbi on 30th 12. 2014. 18 Alkali M.B, Op cit, p.123. 19 Ibid. p.124. 20 Ibid. 21 Gulma town and Dankanawa village are in Argungu Local Government Area of Kebbi State. 22 Confirmed to me by Alh Rabiu Gulma, Op cit. 23 Hanafi Yeldu Op cit. 24 For detail see Ahmed Bako, “canje canje A Al-Amurran Addini da Bauta A Kasar Zuru” in A.R. Augi and S.U.Lawal (eds.) Nazari a kan Tarihin Al‟ummar Kasar Zuru, Enugu,Fourth Dimension publishers, 1990. 25 An interview with Maidaji Hassan, 65 years old, Sarkin Dajin Gwandu, at his residence Kofar kola Birnin Kebbi on 12/11/2014. 26 Ahmed Bako, Op cit. 9
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An over view of Islam in Kebbi Kingdom Before the Shayhk’s Da’wah To understand the true state of Islam in Kebbi Kingdom in the eighteenth century it is necessary to see when and how Islam was introduce in Hausaland. The spread of Islam to Hausa States came through Sudan from Old Ghana down to Kanem as early as eleventh century during the time of al-Murabit (Almoravid) dynasty.27 However, the Hausa states appears to remained outside the influence of Islam until around the first quarter of the fourteenth century during the reign of Muhammad Korau (1320-53 CE) King of Katsina, which according to Gwandu the name “Muhammad‟ suggests the king must have been a Muslim. Similarly, in Kano too, king Uthman Zaman-gawa (1343-49 C.E) a contemporary of Muhammad Korau of Katsina.28 He too bore a Muslim name including his successor King Ali Yaji (1349-85 C.E) all from Kano.
In addition, steps were taken to spread Islam among the pagan subject population of Hausaland then. This include a mosque which was built in Kano city and in every town daily prayers was ordered to be observe and this mission was accomplished with the active participation of Wangarawa missionaries from Melle, who arrived in Hausaland at the time. This, according to Gwandu, coincides with the period when the power of Melle and Islam in the western Sudan was at its peak.29
Therefore, it is not surprising to see Kano and Katsina been the first cities in the Hausa states to come into contact with Islam for they had been centers of trade and the terminals of the caravan routes running across the desert from North Africa and later from Egypt to Hausaland for centuries.30 In addition, the Muslim traders from north must have brought with them not only their goods but their religion as well. This made the spread of new faith easier by continual arrival, at different intervals, of new missionaries especially during the reign of King Yaqub of Kano (1452-63 C.E) in which a group of Fulani missionaries arrived in Hausaland from Melle, bringing with them a new set of books on subjects which hitherto had not receive attention from the scholars in Hausaland.31These include books dealing with tauhid (divinity) and etymology; prior to this the only books studied seem to have been the Qur‟an, Hadith books and those of law.32
For the Religion of Islam to be firmly and permanently established in Hausaland, it could rightly be said that the reign of king Yaqub‟s successor, Muhammad Rumfa (1463-99 CE) in Kano and this period of History also coincide with the time of great Islamic revival, not only in Kano, but also in Katsina then under Ibrahim Maje (1494-1520). More so, this historic period seems to be the time when the whole of Hausaland witnessed an increase in Islamic influence. This might have been due to increased contact between Hausaland and Songhai which was also at the time undergoing great Islamic revival initiated by Sultan Askia Muhammad of Songhai, when large part of Hausaland came under political influence of Songhai. It was at this period Kanta of Kebbi was a governor for Askia Muhammad Ture of Songhai before he revolted and established himself as an independent King of Kebbi.33
Although it was observed since the days of Kanta, during sixteenth century, the rulers of Kebbi kingdom claimed to profess Islam.34 However, Alkali has thrown more light on the state of Islam in the Kingdom, before the Jihad, Islam had spread to Kebbi as early as sixteenth century. The first Sarkin Kebbi, Muhammad Kanta and some of his chiefs are reported to have accepted the faith of Islam.35 But, it is not known what proportion of the masses accepted the faith. It has been suggested, however, that the majority of the Kabbawa were adherent of the traditional religion tsafi. 36However, the acceptance of Islam by those who professed the faith did not mean the abandonment of practices associated with tsafi.37 For instance, Kanta himself continued to consult, manipulate and propitiate spirits (Iskoki) associate with tsafi by offering sacrifice to them.38
27 See Gwandu op cit. p 21-2 and Gada A.M, A Short History of Early Islamic Scholarship in Hausaland, Sokoto,UDUS,2001,p.2-3. 28 Ibid, p. 22. 29 Ibid, p.22. 30 Ibid, p.22 31 Ibid, p. 22-3 32 Ibid, p. 23 33 Ibid, p.33 34 P.K. Tibendirana, “The Administration of Sokoto, Gwandu and Argungu Emirates under British Rule, 1900-1946” Ph.D Thesis, University of Ibadan, 1974, p33. 35 M.B Alkali, Op.cit, p.120 36 Ibid, p.124-5. 37 Ibid, p.121. 38 Ibid. 10
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The rulers of Kebbi after Kanta also remained the chief custodian of sacred place of tsafi.39 They also continued to provide the tsafi priests with sacrificial animals needed for propitiating both land and water spirits which the Kabbawa believed in as agents influencing their material and spiritual welfare.40 But, despite the involvement of the rulers of Kebbi in tsafi, they adopted a general attitude of tolerance towards Islam.41 However, Balogun has mentioned three reasons connected to this tolerance to Islamic faith in the area. Firstly, Muslims constituted a negligible force therefore, apparently a harmless minority within the Kabbawa community. Secondly, the majority of the Muslims were foreign elements such as Fulani and merchants from other places. Thirdly, a good number of the adherent of Islamic faith particularly the settled Malams who were supposed to propagate the religion of Islam had infused too much of tsafi belief into it to make mutual opposition of the two religions glaringly apparent.42
The tolerant attitude of the rulers of Kebbi to Islam before nineteenth century must have facilitated the growth of the religion. Even though the growth was slow.43 More so, all indications are that neither Kanta nor any of his successors ever attempted to make Islam a state religion.44 Therefore, Islamic practice in the kingdom was not controlled by any authority. The people in authority always resort to witchcraft with an aim to consolidate their position as in the case of Suleman, the 18th Sarkin Kebbi and also in the case of Muhammad Hodi who murdered his brother Umar Ukar in 1803 and became Sarkin Kebbi.45 Therefore, it was observed by individual worshipers and scholars according to the way they perceived it. This may be the reason why Muslims in the area mix up religious practices with some pagan practices, which the nineteenth century reformer Shaykh Uthman, observed and classified such group as syncretism.
The Disbelievers Who Abandon Islam (Apostate). Shehu Uthman further elaborated the divisions of disbelievers among those who are Muslims before and later abandon the religion of Islam in Hausaland. They include those who claimed to be Muslim but they performed an act of disbelief such as reverence to trees and mountains, through sacrifice to them. Similarly there are those who claimed to be Muslims in the region, but they don‟t believe on the Day of Judgment.46
More so, there are group of people who practice Islam at the same time they consult the fortune tellers to enquire about the events in the future, and they all believe in what they foretell. However, even from among the scholars there are some who were committing similar act of disbelief at the same time they claimed to be Muslim while they are not. They used charm to separate loved ones, like husband and wife. Use other charms of writing the Qur‟anic verses on top of bones of dead animal or a skull of a dog or through writing the verses with the blood that flows after slaughtering an animal or writing Qur‟anic verse on a slate and washing the writing with water and cutting the skin of a snake and then mixing It up.47
However, Shehu Uthman elaborated in the same book those who claimed to be Muslims but they do a kind of reverence to the graves of saints, scholar or a righteous person by putting foodstuff or piece of clothes on top of such graves to show their gratitude in answering their prayers. Similarly, those who claimed to posse‟s knowledge of the unseen through a kind of writing on the sand, noise of birds or through intermediation with the Jins. These deviant practices were often regarded as being part of Islam. This, however, necessitated reaction to these religious practices that existed in the region before the nineteenth century Sokoto Jihad.
The Structure of Government in Kebbi prior to Nineteenth Century The emergence of a state structure in Kebbi was a sixteenth century development. However, the political organization of Kebbi area started between eleventh and fifteenth centuries as a clan head under the authority of the Magaji.48The Magajis performed both the administrative and religious function in their respective clans and they are wholly independent of one another, but common interest could develop among them.
The Magaji system is said to have undergone some changes when the economic competition was introduced in the area by the arrival of migrants from Songhai region and are said to refuse to recognize the authority of the Magajis.
39 Ibid, p.123. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid, p.122. 42 S.A Balogun,” Gwandu Emirates in the nineteenth century: With special reference to political relations 1817-1903‟ University of Ibadan, 1970,p.75-6. 43 Ibid, p.76. 44 P.K. Tibenderana, Op. cit, p.31 and M.B Alkali Op cit. 45 Hogben and Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, London, University press, 1966, p.247. 46 For detail see Shaykh Uthman Fuduye, op cit. 47 Ibid. 48 Chafe K.S, State and Economy in the Sokoto Caliphate, Zaria, ABU press, 1999, p.25. 11
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However, they only recognize the authority of a descendant of one Magaji Alfa.49Thus with the cross-clan influence of this single clan, which was facilitated by the changing nature of social relations, state formation started and paved way to grouping of many magajis to form birane.
The Songhai occupation of Kebbi paved way for a new ruling institution in Kebbi, which before the emergence of the Sokoto Caliphate, was a kind of Government organized around the institution of Sarauta under a Sarki (King) and it consists of different organs that are concerned with the sarauta itself.
Appointment of Emirs in Kebbi Kingdom Sarki in Kebbi kingdom like all other Sarakuna in Hausa State was a central figure around whom every development in the state pivoted. Therefore, for someone to aspire to this office he must belong to a Lekawa ruling family, who were the descendant of Kotal Kanta, the first sarki of Kebbi. Theoretically any member from the lekawa family can be a sarki in the kingdom, but by the end of Eighteenth century, aspiration to this office had been limited to the senior princes of the two groups of the Lekawa ie. the descendant of Sarki Dangiwa (1700 -17) and the descendant of Sarki Samaila Karari (1826-1831).50
The procedure of the selection or election of a new Sarki indicate a kind of close association between that institution and some elements considered to have influence on the welfare of the state. This procedure may also consider the interest of the subjects with whom the government had to deal directly, at the same time the interest of the spirit (iskoki) who were believed to have fundamental spiritual influence on the state affairs in Kebbi kingdom.51
The selection of a new Sarki rested on the king makers, whom were not members of the royal family of the kingdom. They include Kunduda, Kokani, Iname, Magajin Baberi, Magajin Kulalo, Galadima, Magajin Gari and Dangara in an advisory capacity. It was these people who would take the responsibility of presenting an elected candidate for the position of the new Sarki to the spirit (iskoki), through their agents represented in the members of the bori cult.52 But, some time the work of the king-makers was a simple one, in a situation where a deceased Sarki had proposed his successor by appointing him as Dangaladima. In this case, the king-makers in consultation with Spirit (iskoki) will merely ratify him as a new Sarki. But, in a situation where the Dangaladima had not been appointed or was appointed but was rejected by the spirit, the king- makers must choose another candidate from the princes. However, in this kind of situation that the role of the spirits (iskoki) was decisive, the king-makers must conduct their proceedings in consultation with the principal bori cult officials such as Tsofi, Eni and Zumunce. When all of these heads agreed on a particular candidate, they would proceed to Dukku hill at the outskirt of Birnin Kebbi, very close to the River Rima for the sacrifice to the spirits and then announce the name of the new Sarki.53 The outcome of certain rites connected with the sacrifice made to the spirits would indicate whether the candidate was acceptable or otherwise. If the candidate was acceptable, the Kunduda who was the senior councilor among the king-makers would be detailed to inform the new Sarki at the night hour.The rest of the party will then proceed to the palace and make a hole at the frontage wall of the palace for the new Sarki to enter his new palace for the first time as a Sarki, but all the officials would enter through the gate and meet him in the deliberations chamber to pay homage.54
The new Sarki will be in seclusion for about one week according to Kabawa traditions, and it was referred to as Sarki ya shiga rumfa meaning he entered a shed. During this period the new Sarki would announce administrative changes of the personnel of certain titles. Similarly, the week was also full of events in the aspect of bori cult, officials like Magajiyar Gari and Magajiya-ta-kanana who were very important female officials in the bori cult, would assemble various members of the cult in their houses where rites would be performed to appease the spirits for longevity of the new King and prosperity of the land.55
Shaykh Uthman and His Da’wah activities Before 1804 The activities of Shaykh Uthman and his companions were not confined to the field of academic studies under the shade of their schools. He began his career with teaching, but at the same time active in the field of preaching in order to prepare ground for his mission. The nature of this campaign was to propagate the true teachings of Islam and to condemn alien practices. At the initial stage of their campaign they started at their hometown Degel, as a preaching strategy also
49 Ibid p.26 50 Alkali M.B, Op cit p.98. 51 Ibd, p.98. 52 Ibid, p.98. 53 Ibid, p.99. 54 Ibid, p.99. 55 Ibid, p.100. 12
Aminu Alhaji Bala & Buhari Bello; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-2, Iss- 3 (May-Jun, 2021): 7-17 they avoid the courts of Hausa Kings.56Their first preaching tour started from Kebbi in the west calling the masses to the reform of faith, Islamic rituals ranging from purity, ablution, prayer, to some un-Islamic practice such as entering other people‟s house without permission.57 They also call to good works and abandoning all customs contrary to Islamic faith, to other acts of polytheism such as making sacrifices to trees and stones. According to shaykh Abd Allah‟s own account,58 Shaykh Uthman began preaching around 1188 A.H 1774-75 C.E, at this date Abd Allah Foduyo was about eight years old, then learning Qur‟an from his father. However, at the age of twelve Abd Allah was placed under his brother Shaykh uthman for his education. Therefore, he accompanied the latter on all his preaching tours. The preaching was given in the local vernaculars Hausa and Fulfulde and was often in poetry.59 The use of poetry then has been considered as a better vehicle for the propagation of ideas, for its ease with which the masses picked the message quickly and easily at the same time commit to memory. Similarly, their preaching tours were different from the activities of other sufis who roamed about in search of a living. However, they maintained austerity in spite of the privileged position of the scholars in the palaces of Hausa kings who support the styles of their administration.
During this period many people from Kebbi repented and travelled in troops to Degel, the home base of the Shaykh as a result of this preaching and teaching. Similarly, the teaching and preaching are very fertile methods of conveying message to the public, when the community of the Shaykh grew larger and the echo of their preaching spread to the extent that this campaign became well known in many parts of Hausaland, people were eager to listen to their preaching. As accounted by Abd Allah: Then we rose up with the sheikh helping him in his mission work for religion. He travelled for that purpose to the east and to the west, calling the people to the religion of God by his preaching and his Qasidas in other languages and destroying customs contrary to Muslim law. Some of the people from the surrounding countries came to him, and entered his community while we were in his country which had become famous through him60
Encouraged by this success, they organized more preaching tours and they received greater publicity. More achievements follow with disciples converging on Degel from all places, all waiting to listen to the preaching and to learn. This made them fell more secured and expand strategy to the kings. Therefore, they change the style by approaching the ruling class, like king of Gobir Bawa61 with the aim of explaining the true teachings of Islam, and invited him to observe and establish justice in his domain.62
In 1788/9 king Bawa of Gobir invited the Shaykh to Magami then his capital though with the intention to assassinate the Shaykh .63 However, the encounter proved beneficial to the Shaykh and his movement. After observing the number of Shaykh‟s followers during the visit, King Bawa was forced to change his tactics instead of an open hostility he change to give them gift which Shaykh rejected and put a request on religious concessions instead, as follows: 1. That Shaykh should be permitted to preach openly, 2. That no one who intends to accept teaching of the Shaykh should be hindered in anyway, 3. That anybody who wears a veil or turban (symbol of religion) should be respected. 4. That prisoners who were unjustly detained should be set free and 5. That the common people should not be over burden with taxation.64
The entire request was granted to the Shaykh by King Bawa of Gobir, which was seen as a mile stone in the preaching activities and a kind of social security in the region. But, after the death of king Bawa, during the reign of one of his sons Nafata, the relation between the Shaykh and the new king deteriorated sharply to the extent of passing a decree that ban preaching from anybody except the Shaykh. Similarly, he forbade the conversion of a son away from his father‟s faith and ordering those already converted to Islam to revert to parent‟s faith and ban wearing veil or turban as against the policy approved by his father, King Bawa years back.65
56Abdullahi F, Op cit p.27 57 Gwandu A.A Op cit p.42 58 Abdullahi F, Op cit p.27. 59 Gwandu A.A, Op cit p.41. 60 Abdullahi F, Op. cit, p.85-6. 61 Gwandu A.A, Op. cit, p.41. 62 Abdullahi F, Op cit p.27 63 Maishanu H.M and Ibrahim Y.Y, “succession in the Sokoto Caliphate: How the Caliph were Appointed” in Degel journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. v, August 2001, p41. 64 Ibid, p. 41. 65 Last M. Op cit, p.12. 13
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However, the preaching movement by the Jihadist was also directed towards Zamfara region and they stayed there for about five years to summon its people to Islam. According to Abd Allah the ignorance of such people was supreme and the majority of them had not even smelt the scent of Islam, to the extent of attending the Shaykh‟s gathering mingling with their women, but they were nurtured effectively until they attained the required moral and intellectual maturity, then they were separated because they were informed of the prohibition of that mix up. Therefore, it opens again hostility from the side of scholars, as in the accusation leveled by Al-mustaph Gwoni cited by Abd Allah66 as follows: To you, from us, blessed greetings which caused those who meet us to smell musk and perfume. O son of Fudi rise to warn the ignorant that perchance the may understand religion and the things of this world. Forbid women to visit your preaching. For the mixing of men and women is sufficient a disgrace. Do not do what contributes towards disgrace For God has not ordered vice which would Cause us harm…67
Therefore, Abd Allah composed a poem in response to the above, as directed by the Shaykh which reads as follows: O you who have come to guide us aright, we have heard what you have said. Listen to what we say. You gave advice to the best of your ability, but would that you had freed us from blame and you spoke-Glory be to God, this was calumny Indeed devils, if they come to our gathering, Spread evil speech, exceeding all bounds we have not had promiscuous intercourse with women, how should that be we have warned (others against this); on the contrary, I said we agreed That it was thus. But I do not agree that their being left to go free in ignorance is good, for the committing of the lesser evil has been made obligatory, Ignorance pardons, even though it were disobedience. We found the people of this country drowning in ignorance; shall we prevent them from understanding religion? It has been said “judgment shall be carried out on a People according to the evil they create” take this as a measure Praise be to God, possessor of blessings, our Guide….68
This was how they carried out preaching tours with oppositions here and there. After they return to Degel from Zamfara, they return westwards on yet another preaching tour to Kebbi. During this tour, they visited many places until they cross the river Niger and reached as far south as Illo and extend the massage of Islam there.69 However, the success of the preaching in Kebbi was clear; scholars like Abd al-Salam Baginbane an indigene from Kebbi joined the community of the Shaykh Uthman at Degel.
However, the hostility of King Nafata leads to the migration of the Abd al-Salam from Degel to Gimbana a border town between Kebbi and Gobir with his followers.70 Though Nafata could not live long to see the full implementation of his decree and when he died, his successor king Yunfa of Gobir wanted Abd al-Salam to return to Degel, but he refused. The episode of Gimbana accrued when Shaykh Uthman‟s son Muhammad Bello was away distributing pamphlets calling Muslims to emigration in Kebbi.71 Last is of the view that the pamphlet is wathiqat ahl al-sudan that was probably circulating. Containing what is Islamically lawful and un-lawful and what courses of action are compulsory for Muslim individual or community.72 Therefore, as a result of the preaching and teaching most of the ignorant Muslims renounced unbelief, disobedience and innovation in the Sharia.
The Fall of Birnin Kebbi And Emergence of Gwandu as the First Capital of the Caliphate The policies of intimidations and harassment from Gobir authorities led to the emigration of Abd al-Salam, a disciple of the Shaykh, from Degel to Gimbana with his followers; it also continues on the other followers of the Shaykh at Degel. However, the Gimbana episode73 also affects the Shaykh for not putting any effort to recall Abd al-Salam back to Degel as the Gobir King requested and tempers have run high to the extent of threatening the life of the Shaykh by king Yunfa of Gobir.74
66 Abdullahi F, Op. cit, P.27. 67 Ibid. p.28. 68 Ibid, p.28-9. 69 Ibid. p.97 70 Gwandu A.A, Op cit, p46 71 Last M, Op. cit, p.16 72 ibid 73 Gimbana episode is an attack directed by king Yunfa of Gobir, on the follower of the Shaykh who resided in Gimbana village in Kebbi kingdom under the leadership of Abd al-salam a student, of the Shaykh. This resulted to commencement of 1804 Jihad. 74 Gwandu A.A, Op cit, p.49. 14
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Finally, Yunfa resolved to punish Abd al-Salam, he sought and obtained the approval of the King of Kebbi, in whose territory Abd al-Salam was residing, to attack Abd al- Salam in Gimbana. The town was sacked and many people were taken captives.75More so, when the Gobir army was returning to Gobir from Gimbana they passed through Degel where the Shaykh and substantial number of his followers were based. This is an affront to the followers of the Shaykh, and in return they attacked and set free the Gimbana captives.76Therefore, the attack on the Gobir army precipitated another crises which led to the ultimatum given to the Shaykh and his family to leave Degel his home base immediately, because Degel was about to be destroyed by the Gobir authority as a punishment. The Shaykh refused to abandon his followers; instead he offered to migrate with all those willing to follow him.77
The momentum of the emigration of Shaykh and his followers was too great to be stopped by the Gobir authority. However, those who have been waiting patiently for the final break with un-Islamic Government in Gobir; this was a golden opportunity which should never be allowed to pass. Therefore, emigration to Gudu some twenty five miles away to the northwest began on 10th of Dhu al – Qa‟ dah 12 18 A.H corresponding to February 1804.78
Similarly, the Gobir authority continued to persecute the followers of the Shaykh from other places wishing to reach him at Gudu. Some were killed and many had their property seized by the government. Gudu itself was frequently raided.79 When the situation became unbearable to the Muslim community in Gudu, they met and elected their leader formally. Thus, allegiance was paid to the Shaykh first by Abd Allah and then by Muhammad Bello in accordance with Qur‟an and the Sunnah confirming him as commander of the Faithful. Therefore, preparations were made by the community to defend themselves against the incessant raids mounted by the Gobir forces.
Finally, Jihad broke out between two forces of which the major one took place near Lake Kwatto. This was on Thursday 19th Rabiul Awwal, 1219 A.H which correspond to 28th June 1804 C.E. the victory, which Muslim forces had at Kwatto won for them the support of many people. Abd Allah composed a poem celebrating the victory and composition of their army as follows: …they left to us, against their will, their wealth and their women And God gives, and withholds and we are an army victorious in Islam, and we are proud of nothing but that. Tribes of Islam-and Turubbi is our clan Our Fulani and our Hausa all united, And among us other than these, certain tribes joined together For the help of God‟s religion-made up the union… God‟s promise has been completed and the victory of His religion: There remains nothing but thanks to Him, and humble prayer.80
Shehu Uthman and his followers moved to Magabci in Yabo area closed to the base of Moyijo a leader of Fulani in Kebbi who was a strong supporter of the movement. Shehu also wrote to the various Hausa kings soliciting for their support and requesting them to join his reform movement. While on the other hand the king of Gobir too was soliciting the support of Hausa kings to come to his aid and also crush the supporters of Shehu in their domains.81 However, the Jama’ah of the Shehu did not live long in Magabci, their stay was short, it was about three months and they left towards Gobir area again. Similarly, Abd Allah was not happy also with the attitudes of some of his Fulani kinsmen for not joining them in the emigration as he composed: Oh send on my behalf to my tribe a letter, to which men or honest women may pay attention, to their scholars, or seeker after knowledge, desiring to make manifest the religion of God, giving good advice therein. I say to him: Rise up, and call to religion with a call which the common people shall answer, or the great lords; and do not fear, in making manifest the religion of Muhammad the words of one who hates, whom fools imitate. And do not fear to be accused of lying; nor the disavowal of the apostate; nor the mockery of the ignorant man who has gone astray while the truth is as the morning…….82
The Jihadists continued to fight the Gobir forces, but the success of the Jihad in the Gobir area was not without cost, in terms of the quantity and quality of manpower when they met what was considered to be a big catastrophe on them at Tsuntsuwa, where about two thousand followers including two hundred great scholars who knew the Qur‟an by heart83 had fallen in the encounter with Gobir forces, comprising of Gobirawa and Tourage. But in few months, Muslim forces
75 ibid 76 Maishanu H.M and Ibrahim Y.Y, Op cit, p43. 77 ibid 78 Gwandu A.A, op cit, p.48. 79 ibid 80Abdullahi F, Op. cit, p.110-11. 81 Maishanu H.M and Ibrahim Y.Y, Op. cit, and Last, op cit, p. 30. 82Abdullah F, Op. cit, p.99. 83 Last M, Op. cit, p.20. 15
Aminu Alhaji Bala & Buhari Bello; IAR J Human Cul Stud; Vol-2, Iss- 3 (May-Jun, 2021): 7-17 had gathered at Sabon Gari in the midst of Zamfara and made a new camp there.84 It was an area that was very familiar to the Shaykh as a result of his preaching tour there.
There first expedition out of Sabon Gari was against Kebbi and the Gobir. Therefore, Kebbi expedition was under joint command of Abd Allah and Aliyu Jedo who was a commander of the Muslim troops, while Muhammad Bello led the Gobir expedition.85 The Kebbi expedition was crucial in which they captured over twenty towns and fortresses including Birnin Kebbi the capital of Kebbi kingdom in 1805 C.E in which Hodi Dan Tarana the King of kebbi fled.86 The support showed by Kebbi prince Usman Masa, after the fall of Birnin Kebbi was appointed Sarkin Kebbi in Birnin Kebbi. Abd Allah also celebrated the victory as follows: I remembered, (and remembrance moves one who is far away To grief and in remembrance blows the gentle breeze of love), My companions have died in the Holy War and elsewhere, And I am far from my shaikh and grief has made me sleepless. Who will convey from me to my sons and brothers, to my family and to my neighbours and those who dwell with them, the news that I and Danda together with Ali and our army, And our horsemen in victory and glory and satisfaction, have conquered fortresses between Qunda and Kunduta, More than twenty, with force and might… And on the twelfth of Muharram we conquered the big fortress, the fortress of Fudi, who was led astray… He took no provision for the wilderness…87
The success of this campaign therefore, made the next move to Gwandu possible, after seven months of stay at Sabon Gari, believing Gwandu to be more advantageous to them as they foresaw no challenge and allowed permanent settlement to be founded there. Therefore, Gwandu became the first permanent base of the Caliphate for about five years as a military base between 1805-1809. 88.Similarly the affairs of nascent Caliphate were managed and administered at Gwandu base. For example, it was at the Gwandu base Shehu sent one of his supports Umar Dallaje to request the Muslim leaders of Katsina, Daura, Kano and Zamfara to meet with the Shehu at Magami. Though, it was Muhammad Bello who represents Shehu at the meeting with eastern leaders at Birnin Gade where he read the Shehu‟s message to them. While all the leaders pledged their allegiance and support the Shehu.89
Gwandu came to be built and fortified by Muhammad Bello, to give his father protection while the campaigns were on. The building of the Gwandu walls was recognition of Gwandu as a permanent base.90 When the Jihad was over Shehu withdrew to the town of sifawa to continue with intellectual endeavors, leaving Abd Allah his brother and Bello his son to administer the Caliphate.
Emergence of Gwandu as the Capital of Western Sokoto Caliphate The division of the Caliphate administrative responsibilities by the Shehu for administrative convenience between Abd Allah and Muhammad Bello, in which the latter was given charge of western part, while Bello was given the eastern half, this would be considered as a pointer to the emergence of Gwandu as an Emirate.
However, the emergence of Gwandu as a new administrative headquarters of the Emirate took place as a result of the events that followed the death of the Shaykh in 1817 C.E. Therefore, Gwandu emerge as a distinct Emirate in the Caliphate and Abd Allah moves out of Bodinga finally and settle at Gwandu permanently as the new capital of the Emirate,91 where he stayed and administer the Emirates of Gwandu in the Kingdom of Kebbi. With new structure of administration and reforming the religious practices consequent their intensive Da’awa campaign to justify the reasons for bringing a new structure of administration based on Islamic principle in the Caliphate and the Emirate of Gwandu which dominated larger part of Kebbi kingdom.
CONCLUSION To conclude, it is pertinent to note that several scholars helped „Uthman bin Foduye in his Da’wah and struggle for the reformation of Islam and establishment of Islamic state which later came to be known as Sokoto caliphate. These scholars apart from Shaykh Abdullah bin Foduye the brother of the Shaykh and Sultan Muhammad Ballo his son, also included, the students of Shaykh Uthman bin Foduye who played a very important role in the propagation of Islam to all parts of the land and later became his flag bearers to other parts of Hausaland. Included among them are Sulaiman of
84 Ibid, p.31 85Abdullahi F, Op cit, P. 62-65. 86 ibid 87 Ibid, p115-6. 88 Yola J.H, Philosophy Among the Sokoto Scholars , kano, Benchmark,2004, p.10. 89 ibid 90 Last M, Op. cit, p.37. 91 Ibid, p.42. 16
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Kano, Musa of Zakzak, Ya‟akub of Bauchi, Buba Yaro of Gombe and his brother Dardimu of Hadejia. Others who also helped in propagating Islam are the ministers of Sultan Muhammad Ballo some of whom are Wazir cUthmān Gidado and his son „Abd al- Qadir, also included are army generals like „Aliyu Jedo and al-Muzfir Namoda and others. They all played important roles in the propagation of Islam in Hausaland and establishment of Sokoto Caliphate.92
92 M. I. Talata-Mafara, The Role of Islamic Scholars in the spread of Islam in Hausaland: op. cit. p. 6. 17