UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics
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Acoustic-Phonetics of Coronal Stops
Acoustic-phonetics of coronal stops: A cross-language study of Canadian English and Canadian French ͒ Megha Sundaraa School of Communication Sciences & Disorders, McGill University 1266 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, QC H3G 1A8 Canada ͑Received 1 November 2004; revised 24 May 2005; accepted 25 May 2005͒ The study was conducted to provide an acoustic description of coronal stops in Canadian English ͑CE͒ and Canadian French ͑CF͒. CE and CF stops differ in VOT and place of articulation. CE has a two-way voicing distinction ͑in syllable initial position͒ between simultaneous and aspirated release; coronal stops are articulated at alveolar place. CF, on the other hand, has a two-way voicing distinction between prevoiced and simultaneous release; coronal stops are articulated at dental place. Acoustic analyses of stop consonants produced by monolingual speakers of CE and of CF, for both VOT and alveolar/dental place of articulation, are reported. Results from the analysis of VOT replicate and confirm differences in phonetic implementation of VOT across the two languages. Analysis of coronal stops with respect to place differences indicates systematic differences across the two languages in relative burst intensity and measures of burst spectral shape, specifically mean frequency, standard deviation, and kurtosis. The majority of CE and CF talkers reliably and consistently produced tokens differing in the SD of burst frequency, a measure of the diffuseness of the burst. Results from the study are interpreted in the context of acoustic and articulatory data on coronal stops from several other languages. © 2005 Acoustical Society of America. ͓DOI: 10.1121/1.1953270͔ PACS number͑s͒: 43.70.Fq, 43.70.Kv, 43.70.Ϫh ͓AL͔ Pages: 1026–1037 I. -
Vowel Acoustics Reliably Differentiate Three Coronal Stops of Wubuy Across Prosodic Contexts
Vowel acoustics reliably differentiate three coronal stops of Wubuy across prosodic contexts Rikke L. BundgaaRd-nieLsena, BRett J. BakeRb, ChRistian kRoosa, MaRk haRveyc and CatheRine t. Besta,d aMARCS Auditory Laboratories, University of Western Sydney bSchool of Languages and Linguistics, University of Melbourne cSchool of Humanities and Social Science, University of Newcastle dHaskins Laboratories, New Haven Abstract The present study investigates the acoustic differentiation of three coronal stops in the indigenous Australian language Wubuy. We test independent claims that only VC (vowel-into-consonant) transitions provide robust acoustic cues for retroflex as compared to alveolar and dental coronal stops, with no differentiating cues among these three coronal stops evident in CV (consonant-into-vowel) transitions. The four-way stop distinction /t, t̪ , ʈ, c/ in Wubuy is contrastive word-initially (Heath 1984) and by implication utterance-initially, i.e., in CV-only contexts, which suggests that acoustic differentiation should be expected to occur in the CV transitions of this language, including in initial positions. Therefore, we examined both VC and CV formant transition information in the three target coronal stops across VCV (word-internal), V#CV (word-initial but utterance-medial) and ##CV (word- and utterance-initial), for /a / vowel contexts, which provide the optimal environment for investigating formant transitions. Results confirm that these coro- nal contrasts are maintained in the CVs in this vowel context, and in all three posi- tions. The patterns of acoustic differences across the three syllable contexts also provide some support for a systematic role of prosodic boundaries in influencing the degree of coronal stop differentiation evident in the vowel formant transitions. -
Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
Consonants Consonants Vs. Vowels Formant Frequencies Place Of
The Acoustics of Speech Production: Source-Filter Theory of Speech Consonants Production Source Filter Speech Speech production can be divided into two independent parts •Sources of sound (i.e., signals) such as the larynx •Filters that modify the source (i.e., systems) such as the vocal tract Consonants Consonants Vs. Vowels All three sources are used • Frication Vowels Consonants • Aspiration • Voicing • Slow changes in • Rapid changes in articulators articulators Articulations change resonances of the vocal tract • Resonances of the vocal tract are called formants • Produced by with a • Produced by making • Moving the tongue, lips and jaw change the shape of the vocal tract relatively open vocal constrictions in the • Changing the shape of the vocal tract changes the formant frequencies tract vocal tract Consonants are created by coordinating changes in the sources with changes in the filter (i.e., formant frequencies) • Only the voicing • Coordination of all source is used three sources (frication, aspiration, voicing) Formant Frequencies Place of Articulation The First Formant (F1) • Affected by the size of Velar Alveolar the constriction • Cue for manner • Unrelated to place Bilabial The second and third formants (F2 and F3) • Affected by place of articulation /AdA/ 1 Place of Articulation Place of Articulation Bilabials (e.g., /b/, /p/, /m/) -- Low Frequencies • Lower F2 • Lower F3 Alveolars (e.g., /d/, /n/, /s/) -- High Frequencies • Higher F2 • Higher F3 Velars (e.g., /g/, /k/) -- Middle Frequencies • Higher F2 /AdA/ /AgA/ • Lower -
Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English A-Tensing
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 40th Annual Penn Article 21 Linguistics Conference 2017 Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Yining Nie New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Nie, Yining (2017) "Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 23 : Iss. 1 , Article 21. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Abstract English a-tensing has received numerous treatments in the phonological and sociolinguistic literature, but the question of why it occurs (i) at all and (ii) in seemingly unnatural disjunctive phonological environments has not been settled. This paper presents a novel phonetic enhancement account of a-tensing in Philadelphia, New York City and Belfast English. I propose that a-tensing is best understood as an allophonic process which facilitates the perceptual identity and articulatory ease of nasality, voicing and/or segment duration in the following consonant. This approach unifies the apparently unnatural phonological environments in which the two a variants surface and predicts the attested dialectal patterns. A synchronic account of a-tensing also provides -
Peering Into the Obstruent-Sonorant Divide: the View from /V
Peering into the obstruent-sonorant divide: The view from /v/ Christina Bjorndahl May 04, 2018 Cornell University, PhD Candidate Carnegie Mellon University, Visiting Scholar 1 Why /v/? Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ 2 Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ 2 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ 3 Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ 3 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /T/ 9 [D] / __v 15) /ot-vesti/ [otvesti] ‘lead away’ *[odvesti] -
Nasal Consonant the Basic Characteristic of a Nasal Consonant Is That the Air Escapes Through the Nose
Nasal Consonant The basic characteristic of a nasal consonant is that the air escapes through the nose. For this to happen, the soft palate must be lowered; in the case of all the other consonants, and all vowels, the soft palate is raised and air cannot pass through the nose, in nasal consonants, hoever, the air does not pass through the mouth; it is prevented by a complete closure in the mouth at some point. /m/ and /n/ are simple , straightforward consonants with distributions like those of the plosives. There is in fact little to describe. However, /η/ is a different matter. It is a sound that gives considerable problems to foreign learners, and one that is so unusual in its phonological aspect that some people argue that it is not one of the phonemes of English at all. There are three phonemes in English which are represented by nasal consonants, /m/ , /n/ and /η/. In all nasal consonants the soft palate is lowered and at the same time the mouth passage blocked at some point, so that all the air pushed out of the nose. /m/ and /n/ All languages have consonants which are similar to / m/ and /n/ in English. Notice: 1- the soft palate is lowered for both /m/ and /n/. 2- for /m/ the mouth is blocked by closing the two lips, for /n/ by pressing the tip of the tongue against the alveolar ridge, and the sides of the tongue against the sides of the palate. 3- Both sounds are voice in English, as they are in other languages, and the voiced air passes out through the nose. -
The Emergence of Obstruents After High Vowels*
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from Diachronica 29:4 © 2012. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and staff) only of the author’s/s’ institute, it is not permitted to post this PDF on the open internet. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com The emergence of obstruents after high vowels* David R. Mortensen University of Pittsburgh While a few cases of the emergence of obstruents after high vowels are found in the literature (Burling 1966, 1967, Blust 1994), no attempt has been made to comprehensively collect instances of this sound change or give them a unified explanation. This paper attempts to resolve this gap in the literature by introduc- ing a post-vocalic obstruent emergence (POE) as a recurring sound change with a phonetic (aerodynamic) basis. Possible cases are identified in Tibeto-Burman, Austronesian, and Grassfields Bantu. Special attention is given to a novel case in the Tibeto-Burman language Huishu. Keywords: epenthesis, sound change, aerodynamics, exemplar theory, Tibeto- Burman, Austronesian, Niger-Congo 1. -
How Does Phonetics Interact with Phonology During Tone Sandhi?
How does phonetics interact with phonology during tone sandhi? Bijun Ling Tongji University [email protected] ABSTRACT whether the phonological system affects the phonetic interaction of consonant and f0. This paper investigated the phonetics and phonology Shanghai Wu, a northern Wu dialect of Chinese, of consonant–f0 interaction in Shanghai Wu. Bi- offers a good study case for this research question. syllabic compound nouns, which form tone sandhi Shanghai Wu has five lexical tones, which can be domain, were elicited within template sentences with described by three features [27]: F0 contour: falling two factors controlled: lexical tones (T1[HM], (T1) and rising (T2-T5); Tonal register: high (T1, T2, T3[LM], T5[LMq]) and consonant types (obstruents T4) and low (T3, T5); and Duration: long (T1-T3) and & nasals). Results showed that although the base tone short (T4, T5). They exhibit interesting co-occurrence contrast of the second syllable is neutralized by patterns with both the onset and coda of the tone- phonological tone sandhi rules, the onset f0 of the bearing syllable. Syllables with voiceless onsets only second syllable with low tones (T3) is significantly allow tones that start in the high register, i.e. T1, T2 lower than that with high tone (T1). Furthermore, and T4; while voiced onsets co-occur with tones that such difference cannot be just attributed to the start in the low register, i.e. T3 and T5. Interestingly, consonant perturbation, because it also exists when the sonorant consonants could occur with both high the consonant (i.e. /m/) is the same for all three tones. -
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING in LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE and PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING IN LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE AND PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich The Graduate Center, Centre National de la Recherche The Language City University of New York Scientifique / IKER (UMR5478) Conservancy Final obstruent devoicing is common in the world’s languages and constitutes a clear case of parallel phonological evolution. Final obstruent voicing, in contrast, is claimed to be rare or non - existent. Two distinct theoretical approaches crystalize around obstruent voicing patterns. Tradi - tional markedness accounts view these sound patterns as consequences of universal markedness constraints prohibiting voicing, or favoring voicelessness, in final position, and predict that final obstruent voicing does not exist. In contrast, phonetic-historical accounts explain skewed patterns of voicing in terms of common phonetically based devoicing tendencies, allowing for rare cases of final obstruent voicing under special conditions. In this article, phonetic and phonological evi - dence is offered for final obstruent voicing in Lakota, an indigenous Siouan language of the Great Plains of North America. In Lakota, oral stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ are regularly pronounced as [b], [l], and [ɡ] in word- and syllable-final position when phrase-final devoicing and preobstruent devoic - ing do not occur.* Keywords : final voicing, final devoicing, markedness, Lakota, rare sound patterns, laboratory phonology 1. Final obstruent devoicing and final obstruent voicing in phonological theory . There is wide agreement among phonologists and phoneticians that many of the world’s languages show evidence of final obstruent devoicing (Iverson & Salmons 2011). Like many common sound patterns, final obstruent devoicing has two basic in - stantiations: an active form, involving alternations, and a passive form, involving static distributional constraints. -
ABC+Q: Contour Segments and Tones in (Sub)Segmental Agreement by Correspondence
Inkelas & Shih 25 May 2013 ABC+Q: Contour segments and tones in (sub)segmental Agreement by Correspondence Sharon Inkelas (UC Berkeley) & Stephanie S Shih (Stanford/UC Berkeley) [email protected], [email protected] 0 INTRODUCTION Phonological theory has long been challenged by the behavior of contour segments and contour tones in harmony patterns. (1) Contour segments: segments with distinct gestures sequenced in time (Sagey 1986; et seq.) a. pre- and post-nasalized segments (e.g., nd, dn) b. affricates (e.g., ʧ) c. pre- or post-laryngealized segments (e.g., kʰ, ʰk) d. contour tones (e.g., ǎ, â, ǎ` ) e. diphthongs (e.g., aɪ) f. on- and off-glides (e.g., ju, kʷ) (a), (c), see Steriade 1993; 1994; (b), see Lombardi 1990; see also Banner-Inouye 1989 on flaps (2) Not covered in this talk: complex segments involving distinct gestures which overlap in time a. labiovelars, /l/ b. partially laryngealized vowels c. clicks, implosives, ejectives (3) Conflicting behavior by contour segments in harmony patterns: participate in phonology as whole units their subsegmental parts act independently (4) This talk: ABC+Q Propose new subdivided, quantized segmental representations, which allow for a better characterization of the behavior of contour and simplex segments. Quantized segmental subdivisions are grounded in phonetic reality and tuned to typological phonological generalizations incorporated in Agreement by Correspondence (ABC) theory (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004). ABC+Q marries the representational strength of previous approaches, including Autosegmental Theory, Aperture Theory, and Articulatory Phonology, with the locality and similarity design features of ABC, to capture the unity and internal complexity of segments. -
Consonant Types and F0 in Kiowa
UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) CONSONANT TYPES AND F0 IN KIOWA ANNA JURGENSEN UNIVERSITY OF CALIFONRIA, BERKELEY 62 UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) Abstract Since the work of House and Fairbanks (1953) and Lehiste and Peterson (1961) it has been established that the prevocalic voiced stops produce downward perturbations and prevocalic voiceless stops produce upward perturbations on the fundamental frequency (F0) of the following vowel. The effects of stops with other laryngeal settings, such as aspirated and ejective, are not as clear (Hombert 1978). Additionally, the effects on F0 in tonal languages may differ from those in nontonal languages, both in the magnitude of the effect on vowels of different tone and in the duration of the effect in general (Gandour 1974). Using pre-recorded elicitations in Kiowa, a tonal, Kiowa-Tanoan language of southwestern Oklahoma, the effects of prevocalic voiced, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and ejective stops on the F0 of the following vowel were measured and analyzed. Using WaveSurfer, the F0 of the vowel was measured every 20 ms for a duration of 100 ms. The measurements were categorically averaged for comparison between types of stop and tone level. The analysis shows that voiced and voiceless stops in Kiowa produce the predicted downward and upward perturbations, and provides evidence that aspirated stops produce a higher perturbation on vowels than do voiceless unaspirated, and that ejective stops produce a downward perturbation on F0 instead of a neutral effect, as has been previously assumed (Hombert 1978). 63 UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) It has been well established that the laryngeal setting of a prevocalic stop has an intrinsic effect on the fundamental frequency (F0) of the vowel that follows.