The Phases of the French Revolution & Napoleon

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The Phases of the French Revolution & Napoleon Short (Immediate) Term Causes: Long Term Causes: Financial Mismanagement Debt Bread shortages/famine Enlightenment/American Rev Poor leadership/inept king Inequality of the Estates/Estates General 1. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 2. LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 3. NATIONAL CONVENTION 4. THE DIRECTORY 1789-1791 1791-1792 1792-1795 1795-1799 “Age of Montesquieu” “Age of Rousseau” Constitution of 1795 Tennis Court Oath (B) Constitution of 1791 “radical phase” Republic but very Bastille (P) Constitutional “Equality, liberty, weak & ineffective Jacques Necker fired Monarchy fraternity” Hold elections = “Declaration of Rights Jacobins vs. Girondins Committee of Public people want of Man & Citizen” (B) Sans-Coulettes Safety restoration of Great Fear of 1789 (P) Declaration of Pilnitz Reign of Terror (1793- monarchy but Bread Riot/March to Brunswick Manifesto 94) directory won’t Versailles War of 1st Coalition “National Razor” = allow King forced to return Paris Commune guillotine In need of a strong to Paris from King Louis XVI signs deChristianization leader Versailles away his powers Revolutionary calendar Coup d’Etat Constitution King/Queen try to flee Cult of the Supreme Napoleon invited to Civil Constitution of to Varennes Being head government the Clergy = 83 September Massacres Louis XVI executed departments Fighting vs. Charlotte Corday counterrevolutionaries stabbed Marat in his Marks beginning of 2nd tub revolution = republic Marie Antoinette executed Danton & others executed Girondins targeted Thermidorian Reaction Robespierre executed The Phases of the French Revolution & Napoleon CONSULATE PERIOD EMPIRE PERIOD CONGRESS OF VIENNA COALITION WARS 1799-1804 1804-1814 1814-1815 “Age of Voltaire” = War of 2nd Coalition: Napoleon crowns Return to Enlightened reform himself emperor conservative Europe 1st consul is Napoleon Creates French Empire Headed by “Enlightened Despot” Continental System Metternich (Austria) Concordat of 1801 = Napoleonic Wars Balance of Power religious tolerance 1st Treaty of Paris = Principle of Code Napoleon = Napoleon exiled to Legitimacy equality under law Elba Principle of “Careers open to War of 3rd Coalition: “100 Days” = Battle of Intervention talent” Waterloo Bank of France (BOF) 2nd Treaty of Paris = Educational Reform = Napoleon exiled to St. under the state Helena Police state War of 4th Coalition: Nepotism Results of Napoleon: liberalism throughout Europe; more revolutions to come due to liberal reforms .

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Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas.
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Jacques-Louis David's 'Oath of the Tennis Court'
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Roberts & Tilton
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Analysing the High Art of Propaganda During the French Revolution
Thema Close to the Source: Analysing the High Art of Propaganda during the French Revolution Jacques-Louis David’s The Death of Marat reveals the blurred lines between historical fact and fiction. Cam Wilson, undergraduate student, The University of Melbourne Analysing primary source material is both an The Death of Marat (1793, see Figure 1) by Jacques- important and highly rewarding exercise in historical Louis David is a uniquely complex historical source scholarship. The ability to critically examine and that captures both the brutal reality and the elaborate evaluate primary documents is the foundation of fiction of the French Revolution. The tragic depiction quality historical research. Analysis requires historians of Jean-Paul Marat, the radical journalist and political to look far beyond first impressions of a historical agitator lying dead in his bath, reveals the methods source. They must examine it in fine detail and be employed by political propagandists to manufacture able to communicate their description to the reader. a new ideological reality for the revolutionary state. Reconstructing the historical context of the source Simultaneously, it serves to accentuate the sense of both deepens the analysis and frequently provides tragedy and death the revolution has left in its wake. This analysis examines the multiple meanings of inspiration for further research. Armed with detailed David’s iconic painting to explain how a historical research and observation, the focus of the analysis source with such a deliberate political agenda can is to uncover the intentions of the author and the reveal so much about revolutionary France. message they are trying to convey.
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Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L
Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science Volume 20 Article 19 1966 Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L. Hayworth University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hayworth, Ronald L. (1966) "Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI," Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science: Vol. 20 , Article 19. Available at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol20/iss1/19 This article is available for use under the Creative Commons license: Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0). Users are able to read, download, copy, print, distribute, search, link to the full texts of these articles, or use them for any other lawful purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol. 20 [1966], Art. 19 111 Arkansas Academy of Science Proceedings, Vol. 20, 1966 THE INVIOLABILITYCONTROVERSY IN THE TRIAL OF LOUIS XVI Ronald L. Hay worth Arkansas College The attempt at constitutional monarchy during the French Revolu- tion ended abruptly on August 10, 1792, with the dethronement of Louis XVI in what has been termed the Second French Revolution. 1 One major problem that the new National Convention faced when it convened in mid-September was the determination of the fate of the ci-devant roi.
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Shaping Nationalism
Shaping Nationalism The French Revolution • The French Revolution marked a turning point for European Nationalism • Marked the transition from Absolute Monarch to Republic The History Behind It • The revolution had been growing for some time, but the catalyst was the storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789 • It was a prison and its capture by the mob was symbolic of the overtaking of tyranny • The news of the Bastilles capture spread across France and inspired people to take up arms against the king and aristocracy • It inspired the feeling that they were a nation and could govern themselves. • The idea of being the French Nation had entered the peoples’ collective consciousness • In pre-revolutionary France, society was divided into strict social order. • The Monarch, aristocracy and high-ranking clergy held most power Estates-General • The Estates General was an elected body of three groups 1. First Estate- clergy 2. Second Estate- aristocrats 3. Third Estate- common people • First and Second Estates tended to side together and outvote the Third. • June 1789, the Third Estate declared themselves the National Assembly and swore the Tennis Court Oath • France was influenced by the Renaissance ideas • Paris became the cultural capital of Europe • People were exposed to new ideas that questioned the nobility • Prior to the revolution, there was a growing middle class called the bourgeoisie. They were prosperous professionals and began to demand more say in decision making. Financial Factors • France had been at war and was basically broke
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The French Revolution and Haiti, by Alex Fairfax-Cholmeley
52 III.2. The French Revolution and Haiti Alex Fairfax-Cholmeley Queen Mary, University of London Keywords: the Atlantic; Bourbon Restoration; National Convention; Paris Revolutionary Tribunal; Saint-Domingue; slavery; Thermidorian reaction I have become increasingly interested in the potential of using Saint- Domingue/Haiti as a prism through which to study French society during the Revolutionary era. Not only is the story of the revolution in Saint-Domingue important in its own right, but the complex and contradictory reactions it provoked back in the metropole offer an opportunity to put Revolutionary and counter-revolutionary principles under the microscope. The Haitian revolution was, after all, a test case for revolutionaries in France, who were debating the limits and potential of liberty and equality – as set against concerns over issues like the sanctity of private property, public order and geopolitical security. A Haitian prism on French politics has two further distinct advantages. First, it encourages, or perhaps even demands, a much broader timeframe than is usually employed in Revolutionary historiography, with French recognition of Haiti’s status as an independent nation in 1825 one obvious end point. Second, it leads naturally to engagement with the developing transnational e-France, volume 4, 2013, A. Fairfax-Cholmeley and C. Jones (eds.), New Perspectives on the French Revolution, pp.52-54. New Perspectives 53 historiography of the Atlantic world during this period – for example, work that looks at American condemnation and support for a successful slave rebellion in its vicinity. (Geggus and Friering, 2009; Sepinwall, 2012) This is therefore an opportunity to site French Revolutionary historiography in a truly international context.
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Voices of Revolt Voices of Revolt
VOICES OF REVOLT VOICES OF REVOLT SPEECHES OF MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE VOICES OF REVOLT VOLUME I * SPEECHES OF MAXI MILlEN ROBES PIERRE WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH NEW YORK INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1927, by INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS, INc. Printed in the U. S . .A. This book is composed and printed by union labor CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 9 Robespierre in the Club of the Jacobins 18 Robespierre as the Realpolitiker of the Revo- lution 22 Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety 2 7 The Ninth Thermidor 36 THE FLIGHT OF THE KING 41 AsKING THE DEATH PENALTY FOR Louis XVI 46 CoNCERNING THE DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND OF THE CITIZEN 52 IN FAVOR OF AN ARMED PEOPLE, OF A wAR AGAINsT THE VENDEE s6 REPORT ON THE PRINCIPLES OF A REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT 61 REPORT ON THE PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL MORAL ITY • REPORT ON THE EXTERNAL SITUATION OF THE REPUBLIC • EXPLANATORY NOTES MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE INTRODUCTION IN the year 1770 a boy knocked at the gate of the Lycee Louis-le-Grand. Mass was just being held, and the youth could still hear the last notes of the organ as he was resting on a bench. He had covered a long distance on his journey: he had come from Arras. "Praised be Jesus Christ," was the sexton's greet ing as he opened the gate. The boy had already been announced, and was at once led to the rector. "So your name is Maximilien Robespierre, my child?" asked the Jesuit who conducted the insti tution. The young man becomes a scholar, one of the most diligent students of the Lycee Louis-le Grand.
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After Robespierre
J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M.
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50 H-France Forum, V
H-France Forum Volume 4 Page 50 ______________________________________________________________________________ H-France Forum, Volume 4, Issue 2 (Spring 2009), No. 5 Michael Sonenscher, Sans-Culottes: An Eighteenth-Century Emblem in the French Revolution. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008. x + 493 pp. $45.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978- 0691124988. Response Essay by Michael Sonenscher, King’s College Cambridge, to the review essays of his book by John Hardman, Thomas E. Kaiser, Charles Walton and Johnson Kent Wright. Perhaps the easiest way to begin a reply to this array of thought-provoking comments is to start with the two factual questions raised by John Hardman. The first concerns the comte d’Angiviller, while the second concerns Charles-Alexandre de Calonne. Answering them is a good way into the questions set out by Thomas E. Kaiser and Charles Walton about the relationship of the sans-culottes to Robespierre, Saint-Just and the Jacobin leadership in 1793 and 1794 and, more broadly, about the similarities and differences in their respective moral values, economic priorities and political visions. Answering their questions is, in turn, a helpful entry point to the questions about eighteenth-century versions of ancient moral and political thought and about the politics of the ancient constitution raised by Johnson Kent Wright. John Hardman asked whether I had any evidence that the comte d’Angiviller was, as I put it, “a strong advocate of a patriotic coup against the nation’s creditors in 1787 and 1788” (p. 378). I made the claim on the basis of a remark by d’Angiviller in the autobiographical fragment entitled Episodes de ma vie that was published posthumously in 1906.
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Marisa Linton, Virtue Or Glory?: Dilemmas of Political Heroism In
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Legislative Assembly  Approve Laws/Declarations of War  Must Pay Considerable Taxes to Hold Office
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