Sonority Sequencing Principle in Sabzevari Persian: a Constraint-Based Approach
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Sonorants, Fricatives and a Tonogenetic Typology
Sonorants, fricatives and a tonogenetic typology Gwendolyn Hyslop University of Oregon 1. Introduction and background While some phonological mechanisms underlying tonogenesis have been understood for some time (e.g. Maspero (1912), Haudricourt (1954), inter alia ) ongoing research in tonogenesis suggests that the full picture is more complex than previous studies have indicated. For example, though it is generally established that voiceless initials yield high pitch register, voiced initials yield low pitch register and coda consonants condition pitch contour, the order in which segments undergo tonogenesis has barely been addressed. Additionally, tone may be conditioned by other factors such as pre-aspiration or vowel quality, amongst others. The classical account of tonogenesis has been the model proposed by Haudricourt (1954) for Vietnamese. Diffloth (1989) reanalyzed the model to take register differences into account and Thurgood (2002) suggested updating our model of (Vietnamese) tonogenesis based on laryngeal features, arguing that intermediate stages existed. For example, voiced obstruents would condition breathy voice on their following vowel, which would in turn condition low tone. It remains to be seen, however, how much predictive power this model has, especially given recent research on tonogenesis in Kurtöp and the other East Bodish languages (Hyslop 2009, 2010), showing that tonogenesis targets sonorants and then fricatives before developing following obstruent consonants, a finding similar to that for Athabaskan (Kingston 2005, 2007). ‘Tone’ refers to the primary use of fundamental frequency to make lexical/grammatical contrasts in a given language (other acoustic cues may be involved, such as voice quality, duration, etc.). This definition includes most languages which have been classified as ‘pitch- accent’, as well as (possibly) languages which are considered to have a ‘register’ distinction (cf. -
What Matters in Artificial Learning, Sonority Hierarchy Or Natural Classes?
What Matters in Artificial Learning, Sonority Hierarchy or Natural Classes? Yu-Leng Lin* University of Toronto 1 Introduction In recent years, questions have been raised in linguistics about just what properties of grammar are universal and what emerges through exposure to language (Blevins 2004, 2006, Moreton 2008, Botma 2011, Mielke 2011, Parker 2008, Parker 2011 among others). In this paper, I address a particular aspect of this issue, focusing on the susceptibility of segments of different types to nasalization. More particularly, the study examines the nasalized segment constraint hierarchy, *nasalized plosive >> *nasalized fricative >> *nasalized liquid >> *nasalized glide >> *nasalized laryngeal >> *nasalized vowel proposed by Walker (2000), concentrating on the relationship between targets and blockers of nasal harmony. Nasal harmony is cross-linguistically common (a local process where a nasal trigger spreads the feature [nasal] rightward or leftward, stops when it encounters a blocker, see Walker 2011), but still insufficiently understood. The nasalized segment constraint hierarchy is generally considered to be related to sonority, with a more sonorant segment more likely to be nasalized, and with a less sonorant segment being nasalized in nasal harmony only if more sonorant segments are. There is a debate about the status of the sonority scale, with some arguing that it is phonological (e.g., Hooper 1976, Clements 1990, Blevins 1995, Zec 2007), and others arguing that it is a consequence of phonetic correlates, and epiphenomenal (e.g., Gordon 1999, Henke et al. 2012, Evans & Levinson 2009, Daland et al. 2011). One reason for considering the sonority hierarchy to be phonological is that there are some differences between languages in how particular segments interact in terms of sonority but the sonority hierarchy of different languages all follow the same tendency (least sonorant to more sonorant). -
1 Allomorphy in Gilaki
Allomorphy in Gilaki: an Optimality Theoretic approach Gregory Antono JAL401, University of Toronto Allomorphy appears to be a common occurrence in Gilaki, where there are stem changes as a result of affixation or verbal inflection, and various forms for certain affixes. Through an analysis based on the Optimality Theory (OT) framework (Prince and Smolensky 2004), this study seeks to examine the phonological constraints and constraint ranking involved in Gilaki allomorphy, focusing on the phonologically-conditioned allomorphs of the plural morpheme -ʃɑn and the negative affix –nV-. The plural morpheme -ʃɑn can surface as several forms like -ɑn and –jɑn: (1) tup-ɔ-ʃanə (2) tup-ɑn ball-ɔ-PL ball-PL balls balls (3) kor-ɑn (4) putʃɑ-jɑn girl-PL cat-PL girls cats The negative bound morpheme, –nV-, surfaces with varying vowels, such as nɔ-, nɪ-, or neɪ-. (5) nɔ-dʊvas-əm/ (6) mo nɪʃkæstʌm NEG.run.1SG 1.SG break.NEG did not run I did not break (7) mo neɪmijaɾʌm/ (8) nɔ-ʃɔn-ɔm/ 1.S NEG.die.1SG NEG.go.1SG I did not die not go An Optimality Theoretic approach to allomorphy has been taken by many, such as Rubach and Booij (2001) on Polish iotation, Anderson on phonologically conditioned allomorphy in Surmiran (2008), and Udammadu (2017) on the Igbo language. For this study, translation tasks are carried out with the Gilaki consultant to elicit more plural and negation data, using various simple storyboards that contain singular and plural subjects (animals), as well as dialogue that would elicit the negation affix. The focus of this elicitation is to observe how the affixes vary depending on the stem. -
A Corpus Phonetic Study of Contemporary Persian Vowels in Casual Speech
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 25 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 42nd Annual Penn Article 15 Linguistics Conference 2-27-2019 A Corpus Phonetic Study of Contemporary Persian Vowels in Casual Speech Taylor Jones University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Jones, Taylor (2019) "A Corpus Phonetic Study of Contemporary Persian Vowels in Casual Speech," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 25 : Iss. 1 , Article 15. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol25/iss1/15 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol25/iss1/15 For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Corpus Phonetic Study of Contemporary Persian Vowels in Casual Speech Abstract Contemporary Iranian Persian is described as having a six vowel system; however, there is currently very little work that characterizes the exact nature of these vowels. Previous works posit substantially different vowel spaces, and conflicting accounts of the extent ot which historical length distinctions are still relevant in Persian -- these distinctions then affect phonological theorizing, especially with regards to vocalic assimilation (sometimes referred to as "vowel harmony"). This study uses a corpus of over 60 hours of casual telephone speech among 104 speakers to describe the vowels of Persian. It is demonstrated that historical length distinctions no longer obtain, that previous descriptions of the vowel space of Persian are no longer necessarily accurate, and that the low back vowel may no longer be a steady state vowel for all speakers nor as low or as rounded as previously described. -
Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English A-Tensing
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 40th Annual Penn Article 21 Linguistics Conference 2017 Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Yining Nie New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Nie, Yining (2017) "Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 23 : Iss. 1 , Article 21. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Abstract English a-tensing has received numerous treatments in the phonological and sociolinguistic literature, but the question of why it occurs (i) at all and (ii) in seemingly unnatural disjunctive phonological environments has not been settled. This paper presents a novel phonetic enhancement account of a-tensing in Philadelphia, New York City and Belfast English. I propose that a-tensing is best understood as an allophonic process which facilitates the perceptual identity and articulatory ease of nasality, voicing and/or segment duration in the following consonant. This approach unifies the apparently unnatural phonological environments in which the two a variants surface and predicts the attested dialectal patterns. A synchronic account of a-tensing also provides -
ZAS Papers in Linguistics
Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Sprachtypologie und Universalienforschung . ZAS Papers in Linguistics Volume 19 December 2000 Edited by EwaldLang Marzena Rochon Kerstin Schwabe I! Oliver Teuber ISSN 1435-9588 Investigations in Prosodie Phonology: The Role of the Foot and the Phonologieal Word Edited by T. A. Hall University of Leipzig Marzena Rochon Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin ZAS Papers in Linguistics 19, 2000 Investigations in Prosodie Phonology: The Role of the Foot and the Phonologieal Word Edited by T. A. Hall & Marzena Roehon Contents 'j I Prefaee III Bozena Cetnarowska (University 0/ Silesia, Sosnowiec/Katowice, Poland) On the (non-) reeursivity of the prosodie word in Polish 1 Laum 1. Downing (ZAS Berlin) Satisfying minimality in Ndebele 23 T. A. Hall (University of Leipzig) The distribution of trimoraie syllables in German and English as evidenee for the phonologieal word 41 David J. Holsinger (ZAS Berlin) Weak position eonstraints: the role of prosodie templates in eontrast distribution 91 Arsalan Kahnemuyipour (University ofToronto) The word is a phrase, phonologieally: evidenee from Persian stress 119 Renate Raffelsiefen (Free University of Berlin) Prosodie form and identity effeets in German 137 Marzena RochOl1. (ZAS BerUn) Prosodie eonstituents in the representation of eonsonantal sequenees in Polish 177 Caroline R. Wiltshire (University of Florida, Gainesville) Crossing word boundaries: eonstraints for misaligned syllabifieation 207 ZAS Papers in Linguistics 19,2000 On the (non-)reeursivity ofthe prosodie word in Polish* Bozena Cetnarowska University of Silesia, Sosnowiec/Katowice, Poland 1 The problem The present paper investigates the relationship between the morphological word and the prosodie word in Polish sequences consisting of proclitics and lexical words. -
Peering Into the Obstruent-Sonorant Divide: the View from /V
Peering into the obstruent-sonorant divide: The view from /v/ Christina Bjorndahl May 04, 2018 Cornell University, PhD Candidate Carnegie Mellon University, Visiting Scholar 1 Why /v/? Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ 2 Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ 2 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ 3 Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ 3 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /T/ 9 [D] / __v 15) /ot-vesti/ [otvesti] ‘lead away’ *[odvesti] -
The Emergence of Obstruents After High Vowels*
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from Diachronica 29:4 © 2012. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and staff) only of the author’s/s’ institute, it is not permitted to post this PDF on the open internet. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com The emergence of obstruents after high vowels* David R. Mortensen University of Pittsburgh While a few cases of the emergence of obstruents after high vowels are found in the literature (Burling 1966, 1967, Blust 1994), no attempt has been made to comprehensively collect instances of this sound change or give them a unified explanation. This paper attempts to resolve this gap in the literature by introduc- ing a post-vocalic obstruent emergence (POE) as a recurring sound change with a phonetic (aerodynamic) basis. Possible cases are identified in Tibeto-Burman, Austronesian, and Grassfields Bantu. Special attention is given to a novel case in the Tibeto-Burman language Huishu. Keywords: epenthesis, sound change, aerodynamics, exemplar theory, Tibeto- Burman, Austronesian, Niger-Congo 1. -
It Is Not All Downhill from Here: Syllable Contact Law in Persian
It is not all downhill from here: Syllable Contact Law in Persian Afshin Rahimi, Moharram Eslami, Bahram Vazirnezhad Abstract Syllable contact pairs cross-linguistically tend to have a falling sonority slope, a constraint which is called the Syllable Contact Law (SCL). In this study, the phonotactics of syllable contacts in 4202 CVC.CVC words of Persian lexicon is investigated. The consonants of Persian were divided into five sonority categories and the frequency of all possible sonority slopes is computed both in lexicon (type frequency) and in corpus (token frequency). Since an unmarked phonological structure has been shown to diachronically become more frequent we expect to see the same pattern for syllable contact pairs with falling sonority slope. The correlation of sonority categories of the two consonants in a syllable contact pair is measured using Pointwise Mutual Information (PMI) both in lexicon level and in corpus level. Results show that SCL is not a categorical constraint in Persian and all possible sonority slopes are observed. In addition evidence show that at lexical level, the less sonority slope (-4 to +4), the more frequent. The reason of frequency increase is shown to be the tendency of non-sonorants such as stops and fricatives to occur in onset position, their reluctance to occur in coda position and the tendency of sonorants such as nasals and liquids to occur in coda position rather than onset position. PMI between sonority categories of two consonants in a syllable contact pair provides evidence against SCL in Persian. In other words, the sonority categories don’t impose any restriction on each other and are not correlated. -
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING in LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE and PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING IN LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE AND PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich The Graduate Center, Centre National de la Recherche The Language City University of New York Scientifique / IKER (UMR5478) Conservancy Final obstruent devoicing is common in the world’s languages and constitutes a clear case of parallel phonological evolution. Final obstruent voicing, in contrast, is claimed to be rare or non - existent. Two distinct theoretical approaches crystalize around obstruent voicing patterns. Tradi - tional markedness accounts view these sound patterns as consequences of universal markedness constraints prohibiting voicing, or favoring voicelessness, in final position, and predict that final obstruent voicing does not exist. In contrast, phonetic-historical accounts explain skewed patterns of voicing in terms of common phonetically based devoicing tendencies, allowing for rare cases of final obstruent voicing under special conditions. In this article, phonetic and phonological evi - dence is offered for final obstruent voicing in Lakota, an indigenous Siouan language of the Great Plains of North America. In Lakota, oral stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ are regularly pronounced as [b], [l], and [ɡ] in word- and syllable-final position when phrase-final devoicing and preobstruent devoic - ing do not occur.* Keywords : final voicing, final devoicing, markedness, Lakota, rare sound patterns, laboratory phonology 1. Final obstruent devoicing and final obstruent voicing in phonological theory . There is wide agreement among phonologists and phoneticians that many of the world’s languages show evidence of final obstruent devoicing (Iverson & Salmons 2011). Like many common sound patterns, final obstruent devoicing has two basic in - stantiations: an active form, involving alternations, and a passive form, involving static distributional constraints. -
Modelling Sonority with Complementary Symbol and Signal Based Models
The double life of language systems: Modelling sonority with complementary symbol and signal based models Aviad Albert1 & Bruno Nicenboim2,3 1 Department of Linguistics—Phonetics, University of Cologne 2 Department of Cognitive Science and Artificial Intelligence, Tilburg University 3 Department of Linguistics, University of Potsdam Abstract Sonority is a fundamental notion in phonetics and phonology, central to many descriptions of the syllable and evidently useful as a predictor of phonotactics (i.e., the propensity of different consonants and vowels to com- bine via concatenation). Although widely-accepted, sonority lacks a clear basis in speech articulation or perception, and traditional sonority princi- ples exhibit gaps in empirical coverage, while they are also not designed to be compatible with general cognitive capacities. Against the backdrop of traditional sonority accounts, which have been exclusively based on dis- crete and symbolic machinery to model sonority, we propose an incorpo- ration of symbol-based and signal-based models to adequately account for sonority with two complementary models. We claim that sonority is primar- ily a perceptual phenomenon related to the strength and quality of pitch per- ception, postulating a universal drive to optimize syllables as pitch-bearing units. We suggest a measurable acoustic correlate for sonority in terms of periodic energy, and we provide a novel principle that can account for syl- labic well-formedness based on principles of competition in real-time; the Nucleus Attraction Principle (NAP). We present two perception experiments that test our two NAP-based models against four traditional sonority models and we use a Bayesian data analysis approach to test and compare the differ- ent sonority models. -
The Contribution of Obstruent Consonants and Acoustic Landmarks to Speech Recognition in Noise
The contribution of obstruent consonants and acoustic landmarks to speech recognition in noise ͒ Ning Li and Philipos C. Loizoua Department of Electrical Engineering, University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, Texas 75083-0688 ͑Received 14 April 2008; revised 8 September 2008; accepted 10 September 2008͒ The obstruent consonants ͑e.g., stops͒ are more susceptible to noise than vowels, raising the question whether the degradation of speech intelligibility in noise can be attributed, at least partially, to the loss of information carried by obstruent consonants. Experiment 1 assesses the contribution of obstruent consonants to speech recognition in noise by presenting sentences containing clean obstruent consonants but noise-corrupted voiced sounds ͑e.g., vowels͒. Results indicated substantial ͑threefold͒ improvement in speech recognition, particularly at low signal-to-noise ratio levels ͑−5 dB͒. Experiment 2 assessed the importance of providing partial information, within a frequency region, of the obstruent-consonant spectra while leaving the remaining spectral region unaltered ͑i.e., noise corrupted͒. Access to the low-frequency ͑0–1000 Hz͒ region of the clean obstruent-consonant spectra was found to be sufficient to realize significant improvements in performance and that was attributed to improvement in transmission of voicing information. The outcomes from the two experiments suggest that much of the improvement in performance must be due to the enhanced access to acoustic landmarks, evident in spectral discontinuities signaling the onsets of obstruent consonants. These landmarks, often blurred in noisy conditions, are critically important for understanding speech in noise for better determination of the syllable structure and word boundaries. © 2008 Acoustical Society of America.