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is not uncommon. !e Joy Luck Club (1993) is a film 7Z^c\8]^cZhZ that was based on Amy Tan’s best selling novel where four Chinese American mother-daughter pairs grap- l^i]djii]Z ple with their individual identities as Chinese and as Americans. In the film, the four daughters understand 8]^cZhZAVc\jV\Z/ Chinese but speak English exclusively, with only June speaking a little Chinese. !e mothers, though, speak >ckZhi^\Vi^c\i]Z a patois of Chinese and English (Heung 1997). As first generation immigrants, they do not speak Eng- AVc\jV\ZH]^[id[ lish well—often omitting auxiliary verbs and making grammatical errors whilst constructing a sentence: 8]^cZhZ>bb^\gVcih when Suyan chides June, “Only two kind of daughters. !ose obedient and those who follow own mind!” (Tan ^cH^c\VedgZVcY 1989). !e same is representative of the Chinese American community in San Francisco and 6bZg^XV is reflected in the four short interviews I conducted in BVcnhZXdcYVcYi]^gY\ZcZgVi^dc the West Coast of America. 8]^cZhZ^bb^\gVciha^k^c\^cH^c" Kelly Wu, 35, Chinese transnational from Beijing \VedgZVcY^c6bZg^XVÒcYi]Zb" who married a Canadian: hZakZhjcVWaZidheZV`i]Z8]^cZhZ aVc\jV\ZÓjZcian#=dlY^Yi]ZaVc" “!e second generation of Chinese immigrants \jV\Zh]^[iVlVn[gdbi]Z8]^cZhZ speaks fluent English and even though they can aVc\jV\ZidlVgYhi]Z:c\a^h]aVc" understand Chinese, they may not necessarily be fluent in it…. the second and third generation \jV\ZV[[ZXii]Z^YZci^i^Zhd[8]^cZhZ might altogether lose the ability to speak Chi- ^bb^\gVcih^ci]ZhZildY^[[ZgZci nese.” \Zdeda^i^XVaXdciZmih4 It is evident that most Chinese who have grown up in America as second generation Chinese immigrants

Singapore Dreaming (2006) is a film about a regular wo films, !e Joy Luck Club and Singaporean family aspiring for material wealth. In- Dreaming shed light on the language situation terestingly, this film illustrates the language situation in communities. Together in Singapore—a similar shift away from the use of Twith interviews I conducted in the West Coast of other Chinese dialects to Mandarin and a preferential America, they highlight a language shift from Chi- use of English by the younger generation. Anne Pa- nese to English. In each film, representative of the lan- kir attributes this shift from various Chinese dialects guage situation in America and Singapore, an older to Mandarin by Chinese of the older generation of Chinese demonstrates fluency in Chi- generation to the Speak Mandarin Campaign, a cam- nese whilst the younger prefers to use English. Noting paign designed by the Singaporean government that the similarity of the language situation in both coun- encourages Chinese Singaporeans to discard their en- tries, this paper explores the implications of this lan- trenched linguistic behavior for Mandarin (1992). For guage shift and the disjuncture between language and over three decades, this was a successful effort by the a shared ethnic identity. Whilst cinematic discourse government to mould the Chinese population of Sin- and the interviews suggest the dilution of a single gapore into a more manageable, homogenized com- Chinese ethnic identity following a language shift to munity (Pakir 1992). Furthermore, educational policy the , this paper explores instead, the in Singapore strives to produce English Knowing Bi- localization of a Chinese identity in the two geopoliti- linguals—bilinguals who are proficient in English as cal contexts by using the theoretical concepts of deter- well as their ethnically-related official language (Tam- ritorialization and consequent reterritorialization. il, Mandarin or Malay) (Pakir 1992). !e two couples, CK and Mei and Irene and Seng, communicate exclu- 8^cZbVi^XY^hXdjghZ/i]ZaVc\jV\Z sively in English even though all are English knowing bilinguals. And although Ma speaks only , h]^[id[^bb^\gVci8]^cZhZ Mei and Irene talk to her in Mandarin. Irene and Mei Xdbbjc^i^Zh represent the functional shift away from using Chi- nese dialects other than state-prescribed Mandarin !e inability of Chinese immigrants who grew up when they interact with Ma. outside of Mainland to speak Chinese fluently In both America and Singapore, we see the younger Volume 1, Issue 1, March 2008 | 21 generation using more English and less Chinese than nomic development and inter-ethnic communication the generation before them. In America, the lack of a (Rappa and Wee 2006). Set in its historical context, we policy saw second generation immi- can now see that post independence, bilingualism had grants start to lose their ability to speak Chinese so as a “strong rhetorical resonance” ( 2007) with the to assimilate into dominant and defend them- ruling party, the People’s Action Party (PAP), because selves from the anti-Chinese movement during the it was founded on the ideology of . era of Chinese Exclusion in America ( 1998). In !us, English was chosen as a “neutral” language that Singapore, language policy dictates all ethnic Chinese was neutral amongst the different ethnicities existing to learn Mandarin as a second language in schools. in Singapore for inter-ethnic communication. Also, Although the number of Chinese dialect speakers has Singapore’s expulsion from Malaysia saw the end of a dwindled over the decades, the language shift is “be- potential common market and hinterland whereupon ing made in favor of English rather than Mandarin” Singaporean leaders had to look out of the Southeast (Pakir 1992). !is language shift to English, where Asia region for economic survival (Chong 2007). ethnic Chinese lose the ability to speak the Chinese Naturally, English was chosen as Singapore’s working language, can be conceptualized as a deterritorializa- language due to its pervasiveness in science and tech- tion of . nology as well as the global economy (Rappa and Wee 2006). !e adoption of an English knowing bilingual AVc\jV\Zh]^[iVhYZiZgg^idg^Va^oVi^dc/ policy was, and still remains, an extension of the PAP- state’s multiculturalism and pragmatic ideology. JcYZghiVcY^c\i]ZaVc\jV\Zh]^[i^c ^ihhdX^d"]^hidg^XVaXdciZmi# !e dominance of English as a prestigious lan- guage that can offer social mobility is exemplary in Garcia Canclini (1995) conceptualizes deterritori- Singapore Dreaming (2006). Mei claimed she did not alization in his book, Hybrid : Strategies for want her baby to be brought up by Ma because she Entering and Leaving Modernity, as “the loss of ‘natu- did not want him learning the Hokkien dialect from ral’ relation of culture to geographical and social ter- her. Instead, she wanted her baby to be brought up by ritories” (229). !is concept of deterritorialization, Pinky, the maid, so that he would be able to pick up where culture and language is no longer tied up to English easily. Similarly, Pinky, a Filipina, also had places we inhabit (Tomlinson 1999), is applicable to to be well versed in English in order to survive and our discussion of language shift. !e shift towards work in Singapore. Mei and Irene also use English English by Chinese immigrants in both America as the language of administration in their workplace. and Singapore can be seen as a deterritorialization of Ma, the only one who is effectively monolingual in identity—there is a loss of ties between ethnic Chi- the film, is unable to speak English. !is meant that nese and the Chinese Language as Chinese culture or she, together with her language, has been relegated to identity. As deterritorialization would almost effect a the domestic realm to fulfill the traditional function consequent reterritorialization, the process of “partial of a Chinese woman. !e rise of English as economi- territorial relocalization of old and new symbolic pro- cally viable, coupled with the success implementation ductions” (Caclini 1995), this paper also investigates of the Speak Mandarin Campaign, rendered dialects localization of the English language in a Chinese real- such as Hokkien and Teochew economically obsolete. ity and the resultant localized or reterritorialized Chi- !ere is a conscious effort by the state and its institu- nese identity in America and Singapore. tions to favor the English Language in instrumentalist terms (Rappa and Wee 2006). In the film, Pa excludes !e language shift of Chinese immigrant commu- Ma from many exchanges with their children when nities towards English as deterritorialization should be he speaks to them in English. !is intergenerational understood in its socio-historical context where it be- discourse gap between Ma and her children is exact- comes apparent that the language shift in Singapore is ing if not painful. Furthermore, English as a presti- relatively more planned and mechanistic as compared gious language was highlighted when Pa was to have to the one in America. !is language shift in Singa- his “Singapore Elite Club” interview in English. Here, pore, unlike that in America, has long been planned a deterritorialization of Chinese culture as a language by her government since Singapore’s independence in shift away from Mandarin and other Chinese dialects 1965. Language policies in Singapore are crafted to to- towards English shape the Chinese Singaporean iden- wards the goal of bilingualism (Pakir 1992) as English tity. is learnt in school as a First Language and an ethnic mother tongue is learnt as a Second Language to “har- !e language shift of the overseas Chinese com- ness distinct cultural values as ‘cultural ballast’” (Lim munity in America towards English, as compared to 1999) as well as to “reinforce the racial categorization Singapore, can be said to be more organic and sponta- and boundary maintenance” (Lim 1999). !e concept neous. !e lack of a language policy in America that of linguistic instrumentalism is vital in this discourse, encourages ethnic Chinese to pick up the Chinese where English in Singapore is seen as a language that language formally in schools also add to the organic would help attain utilitarian goals such as socio-eco- language shift towards English. Today, a Mandarin or speech community is only sustained in USP Undergraduate Journal | 22

American and mostly amongst first and I had conducted in San Francisco. second generation Chinese immigrants who came to America directly from . English is Jonathan Ho, 23, American Chinese studying in used by as cultural and linguistic College: capital to assimilate into the American society. !e need to assimilate into the of Amer- “!e Chinese language is very important. As Chi- ica for Asian Americans as a marginal group after the nese we should know how to speak the language.” Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 meant that English, more than ever, was an important tool needed in the Kim Wu, 37, Chinese Canadian, Mother: process of cross-cultural adaptation (Wong 1998). In this sense, as an implication of the language shift, the “I think it is important for ethnic Chinese to identity of Chinese immigrants have been deterrito- know the Chinese language and if I had the rialized chance, I would like to send my children for lan- guage immersion programmes.” In !e Joy Luck Club (1993), mothers and daugh- ters alike express anxiety over the inability to reconcile Even Amy Tan, author of !e Joy Luck Club novel, their Chinese heritage with their immediate American reflected this view during an interview. Acknowl- surroundings. As such, the American daughters use edging her inability to speak the language well, Tan English as cultural and linguistic capital to assimilate claimed: into dominant American culture. Socially, this can be seen in the girl’s cross cultural relationships with men. “I would never attempt to speak Chinese to people Waverley dates Rich Schields, an American  their because I thought “Oh, they’re going to say, ‘Her main medium of communication and understanding Chinese is so bad. How could she ever be Chi- being English. Rose, also married to an American, nese?... If our parents came from another country, Ted Jordon, hosts dinner parties and entertains her we may feel at some point that we can never be- husband’s American business counterparts. She also come as Chinese, as Mexican, or whatever as our requires English as linguistic capital to communicate parents.” (Heung 1997) with her husband and his businessmen partners. Fur- thermore, English was vital in helping the daughters So, did the language shift entail a loss of what it attain high flying careers and becoming economically means to be Chinese for overseas Chinese? successful. Waverly is an attorney in a big law firm, reflecting the empowerment she gains by using the I]ZÓj^YcZhhd[Zi]c^X^YZci^in English language as linguistic capital. June is a free- lance writer, whose writings and advice Waverly’s firm consults with. !e written word of English is thus also Discourses over ethnic traditions and a shared eth- important to June’s career. Without the English lan- nic identity are the residue of a racial colonial legacy. guage, the Chinese daughters would not have had the A strong proponent of the Confucian ethic, Lee Kuan linguistic and consequent to adapt to Yew believes that people share an intrinsic “natural the American society, both socially and economically. empathy” with those who share their physical attri- !e English language has thus helped Chinese Ameri- butes, culture and language ( 1997). According cans in their upward social mobility. !e implication to Elaine Tan (1998), many Chinese do find a “natu- of this language shift towards the English language is ral link between ‘China’ and ‘Chinese’” (56). !ere is also a similar deterrorialization of Chinese culture. widespread essentialization of what Chinese culture is and that Chinese culture and values are one in the same. Despite this, I argue that there is no one ethnic EgdWaZbVi^o^c\VaVc\jV\Zh]^[i Chinese identity. In fact, the fluidity of ethnic iden- idlVgYhi]Z:c\a^h]aVc\jV\Z tity as a social construct is illustrated in !e Joy Luck Club when Amy Tan deliberately chooses four differ- ent parts of China for each mother to portray equally, !e retention of Chinese roots in language is an th issue which the mothers in !e Joy Luck Club grap- differing facets of early 20 Century China (Schueller ple with constantly. !e mothers worry that family 1997). Besides, overseas Chinese today do not have knowledge and Chinese heritage minimally preserved much emotional sentiment for China. Distinguished in their hybrid language will be lost in generations af- by generation, those that have been educated in the ter them (Heung 1997). In America, the older genera- West “have not given up the concept of an ancestral tions feel a need for the younger ones to learn the lan- home, but their affection for China is not as deep [as guage for the sake of their heritage. !is leads one to their parents]” (Ong 1997). Contrary to the “natural wonder if one social implication of the language shift empathy” overseas Chinese are supposed to have for their fellow kinsmen as proposed, the is a complementary or subsequent loss of ethnic iden- th tity. !is very concern and belief, that the Chinese real empathy they share with mainland Chinese in 20 language is essential in asserting an ethnic Chinese Century China only extended up to investments and identity is very much evident in the interviews which ultimately profits. Furthermore, to claim that Con- Volume 1, Issue 1, March 2008 | 23 fucian values bind Chinese communities together is daughter’s inability to speak their ethnic language essentialism, since “the majority of English-speaking means a loss of family knowledge and heritage. For Chinese in communities have never the mothers, the patois of part English and part Chi- read Confucius” (Ong 1997). Instead, the make up nese dialect they speak is a form of “self-inscription” of their beliefs and practices is a “heterogeneous mix in a foreign culture (Heung 1997), a way to preserve of interacting Chinese elements, other cultures and heritage in the new reality of America. "e Chinese state definitions of national culture from above” (Ong words that they incorporate into their English-medi- 1997). Hence it is clear, that there is no such ethnic um speech serve to “duplicate aspects of self-identity one-ness or “national empathy” for Chinese and over- that have no equivalent meaning in another language” seas Chinese. Instead what remains of ethnic identity (Heung 1997). As equivalence of language cannot be in different geopolitical contexts are varied and have readily established across languages (Liu 1997), words been localized. like lihai (powerful) and nengan (competent) must re- main in their original Chinese form in other to “retain What I propose to encapsulate the variation and their power and meaning” (Heung 1997). Also, the localization of ethnic identity is the concept of trans- narrators reflect on their inability to translate con- culturation popularized by Mary Louise Pratt. Pratt cepts and sentiments from the Chinese language to describes as a process in which “mar- the English language. Although the daughters under- ginal groups select and invent from materials trans- stand some of the Chinese lexicon and the mothers mitted to them by a dominant… culture” (1992). themselves speak English, communication is often Transculturation, a concept that acknowledges both hard, as it becomes, for mothers and daughters, a mat- deterritorialization and consequent reterritorializa- ter of translation where equivalence of sentiments is tion of culture, is linked to localization, where mar- often difficult to achieve. "e problem of translation ginal groups choose the extent of a dominant culture is highlighted in the story of !e Joy Luck Club right they absorb into their own (Pratt 1992) in forming from the beginning, where the parable June tells of a unique culture meaningful to their self-identity. It “Feathers from a "ousand Li Away”. "is parable il- is, in other words, the “fusion of indigenous and the lustrates the inability of the mother and daughter to foreign to create a new, original cultural product” truly communicate because they are both versed in (Taylor 2003). Using this concept of transcultura- different languages. "e loss of nuances and meanings tion, K. Scott Wong studied the American Chinese through translation is a major theme of the film. identity transformation, concluding that Chinese immigrants to the , combined the two "e powerful liberal democratic American ideol- worldviews—of traditional China and of the modern ogy which forms much of the American identity also United States—to forge a “new and distinctively Chi- precipitates as part of the Chinese American identity. nese American cultural sensibility” (Chen 2002). An In Being Chinese, Becoming Chinese American, Chen overriding sense of national identity is mixed with a Shehong (2002) proposed elements aiding the crystal- traditional Chinese worldview to produce a new lo- lization of the Chinese American identity. First was calized hybrid of Chinese-ness unique to Chinese in faith in Republicanism and Democracy. Secondly was the new land. Although ethnic identity and Chinese an inclusion of selected Christian values in construct- culture has been deterritorialized by a language shift ing a Chinese American identity—in !e Joy Luck towards English, reterritorialization and an overall Club, we are told that the Mothers and Daughters transculturation helps in the localization of an ethnic go to Church. Lastly was a strong belief the liberal identity. Instead of the old “East-West binary”, there ideology of Rawlsian equality and justice. As such, exist “ identities” emerging “from the choice to language, and other socioeco- the continuous invention and reinvention of Chi- nomic issues are open to Chinese Americans like they nese-ness” as a product of the “nostalgic imaginaries never were for Chinese in communist China. In fact, marketed by late capitalism and its culture industries” this liberal ideology sometimes runs in stark contrast (Ong and Nonini 1997). with Confucian values, which emphasizes subordinate women and unchallenged social hierarchy. AdXVa^oVi^dcd[8]^cZhZ^YZci^inVh "is overriding sense of national identity incorpo- gZiZgg^idg^Va^oVi^dc rated into a localized ethnic identity is evident in !e Joy Luck Club. While days of arranged and "e localization of Chinese-ness in America ex- betrothal haunt the mothers, the daughters now find emplifies the language situation this paper is inves- themselves in the “upwardly mobile, design-conscious, tigating. Despite being unable to speak the language, divorce-prone” Americanized world (Schell 1997). the daughters in !e Joy Luck Club still live their lives "e contemplative nature of the narrative teases out, with elements of Chinese culture. "is is evident in for the Americanized daughters, what it means to be a the reterritorialization of language use in their lived- Chinese in America. Faced with racist remarks about Chinese consciousness where the mothers appropriate bring Vietnamese, Rose retorts “I am not Vietnamese, dominant linguistic form to shape their own identity. I am American” (Tan 1989). In this exchange, there is In !e Joy Luck Club, the mothers worry that their no mention of her being Chinese and a sense that the USP Undergraduate Journal | 24 reader gets is that the Chinese American today sees lar of the plot. !e “herbal tea” translation of liang teh herself first as an American before she is a Chinese. does not bring out the same significance and meaning Perhaps the language shift from the Chinese language as the direct translation of “cooling tea”. Of course, the was also catalyzed by this liberal and pro-choice at- concept of heaty and cooling, wherein a Chinese con- titude towards learning the ethnic language. Isabel cept of Yin and Yang is used to explain what is healthy Yeow, a 28 year old American Chinese also echoed a or not is peculiar to Traditional Chinese Medicine common sentiment of a pro-choice approach to pre- (TCM) and has no equivalent lexicon in the English serving Chinese culture and heritage: language that encapsulates its meaning.

“I really think that learning the language is a Amalgamating developmentalist and pragmatic choice. Even more so, it is a choice for Chinese to ideology together with lived Chinese-ness, the Singa- choose if they want to assert their ethnic identity porean Chinese identity, similar to that of the Chinese through their language as well.” American identity, is a product of reterritorialization and localization of Chinese culture. As such, through Adopting “Christian, capitalist and liberal demo- reterritorialization, overseas migrants of Chinese an- cratic values” (Chen 2002) together with Chinese cul- cestry can still relate to being Chinese. tural values, the Chinese American identity of today is hence a product of reterritorialization and localiza- 8dcXajh^dc tion.

!e developmentalist and pragmatic Singaporean !e language shift towards English, apparent in identity fostered by the PAP-state (Kong and Yeoh cinematic discourse representative of reality, has a sim- 2003) precipitates as part of the reterritorialized Sin- ilar implication in both America in Singapore, where gaporean Chinese identity. Chinese-ness in Singapore Chinese culture is deterritorialized. It is disconcerting is made homogenous through governmental efforts to many Chinese that a language shift may lead to and is infused with a certain element of economic a “dilution” of a single Chinese ethnic identity when enterprise and developmentalist ideology. Lim En younger overseas Chinese cease to speak the language. Yu argues that “the great amount of concern over es- In this paper, I have argued that such a single Chinese tablishing a cohesive Chinese community has led to ethnic identity does not exist because ethnicity is fluid the state’s promotion of Mandarin and Confucian and localized in the socio-historical context of Singa- Values” (Lim 1999). !e developmentalist and prag- pore and America through transculturation. As such, matic ideology of the people has led to an acceptance overseas Chinese have created a new reterritorialized of the language policy and a “money worshipping Chinese-ness by combining their new-found national cult” which indirectly translate to the “worship” of identity together with their ethnic identity. Despite the English Language because of its instrumentalist the deterritorialized language shift to English, each and pragmatic function. Pervasiveness of the state in individual overseas ethnic Chinese is still comfort- Singapore has made the implementation of language able with seeing himself as Chinese because of a reter- policies successful in making young Singaporeans ritorialization or localization of what it means to be English-knowing bilinguals. Singaporeans now very Chinese in two different geopolitical contexts that is comfortably draw racial lines which are superimposed Singapore and America. upon language differences.

In the diversified of Singapore, what makes you Chinese and thus distinct from the rest is what Elaine Tan calls “lived Chinese-ness” (Tan 1998), where Chinese-ness is incorporated into ev- GZ[ZgZcXZh eryday life such as the use of Mandarin for intra-eth- nic communication, practicing rituals and the use of Canclini, Garcia. 1995. Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering certain Chinese lexicon as part of . and Leaving Modernity, translated by Christopher L. Chiappari and Silvia L.. Minnesota: University of Minnesota “At the primary level of everyday life, Chinese-ness Press. is lived out in the family milieu and expressed in or- Chen, S. H. 2002. Being Chinese, becoming Chinese American. dinary habits, attitudes, idioms and gestures that are Urbana: University of Illinois Pres. Chong, Terence. 2007. !e Cultural Politics of English and rooted in Chinese tradition that are transmitted over . In Border Crossings: Moving between Languages time” (Lim 1999). In Singapore, a variant of English & Cultural Frameworks, edited by Lee, Su Kim, !, called Singlish exists as a way for Singaporeans to Siew Ming and Lee, King Siong. Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications. preserve significance in the new reality where Eng- Heung, M. 1997. Asian American Women Writers (H. Bloom, lish dominates. Words like cooling, heaty and rojak in Ed.). Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers. Singapore English also preserve parts of self identity Lim E. Y. 1999. Shifting Meanings of Ethnic Identity: the case of Chinese in Singapore. Unpublished dissertation, National which “have no equivalent in another language”. One University of Singapore. instance in Singapore Dreaming is introspective where Liu, Lydia H.. 1997. Translingual Practice: !e Discourse of Ma, coupled with the motif of the liang teh, is the pil- Individualism between China and the West. In Formations Volume 1, Issue 1, March 2008 | 25

of Colonial Modernity in East Asia, edited by Tani E. Barlow.. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. Kong, Lily and Yeoh, Brenda. 2003. Housing the People, Building a “Nation”. In !e Politics of Landscapes in Singapore: Constructions of “Nation”. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2003. Ong, A. 1997. Ungrounded Empires: !e cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism, edited by Ong, A., and Nonini, D. M. New York: Routledge. Ong, A., and Nonini, D. M. 1997. Ungrounded Empires: !e cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism. New York: Routledge. Pakir, Anne. 1992. English Knowing Bilinguals in Singapore. In Imagining Singapore. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1992. Pratt, Mary Louise. 1992. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London: Routledge. Rappa, Antonio and Wee, Lionel. 2006. Language Policy and Modernity in Southeast Asia: Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and !ailand. New York: Springer, 2006. Schell, O. 1997. Asian American Women Writers (H. Bloom, Ed.). Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers. Schueller, M. J. 1997. Asian American Women Writers (H. Bloom, Ed.). Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers. Tan, A. 1989. !e Joy Luck Club, London : Harper Perennia. Tan, E. 1998. Seeing and Crafting Chinese Selves: A study on being Chinese in Singapore. Unpublished dissertation, National University of Singapore. Taylor, Diana. 2003. Memory as : Mestizaje, Hybridity , Transculturation. In !e Archive and the Repertoire: Performing in the Americas. Durham: Duke University Press. Tomlinson, John. 1999. Globalization and Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press , W. and Tan, A and Bass, R and Markey, P (Producers), and Wang, W (Director). 1993. !e Joy Luck Club (Motion Picture). Burbank: Hollywood Pictures Home Video. Wong, K. Scott. 1998. Cultural Defenders and Brokers: Chinese Responses to the Anti-Chinese Movement. In Claiming America: Constructing Chinese American Identities during the Exclusion Era, edited by K. Scott Wong and Sucheng . Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Wu, W. (Producer), and Goh, C. (Director) and Woo, Y. Y. (Co- director). 2006. Singapore Dreaming (Motion Picture). Singapore: Scorpio East Entertainment Pte Ltd.