DOCSLIB.ORG

Semi-Peripheral Ascent and Changes in National Social Formation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Semi-Peripheral Ascent and Changes in National Social Formation Semi-peripheral Ascent and Changes in National Social Formation: The Case of Taiwan (1987/88-2007) HUANG Chenwei Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy PhD in Politics School of Geography, Politics, and Sociology Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Newcastle University, March 2011 NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY School of Geography, Politics, and Sociology Author’s Declaration I certify that, to the best of my knowledge, all the material in this thesis represents my own work and that no material is included which has been submitted for any other award or qualification. Signature: ……………………………… Date: …………………………………… 1 Abstract The thesis uses Taiwan as a case study to examine the following argument: both the changes to the capitalist world-system and the political dynamics of domestic state- capital-labour relations determine national capitalist development and ascent trajectory. Taiwan was chosen as a case study because it demonstrates the particular developmental trajectory of semi-peripheral ascent (ascent from the semi-periphery) and of a rising East Asian economy. I study the case by firstly analysing Taiwan’s peripheral ascent (from the periphery to the semi-periphery) in the historical process. Secondly the thesis studies three sectors as a national case, namely the industrial sector, the financial sector, and the labour sector. The three sectors demonstrate the dynamics of a semi-peripheral ascent trajectory as they represent the development of industrial production, financial expansion, and anti-systemic movements, which are all keys to influence semi-peripheral ascent. The thesis finds that although there are opportunities for Taiwan’s semi-peripheral ascent, Taiwan has not yet ascended to the core. The reasons are (1) the state’s restrictions on the overseas expansion of Taiwanese industrial capital and financial capital, in particular to China; (2) Taiwanese industrial capital and financial capital still rely on capital from the core zone. The thesis therefore contributes to the study of semi-peripheral ascent by adding analysis of domestic state-capital-labour relations into the context of a changing capitalist world-system. 2 Declaration 1. All Chinese terms in this thesis are rendered by the Hanyu Pinyin system; however, most Taiwanese names are rendered by the Wade-Giles system. 2. Chapter Five (section 5-1) was published in Chen-wei Huang (2009), ‘Bilateralism and Multilateralism: Taiwan’s Trade Liberalisation Trajectory’, The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4 (1), p.37-59 3 Contents Chapter One ：Introduction 9 1-1 Analytical Framework 12 1-2 Application to the Case Study of Taiwan 16 1-3 Research Method 19 1-4 Chapters Abstract and Main Arguments 21 Chapter 2: Rethinking National Capitalist Development 26 2-1 A Critique of the National Model Approach 27 2-2 Situate Ascent in the World-System Context: the World-System Perspective 44 2-3 Bringing in Domestic State-Capital-Labour Relations 63 Chapter Three: The Transition Age: Global Changes of the Capitalist World- System (1967/1973-2007) 74 3-1 ‘The transition age’- Kondratieff wave B-phase 75 3-2 The Main Changes of the Capitalist World-system during the B-phase 79 Chapter Four: Peripheral Ascent: Historical Study of Taiwan’s Capitalist Development before 1987 109 4-1 From the Periphery to the Semi-periphery 112 4-2 Dutch Hegemony 113 4-3 The British Hegemony (1858-1894) 116 4-4 Japanese Colonialism (1895-1945) 118 4-5 Post-war Peripheral Development and the US Hegemony 122 4-6 Ascend to the Semi-periphery: (1966-86) 134 Chapter Five: To Remain at the Semi-periphery or Move towards to the Core? The Transformation of Taiwan’s Industrialisation 155 5-1 Neoliberalism, the Decline of US Hegemony, and the Collapse of Taiwan’s Bureaucratic-corporate Capital 156 5-2 Development of Taiwanese-led and Export-led Electronics Industry 172 5-3 Increasing Economic Interaction with China 184 4 Chapter Six: The Rise of Private Financial Capital and the Increase of Financialisation 203 6-1. Neo-liberalism and Financial Liberalisation 204 6-2 Extending ‘Financialisation’: Financial Reforms (2000-2007) 215 6-3. The Dynamics of State-Capital Relations 222 Chapter Seven: Labour in Taiwan’s Semi-peripheral Ascent 236 7-1 The Rise of New Types of Labour Force and Polarisation of the Labour Market 238 7-2 Impact of Industrial Restructuring on Labour 252 7-3 Strengthening or Weakening of Organised Labour’s Resistance? 257 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 272 Bibiography 281 Appendix 321 5 Tables and Figures Table 2-1: The period of K-wave and hegemonic cycle…………………………58 Table 3-1: Past average annual economic growth rates for world and world regions…77 Table 3-2: Some economic indicators in the manufacturing sector of 11 OECD countries……………………………………..81 Table 3-3: Some TNCs/FDI indicators between 1982 and 2007………………..87 Table 3-4: Nationality breakdown of the world top 500 industrial corporations… 88 Table 4-1: The periods of Taiwan’s changing structural position within the capitalist world-system…………………………….111 Table 4-2: Some indicators of key industries during 1973-1987………………….145 Table 4-3: Average wages of manufacturing workers in the 1970s…………….149 Table 5-1: Different types of contract manufacturers in the global IT industry……180 Table 5-2: The amount of Taiwanese FDI from 1993 to 2007……188 Table 5-3: The amount of Taiwanese FDI from 1993 to 2007 (unit: US$1,000; %)..189 Table 6-1: The timing of financial liberalisation and reform measures….206 Table 6-2: Different types of state financial support measures………224 Table 6-3: The distribution of Taiwan’s outward FDI and banks’ foreign branches (1987-2007)….230 Table 7-1: Number and percentage of Taiwanese employees in Hsinchu Science Park by education (1990, 1999, and 2007)…………….240 Table 7-2: Distribution of migrant workers by main sector over various years….. 244 Table 7-3: Wage and working hours’ gap between local junior labour and foreign labour in the manufacturing sector…..248 Table 7-4: Average monthly salary and working hours in the manufacturing sector………………248 Table 7-5: Requests rose by the labour movement…………263 Figure 5-1: The change of Taiwan’s tariff rate…………………163 Figure 5-2: Taiwan’s inward and outward FDI (1980-2005)………….186 Figure 5-3: The share of Taiwan’s export by destination…………..191 Figure 7-1: The annual growth rate of average real wages and of labour productivity in the manufacturing sector……………..256 6 Abbreviation ADB Asian Development Bank AMF Asian Monetary Fund APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Forum APT ASEAN plus Three (South Korea, Japan, and China) ARATS Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait (the PRC) ARF ASEAN Regional Forum ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations CALL Committee for Action on Labour Legislation CEPD Council for Economic Planning and Development CFL Chinese Federation of Labour CLA Council of Labour Affairs CM Contract Manufacturers CPC Communist Party of China DPP Democratic Progressive Party EOI Export-oriented Industrialisation EPZ Export Processing Zone ERSO Electronics Research and Service Organisation FDI Foreign Direct Investment FTA Free Trade Agreement FTAAP Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific GSP Generalized System of Preference HPAEs High-performing Asian Economies HSP Hsinchu Science Park ISI Import-substitution Industrialisation ITRI Industrial Technology Research Institute KMT Kuomintang (The Nationalist Party) IPE International Political Economy IR International Relations LRS Labour Right Association LSL Labour Standards Law M&A Merger and Acquisition 7 MAC Mainland Affairs Council NGO Non-governmental Organisation NSC New Security Concept NUC National Unification Council OBU Offshore Banking Units ODM Original Design Manufacturers OEM Original Equipment Manufacturers PRC People’s Republic of China QFII Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor RCA Radio Corporation of American ROC Republic of China SEF Strait Exchange Foundation (Taiwan) SEI Statue for Encouraging Investment SME Small-and-medium-size enterprises SOE State-owned Enterprises SUI Statue for the Upgrading of Industry TCTU Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions TIFA Trade and Investment Framework Agreement TLF Taiwan Labour Front TNC Transnational Corporation TSMC Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company TSU Taiwan Solidarity Union UMC United Microelectronics Corp 8 Chapter One ：Introduction As a developing country, Taiwan’s economy experienced a great leap in terms of economic growth, industrialisation, increase in trading volume and accumulation of wealth during the first three to four decades of the post-war period. Taiwan has shifted from an export-led agrarian economy to an export-led industrialising economy in a mere 20 years (1945-1965). The gross national product (GNP) per capita increased from US$196 in 1952, to US$3,297 in 1985, and again to US$18,020 in 2008. Taiwan was the 16 th largest trading country in the world in 2008. This economic achievement has demonstrated the possibility of a peripheral country becoming a semi-peripheral state in the world economy. Various development studies and East Asian studies have researched the specific developmental experience of Taiwan.1 This thesis is concerned with not only how Taiwan ascended from a peripheral economy to a semi-peripheral economy, but also how Taiwan continues to struggle to ascend further, possibly to ‘core’ status. Taiwan has continued its economic ‘upward’ movement since the late 1980s (e.g., the beginning of capital- exports, a shift from labour-intensive to technological and capital intensive and export-led industrialisation). Whether Taiwan has ascended to a core economy or has remained at a semi-peripheral status is the concern of this thesis. What kind of strategies has Taiwan used, what are the opportunities and constraints that Taiwan has confronted, what are the key actors to drive the change, and what are the obstacles to ascend to the core? What do I mean by the term ‘ascent’? The term ‘ascent’ includes a double meaning of development. In the first meaning, ascent is a change of position in the capitalist world-system, for example, from the periphery to the semi-periphery.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China-Taiwan Relations: the Shadow of SARS
    China-Taiwan Relations: The Shadow of SARS by David G. Brown Associate Director, Asian Studies The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Throughout this quarter, Beijing and Taipei struggled to contain the spread of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS). SARS dramatically reduced cross-Strait travel; its effects on cross-Strait economic ties appear less severe but remain to be fully assessed. SARS intensified the battle over Taiwan’s request for observer status at the World Health Organization (WHO). Although the World Health Assembly (WHA) again rejected Taiwan, the real problems of a global health emergency led to the first contacts between the WHO and Taiwan. Beijing’s handling of SARS embittered the atmosphere of cross- Strait relations and created a political issue in Taiwan that President Chen Shui-bian is moving to exploit in next year’s elections. SARS The SARS health emergency dominated cross-Strait developments during this quarter. With the dramatic removal of its health minister and the mayor of Beijing in mid-April, Beijing was forced to admit that it was confronting a health emergency with serious domestic and international implications. For about a month thereafter, Taiwan was proud of its success in controlling SARS. Then its first SARS death and SARS outbreaks in several hospitals led to first Taipei and then all Taiwan being added to the WHO travel advisory list. The PRC and Taiwan each in its own way mobilized resources and launched mass campaigns to control the spread of SARS. By late June, these efforts had achieved considerable success and the WHO travel advisories for both, as well as for Hong Kong, had been lifted.
    [Show full text]
  • Read the Afternoon Keynote Address
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES and THE EPOCH FOUNDATION CROSS-STRAIT ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS AND THE NEXT AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION KEYNOTE ADDRESS H.E. VINCENT SIEW VICE PRESIDENT, REPUBLIC OF CHINA Wednesday, December 3, 2008 Far Eastern Plaza Hotel Taipei, Republic of China (Taiwan) Transcript prepared from an audio recording. ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 Welcome Remarks Paul S.P. Hsu President, Epoch Foundation and Chairman and CEO, PHYCOS International Co. Richard Bush Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, Brookings Keynote Address: U.S. Foreign Policy in the New Administration Strobe Talbott President, The Brookings Institution Panel I: Asia Policy under the New U.S. Administration A view from the United States Michael Schiffer, Program Officer, Stanley Foundation A view from Hong Kong Frank Ching, Senior Columnist, South China Morning Post; CNAPS Advisory Council Member A view from Japan Tsuyoshi Sunohara, Senior Staff Diplomatic Writer, International News Department, Nikkei Newspaper A view from Korea Wonhyuk Lim, Director, Office for Development Cooperation, Korea Development Institute; CNAPS Visiting Fellow, 2005-2006 A view from Taiwan Erich Shih, News Anchor/Senior Producer, CTi Television, Inc.; Visiting Scholar, Peking University School of International Studies; CNAPS Visiting Fellow, 2003-2004 Afternoon Keynote Address Hon. Vincent Siew, Vice President of the Republic
    [Show full text]
  • 27 the China Factor in Taiwan
    Wu Jieh-min, 2016, “The China Factor in Taiwan: Impact and Response”, pp. 425-445 in Gunter Schubert ed., Handbook of T Modern Taiwan Politics and Society, Routledge. 27 THE CHINA FACTOR IN TAIWAN Impact and response Jieh-Min Wu* Since the turn of the century, the rise of China has inspired global a1nbitions and heightened international anxiety. Though Chinese influence is not a ne\V factor in the international geo­ political syste1n, the synergy between China's growing purchasing po\ver and its political \vill is dra\ving increasing attention on the world stage. With China's e111ergence as a global econontic powerhouse and the Chinese state's extraction of massive revenues and tremendous foreign reserves, Beijing has learned to flex these financial 1nuscles globally in order to achieve its polit­ ical goals. Essentially, the rise of China has enabled the PRC to speed up its n1ilitary moderniza­ tion and adroitly co1nbine econonllc measures and 'united front \Vork' in pursuit of its national interests. Hence Taiwan, whose sovereignty continues to be contested by the PRC, has been heavily i1npacted by China's new strategy. The Chinese ca1npaign kno\vn as 'using business to steer politics' has arguably been success­ ful in achieving inany of the effects desired by Beijing. For exan1ple, the Chinese government has repeatedly leveraged Taiwan's trade and econonllc dependence to intervene in Taiwan's elections. Such econonllc dependence n1ay constrain Taiwanese choices within a structure of Beijing's creation. In son1e historical 1no1nents, however, subjective identity and collect­ ive action could still en1erge as 'independent variables' that open up \Vindo\vs of opportun­ ity, expanding the range of available choices.
    [Show full text]
  • Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations
    Romberg, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations Alan D. Romberg With the nomination of Frank Hsieh Chang-ting as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate to oppose Kuomintang (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan’s March 2008 presidential election, and with the PRC gearing up greater pressure on Taiwan’s participation in international organizations, this is an appropriate moment to think about how the election will affect cross-Strait relations. The policies adopted by the next Taipei administration will, of course, be decisive in determining the course of those relations over the next four or even eight years. However, the campaign itself will shape both the way the next administration approaches cross-Strait issues and the mindset of Mainland policymakers as they prepare to deal with the new Taiwan leadership. It will also condition U.S. attitudes toward the winner. Taiwan—Where the Candidates Stand on Cross-Strait Relations One of the striking things that emerges from conversations with senior leaders in the KMT and DPP is their common assertion that, for all of the barbed rhetoric and legislative battles that divide them, and for all of the attempts by the current Taipei administration to paint the KMT as a PRC collaborator, the mainstreams of their parties are not terribly far apart in crucial respects on cross-Strait issues. Both candidates advocate broader cross-Strait economic and cultural ties. Both seek to expand Taiwan’s “international space” in a capacity that does not subordinate it to the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
    [Show full text]
  • Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: a Cross-National Analysis Chia-Yin Wei University of South Carolina
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2016 Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis Chia-yin Wei University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wei, C.(2016). Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/3847 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Information Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Cross-National Analysis by Chia-yin Wei Bachelor of Arts Shih-Chien University, 1997 Master of Arts National Taiwan University, 2001 Master of Arts University of Texas at Austin, 2007 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2016 Accepted by: Fuh-sheng Hsieh, Major Professor David Darmofal, Committee Member Charles J. Finocchiaro, Committee Member Tse-min Lin, Committee Member Paul Allen Miller, Vice Provost and Interim Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Chia Yin Wei, 2016 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION Dedicated to my grandparents, parents, my brother, sister, sister-in-law, and nephews for love, wisdom, and strength. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest gratitude to John Fuh-sheng Hsieh, my supervisor, for his patient guidance, continuous encouragement, and constructive critiques since I entered the Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
    The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure.
    [Show full text]
  • The Brookings Institution Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with THE CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY TAIWAN’S MATURING DEMOCRACY The Brookings Institution Washington, D.C. Monday, May 14, 2012 [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM AN AUDIO RECORDING] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 1 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Opening Remarks: LARRY DIAMOND Professor of Political Science, Director, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law Stanford University Panel 1: Government DAVID BROWN Adjunct Professor, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University DA-CHI LIAO Professor of Political Science National Sun Yat-sen University NIGEL N.T. LI Adjunct Professor, Graduate School of Law, Soochow University Adjunct Professor, Graduate Institute of Political Science, National Taiwan University JIUNN-RONG YEH Professor, College of Law National Taiwan University Panel 2: Politics and Society JOHN FUH-SHENG HSIEH Professor of Political Science University of South Carolina ERICH CHE-WEI SHIH News Anchor and Senior Producer CTi Television SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Politics Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College ERIC CHEN-HUA YU Assistant Professor of Political Science 2 National Chengchi University Panel 3: Implications of Democratic Consolidation
    [Show full text]
  • China-Taiwan Relations: Relative Calm in the Strait
    Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Taiwan Relations: Relative Calm in the Strait David G. Brown, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Kevin Scott, The Brookings Institution The contrast between tensions elsewhere in the region and the relative calm in the Taiwan Strait, evident for some time, was clearly in focus in the first months of 2013. In a late April event commemorating the 20th anniversary of cross-strait exchanges, President Ma Ying-jeou said recent progress is “an example for East Asia and the world by demonstrating peaceful resolution of disputes.” With little fanfare, Taipei and Beijing continue to make slow but steady progress in expanding and institutionalizing cross-strait ties. Health and crime issues, which provoked controversy in the past, have been addressed cooperatively and talks on an exchange of unofficial representative offices have begun. Nevertheless, fundamental policy divergences and differences over the pace and scope of interaction will likely place real limits on future integration. Taipei and Tokyo successfully concluded a landmark fisheries agreement with respect to the Senkaku/Diaoyutai Islands that constructively focuses on resource cooperation. Cross-strait progress During the first four months of 2013, the region was threatened by hostile rhetoric from North Korea as well as continuing tensions in the East and South China Seas. In the midst of this turmoil, relative stability prevailed in the Taiwan Strait, where the two sides continued to make modest but steady progress in expanding economic relations and institutionalizing ties. The most significant step was the implementation of the Cross-Strait Currency Settlement Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), which provides a framework for the use of the Renminbi (RMB) in Taiwan and the New Taiwan Dollar (NT$) in China.
    [Show full text]
  • Discurso Inaugural Del Presidente Ma Ying-Jeou
    Discurso inaugural del presidente Ma Ying-jeou Taipei 20 de Mayo de 2012 Manteniendo Ideales, Trabajando Juntos por una Reforma y Creando un Mayor Bienestar para Taiwán Estimados líderes, distinguidos invitados, compatriotas del exterior, queridos ciudadanos y amigos que nos siguen a través de la televisión o de Internet:¡Buenos días! Significado Histórico de la Quinta Elección Presidencial a través del Voto Directo: Avanzando hacia una Democracia Madura El 14 de enero completamos exitosamente la quinta elección presidencial a través del voto directo de la República de China. Este fue un importante hito a medida que Taiwán avanza hacia la madurez de su democracia. En una elección libre y justa, el conjunto del electorado de Taiwán demostró una mentalidad democrática altamente desarrollada que recibió alabanzas de la comunidad internacional. Quisiera elogiar a mis oponentes, la presidenta del Partido Democrático Progresista Tsai Ing-wen y el presidente del Partido Pueblo Primero James Soong, por el espíritu democrático que demostraron aceptando los resultados electorales. Amigos, ¡brindemos juntos por la democracia de Taiwán! Reflexionando sobre los Últimos Cuatro Años: Las Reformas Muestran Resultados y la Nación se Reencamina Volviendo la mirada hacia los últimos cuatro años, en primer lugar me gustaría agradecer el apoyo del público. A la vez, hemos superado el tsunami financiero, permitiendo que la tasa de crecimiento de la economía de Taiwán se pueda comparar a la de los cuatro tigres asiáticos. A nivel local, también nos hemos sobrepuesto a la destrucción que trajo en 2009 el tifón Morakot, y hemos recostruido las áreas afectadas por el desastre. Hemos reestablecido un alto nivel en la ética de los asuntos públicos, salvaguardado el espíritu de la Constitución y elevado la justicia y la transparencia judicial.
    [Show full text]
  • Visualizar/Abrir
    UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL FACULDADE DE CIÊNCIAS ECONÔMICAS PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM ESTUDOS ESTRATÉGICOS INTERNACIONAIS GUSTAVO HENRIQUE FEDDERSEN AS ESTRATÉGIAS CHINESAS PARA TAIWAN E SEUS IMPACTOS SECURITÁRIOS NO PÓS-GUERRA FRIA Porto Alegre 2020 GUSTAVO HENRIQUE FEDDERSEN AS ESTRATÉGIAS CHINESAS PARA TAIWAN E SEUS IMPACTOS SECURITÁRIOS NO PÓS-GUERRA FRIA Tese submetida ao Programa de Pós- Graduação em Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais da Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas da UFRGS, como requisito parcial para obtenção do título de Doutor em Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais. Orientador: Prof. Dr. José Miguel Quedi Martins Porto Alegre 2020 GUSTAVO HENRIQUE FEDDERSEN AS ESTRATÉGIAS CHINESAS PARA TAIWAN E SEUS IMPACTOS SECURITÁRIOS NO PÓS-GUERRA FRIA Tese submetida ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais da Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas da UFRGS, como requisito parcial para obtenção do título de Doutor em Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais. Aprovada em: Porto Alegre. 31 de agosto de 2020. BANCA EXAMINADORA: Prof. Dr. José Miguel Quedi Martins – Orientador UFRGS-PPGEEI Profª. Drª Jacqueline Angélica Hernández Haffner– Professora UFRGS-PPGEEI Prof. Dr. Nilo André Piana de Castro – Professor Colégio de Aplicação Prof. Dr. Lucas Kerr de Oliveira – Professor UNILA À Bianca Stone, Pelo brilhantismo e senso de humanidade, que iluminam meus dias e fazem de mim uma pessoa melhor. AGRADECIMENTOS O autor do presente estudo gostaria de agradecer às diversas pessoas que contribuíram para o desenvolvimento do presente trabalho. Ao meu orientador, Prof. Dr. José Miguel Quedi Martins, agradeço pelos ensinamentos de toda última década, principalmente pelo que considero o mais valioso de todos: a importância da autonomia intelectual e da rejeição ao dogmatismo, com consciência social.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism, Nationalism, and Hegemonic Struggles Over Trade and Economic Liberalization in Taiwan
    POPULISM, NATIONALISM, AND HEGEMONIC STRUGGLES OVER TRADE AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION IN TAIWAN by SZU-YUN HSU B.Sc., National Cheng-Kung University, 2000 M.Sc., National Taiwan University, 2004 M.Sc., London School of Economics and Political Science, 2008 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Geography) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) March 2019 © Szu-Yun Hsu, 2019 The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: Populism, Nationalism, and Hegemonic Struggles over Trade and Economic Liberalization in Taiwan submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements by Szu-Yun Hsu for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography Examining Committee: Jim Glassman, Geography, UBC Supervisor Merje Kuus, Geography, UBC Supervisory Committee Member Luke Bergmann, Geography, UBC University Examiner John Roosa, History, UBC University Examiner Additional Supervisory Committee Members: Abidin Kusno, Environmental Studies, York University Supervisory Committee Member ii Abstract This research examines trade and economic liberalization in Taiwan in relation to crisis and hegemonic restructuring. Drawing on Gramscian scholarship, postcolonial theory, and critical geopolitics, the analysis expounds on the multiple crises facing Taiwan since the 1980s, documents the trade-related social and political struggles,
    [Show full text]
  • Since Ms. Tsai Ing-Wen's Election As President of the Republic of China
    Beijing’s Policy Towards President Tsai Ying-wen and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations by Jean-Pierre Cabestan ince Ms. Tsai Ing-wen’s election as President of the Republic of China (ROC), STaiwan on January 16, 2016 and even more since her inauguration on May 20, 2016, Beijing’s policy towards the island-state has been both rigid and assertive. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) authorities have kept asking the new Taiwanese administration to endorse the so-called “92 consensus”—according to which there is “one China” but neither side tries to define it—that, contrary to the defeated Kuomintang (KMT), Ms. Tsai and her Party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which now controls a majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan, or Taiwan’s Parliament, are not going to do. As a result, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has decided to stop all high-level contacts with the Taiwanese government and instead has intensified its united front policy aimed at reaching out the segments of the Taiwanese polity and the society that disagree with the new president and her team—the KMT and their elected national and local representatives as well as the Taiwanese business community. This divide-and-rule-strategy is served by a stronger—though more slowly growing—economy, a more assertive foreign policy, especially towards the United States, and a more robust and threatening military. Beijing’s objectives are pretty clear and simple: contribute to Ms. Tsai’s failure in weakening her position and delegitimizing her policy choices, both in the eyes of Taiwan’s political, business elites and voters as well as, hopefully, the new American Administration; and, consequently, help the KMT and the “blue camp” as a whole to come back to power in 2020 in developing close relations with them and their business allies who have vested interests in or with China.
    [Show full text]