Class 2: Contrast and Neutralization (Part 1)

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Class 2: Contrast and Neutralization (Part 1) Class 2: Contrast and neutralization (part 1) Adam Albright ([email protected]) LSA 2017 Phonology University of Kentucky Goals for today I Address residual questions from last time (Constraints, Ranking, OT) I Recap: the function of phonology, illustrated I Arguing for rankings I Filling in some pieces I Phonological distributions, linking distributions to rankings I Warm-up problem: Navajo I Grounding markedness constraints in perceptual considerations Warm-up References 1/27 I Before vowels I Unaspirated, aspirated, ejective, affricates I Labial, coronal, dorsal I Not before vowels: t, ʔ Navajo ʔazit ‘liver’ ʃaːʒ ‘knot’ kʰélã́ːt ‘tips of toes’ sik’az ‘cold (object)’ páːx ‘bread’ tápãːx ‘shore’ péːʃ ‘flint, metal’ tʰáláɣoʃ ‘soap’ tʃátí ‘antelope’ ʔiːkex ‘wedding’ ʔaʒiʔ ‘torso’ níɣiz ‘round and slender’ xato ‘heat’ kax ‘rabbit’ ɣótax ‘up above’ k’at ‘now’ tʃeːʃóː ‘turkey buzzard’ tʃeːɬit ‘soot’ lók’aːʔ ‘reed’ ʔaʒí ‘voice’ ɬáːɬ ‘to raise hell’ ʔakot ‘knee’ t’ĩ́ːɬ ‘to act, do’ ʔats’oːs ‘blood vessel’ tɬ’iʃ ‘to soak, dampen’ t’átɬ’it ‘water moss’ Warm-up References 2/27 Navajo ʔazit ‘liver’ ʃaːʒ ‘knot’ kʰélã́ːt ‘tips of toes’ sik’az ‘cold (object)’ páːx ‘bread’ tápãːx ‘shore’ péːʃ ‘flint, metal’ tʰáláɣoʃ ‘soap’ tʃátí ‘antelope’ ʔiːkex ‘wedding’ ʔaʒiʔ ‘torso’ níɣiz ‘round and slender’ xato ‘heat’ kax ‘rabbit’ ɣótax ‘up above’ k’at ‘now’ tʃeːʃóː ‘turkey buzzard’ tʃeːɬit ‘soot’ lók’aːʔ ‘reed’ ʔaʒí ‘voice’ ɬáːɬ ‘to raise hell’ ʔakot ‘knee’ t’ĩ́ːɬ ‘to act, do’ ʔats’oːs ‘blood vessel’ tɬ’iʃ ‘to soak, dampen’ t’átɬ’it ‘water moss’ I Before vowels I Unaspirated, aspirated, ejective, affricates I Labial, coronal, dorsal I Not before vowels: t, ʔ Warm-up References 2/27 Contextual neutralization I Before vowels, stops may be: Contrast I Unaspirated, aspirated, ejective, affricates I Labial, coronal, dorsal, glottal I Not before vowels (i.e., word-finally), oral Neutralization stops must be: I Unaspirated, and coronal or glottal Neutralization = predictability Segments with a stop component are predictably I Coronal I Not aspirated, not ejective I Not affricates …when not before a vowel Warm-up References 3/27 Contextual neutralization: aspiration I Markedness constraints I *[+spread glottis]/ #: no aspirated segments word-finally I *[+spread glottis] I Faithfulness constraint I Ident([±spread glottis]) /kʰat/ *[+s.g.]/ # Ident([±s.g.]) *[+s.g.] + kʰat * kat *! /katʰ/ *[+s.g.]/ # Ident([±s.g.]) *[+s.g.] katʰ *! * + kat * I This ranking allows aspiration in the output when before a vowel, and changes it to unaspirated otherwise I Crucial: I Ident([±s.g.]) ≫ *[+s.g.] I *[±s.g.]/ # ≫ Ident([±s.g.]) Warm-up References 4/27 Formulating markedness constraints I Constraint *[+s.g.]/ # suffices to capture the Navajo distribution, but why this constraint, and not some other? I Why *[+s.g.], and not *[−s.g.]? I Why does neutralization target word-final position? I We could just stipulate: aspiration ([+s.g.]) is ‘marked’ I Markedness constraints penalize [+s.g.] segments, either in general, or in specific contexts I However, is not only unsatisfying, but also inadequate I Doesn’t explain why aspiration is especially marked in final position I We’ll see below: value that’s ‘marked’ in some contexts may be ‘unmarked’ in others The next example illustrates these points, with a restriction on voicing Warm-up References 5/27 Obstruents Sonorants Review/background: manner of articulation In increasing amount of airflow obstruction: Stops Affricates Fricatives Nasals Liquids Glides Warm-up References 6/27 Review/background: manner of articulation In increasing amount of airflow obstruction: Stops Affricates Obstruents Fricatives Nasals Liquids Sonorants Glides Warm-up References 6/27 Review/background: manner of articulation Bilab Lab Inter- Alv Alv- Retr Pal Vel Uvu Phar Glot dent Pal Stop p b t d k ɡ ʔ Fric Non-lat f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h ɦ Lat Affric tʃ dʒ Nas m ɱ n ŋ Tap/flap ɾ Approx Non-lat (w) ɹ j (w) Lat l Warm-up References 7/27 Lithuanian voicing (Steriade 1997) (Warning: data combines examples from Steriade and Lingea online dictionary) I Initial singletons (i.e., before vowels) I pulti ‘attack’, busti ‘wake up’ I Initial clusters (i.e., before sonorants and v) I praba ‘hallmark’, brandus ‘mature’ I platus ‘wide’, blaivus ‘sober’ sl, ʃl, ʒl, pl, bl, kl, ɡl sr, pr, br, tr, dr, kr, ɡr sm, ʃm, ʒm, sn, ʃn, ʒn, kn, ɡn sv, ʃv, ʒv, kv, ɡv, tv, dv I Final: I dauk ‘many, much’, kat ‘that’ I *b#, *d#, *g#, *z#, *ʒ# I Alternations: dauk ‘much (adj.)’ ∼ daug-elis ‘much (n.)’ I Similar to distribution of aspiration in Navajo: neutralized / # I Heightens the suspicion that we may not want to leave contexts of neutralization to coincidence Warm-up References 8/27 Lithuanian voicing I Constraints[ ] [ ] −sonorant −sonorant I * # (=*D#) (contextual), * +voice +voice (general) I Ident([±voice]) I Ranking for initial contrast,[ final neutralization] −sonorant I Ident([±voice]) ≫ * [ ] +voice −sonorant I * # ≫ Ident(±voice) +voice I Devoicing instead of epenthesis or deletion: additional faithfulness constraints I Dep: don’t epenthesize I Max: don’t delete I Ranking for Lithuanian: Dep, Max ≫ Ident([±voice]) Warm-up References 9/27 Lithuanian voicing Medial clusters: before sonorants and v Voiceless Voiced vikrùs ‘agile’ vedrus ‘glutton’ áukleː ‘nanny’ auglingas ‘fruitful’ nuknisti ‘swipe, steal’ dreːɡnas ‘damp brukneː ‘cowberry’ buːɡnas ‘drum’ riːtmetĩːs ‘morning’ bãdmetys ‘year of famine’ silpnas ‘weak’ skobnis ‘table’ akmuõ ‘stone’ augmuõ ‘growth’ àtminti ‘to remember’ liũdnas ‘sad’ asmuõ ‘person’ baʒnitʃʲa ‘church’ teʃmuõ ‘udder’ ʒʲeʒmuo (place name) Warm-up References 10/27 Lithuanian voicing Medial clusters: before obstruents Voiceless Voiced slaptas ‘secret’ — (*bt) aktas ‘act, deed’ — (*gt) kurapka ‘partridge’ — (*bk) agrastas ‘gooseberry’ — (*zt) aʃtrus ‘sharp’ — (*ʃd) — (*pd) stabdiːs ‘brake’ — (*kd) smaragdas ‘emerald’ — (*sd) barzda ‘beard’ — (*ʃd) iʒdas ‘exchequer’ Warm-up References 11/27 Lithuanian voicing Alternations lap-kotis ‘petiole’ lap-as ‘leaf’ dirp-ti ‘work’ dirb-antiːsis ‘worker’ lak-ta ‘perch’ lak-ioti ‘fly around’ dek-ti ‘burn’ deg-inti ‘burn (trans.)’ at-auga ‘outgrowth’ ad-bulas ‘reversed’ I Voicing contrast is tolerated before vowels and sonorants, neutralized before obstruents I Outcome of neutralization depends on context: sometimes voiceless, sometimes voiced I Voiceless value is unmarked in many contexts (finally, before voiceless) but marked before voiced obstruents I Value that’s ‘marked’ in some contexts may be ‘unmarked’ in others Warm-up References 12/27 The typology of laryneal neutralization Steriade (1997, p. 9) (O = obstruent, R = sonorant, including V) # O, O #R O R # R R R Totontepec Mixe no contrast no contrast no contrast no contrast contrast Lithuanian no contrast no contrast no contrast contrast contrast French no contrast no contrast contrast contrast contrast Shilha (Tašlḥiyt) no contrast contrast contrast contrast contrast Khasi contrast — contrast contrast contrast I Asymmetry: contrast before/after obstruents implies contrast before/after sonorants Warm-up References 13/27 Licensing by cue First step: differentiating contexts I Why are contrasts for voicing, aspiration (etc.) neutralized more readily in non-pre-sonorant position? I Hypothesis: sonorants provide an advantageous context for voicing and aspiration contrasts because they provide more/clearer perceptual cues I Voicing cues (from Wright 2004, p. 39) Warm-up References 14/27 Licensing by cue I Cues, by context Context Constraint Cues # O, O # (O O) *voice/[−son] [−son], closure voicing, closure dura- tion *voice/# [−son], *voice/[−son] # V [−son] *voice/V [−son] closure voicing, closure dura- tion, preceding V duration, F0 and F1 in preceding V V # *voice/V # closure voicing, closure dura- tion, preceding V duration, F0 and F1 in preceding V, burst duration and amplitude (if re- leased) V [+son] *voice/V [+son] closure voicing, closure dura- tion, preceding V duration, F0 and F1 in preceding V, burst duration and amplitude, F0 and F1 in following vowel I Fixed ranking: *voi/[−son] [−son] ≫ *voi/V [−son] ≫ *voi/V # ≫ *voi/V [+son] Warm-up References 15/27 Analysis of Lithuanian *voi/[−son] [−son] ≫ *voi/V [−son] ≫ *voi/V # j Ident([±voi]) j *voi/V [+son] I Top constraints all involve voicing before non-sonorants I Shorthand: *voi/ :[+son] I We compare here the distribution before obstruents vs. before Sonorants I *voi/ :[+son] ≫ *voi/ [+son] I Neutralized word-finally I Neutralized before obstruents Warm-up References 16/27 Lithuanian: voicing contrast before sonorants Contrast before sonorants I Before vowels /ta/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. ta b. da *! W *W /da/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] a. ta *! W L + b. da * I Before sonorant consonants /tra/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. tra b. dra *! W *W /dra/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] a. tra *! W L + b. dra * Warm-up References 17/27 Lithuanian: voicing neutralization elsewhere I Word-finally /rat/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. rat b. rad *! W *W /rad/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. rat * b. rad *! W L I Before obstruents /ratka/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. ratka b. radka *! W *W /radka/ *voi/ :[+son] Ident([±voi]) *voi/[+son] + a. ratka * b. radka *! W L Warm-up References 18/27 Voicing neutralization: [−voice] vs. [+voice] I Analysis so far correctly characterizes the contexts that favor neutralization, but it predicts that neutralization should also be to the voiceless value I *voice/V [−son] I Recall that output actually depends on the following context I Voiceless word-finally: /daug/ ! [dauk] I Voiceless before voiceless obstruent: /dirb-ti/ ! [dirpti] I Voiced before voiced obstruent: /at-bulas/ ! [adbulas] I Perhaps a higher-ranked constraint I Agree([±voice]): adjacent obstruents must agree in voicing I Steriade (1997): *voice means have no voicing value at all (underspecification) Warm-up References 19/27 Underspecified outputs I If outputs are sets of feature values, then there’s no logical necessity that a representation contain values for all features for all segments I In fact, subsets of feature values are often assumed I E.g., vowel features vs.
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