Don't Be Normal, Don't Be Fascist!
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fascism 4 (2015) 209-212 brill.com/fasc Book Review ∵ Mats Deland, Michael Minkenberg and Christin Mays, ed. In the Tracks of Breivik: Far Right Networks in Northern and Eastern Europe (Berlin/ Vienna: lit Verlag, 2014). Four years have already passed since Anders Behring Breivik, apparently single-handedly, committed the most murderous and destructive terrorist atrocity by the far right in post-war Europe. In 2011–2012, particularly during his criminal trial in Oslo, there was a lively public debate in in the Scandinavian media as to whether Breivik was a fascist, or represented some other permuta- tion of the contemporary European far right – an Islamophobic ‘counter-jihad- ist’; a militant, conservative nationalist; or a Christian extremist.1 Somewhat counterintuitively, since then relatively little scholarly attention has been devoted within comparative fascist studies to the implications of Breivik’s deeds, ideology, and self-proclaimed pan-European revolutionary movement. The title of this anthology – In the Tracks of Breivik – would suggest that its primary purpose is to map the far right networks of northern and eastern Europe in relation to the terrorist acts of July 22, 2011. Even if we realize that this formulation is an unfortunate literal translation of the Swedish phrase ‘i spåren av [Breivik]’ – for which a more idiomatic English rendering would be ‘in the wake of [Breivik]’, the implication would still be that the findings of the book are located in some direct relation to Breivik and his crimes. Even the promotional blurb on the back cover, as well as the opening and closing words of the introduction, reinforce this expectation. -
COVID-19: How Hateful Extremists Are Exploiting the Pandemic
COVID-19 How hateful extremists are exploiting the pandemic July 2020 Contents 3 Introduction 5 Summary 6 Findings and recommendations 7 Beliefs and attitudes 12 Behaviours and activities 14 Harms 16 Conclusion and recommendations Commission for Countering Extremism Introduction that COVID-19 is punishment on China for their treatment of Uighurs Muslims.3 Other conspiracy theories suggest the virus is part of a Jewish plot4 or that 5G is to blame.5 The latter has led to attacks on 5G masts and telecoms engineers.6 We are seeing many of these same narratives reoccur across a wide range of different ideologies. Fake news about minority communities has circulated on social media in an attempt to whip up hatred. These include false claims that mosques have remained open during 7 Since the outbreak of the coronavirus (COVID-19) lockdown. Evidence has also shown that pandemic, the Commission for Countering ‘Far Right politicians and news agencies [...] Extremism has heard increasing reports of capitalis[ed] on the virus to push forward their 8 extremists exploiting the crisis to sow division anti-immigrant and populist message’. Content and undermine the social fabric of our country. such as this normalises Far Right attitudes and helps to reinforce intolerant and hateful views We have heard reports of British Far Right towards ethnic, racial or religious communities. activists and Neo-Nazi groups promoting anti-minority narratives by encouraging users Practitioners have told us how some Islamist to deliberately infect groups, including Jewish activists may be exploiting legitimate concerns communities1 and of Islamists propagating regarding securitisation to deliberately drive a anti-democratic and anti-Western narratives, wedge between communities and the British 9 claiming that COVID-19 is divine punishment state. -
Political Trends in Russia
russian analytical russian analytical digest 60/09 digest analysis Fascist Tendencies in Russia’s Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement By Andreas Umland, Eichstaett, Bavaria Abstract Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to deeply penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia in ways that many in the West do not realize or understand. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. Among Dugin’s most important collaborators are electronic and print media commentator Mikhail Leont’ev and the legendary TV producer and PR specialist Ivan Demidov. If Dugin’s views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that the West should expect from Russia during the coming years. The Rise of Aleksandr Dugin course that must be taken seriously. Dugin’s numerous In recent years, various forms of nationalism have be- links to the political and academic establishments of a come a part of everyday Russian political and social life. number of post-Soviet countries, as well as institutions Since the end of the 1990s, an increasingly aggressive in Turkey, remain understudied or misrepresented. In racist sub-culture has been infecting sections of Russia’s other cases, Dugin and his followers receive more se- youth, and become the topic of numerous analyses by rious attention, yet are still portrayed as anachronis- Russian and non-Russian observers. Several new radi- tic, backward-looking imperialists – merely a partic- cal right-wing organizations, like the Movement Against ularly radical form of contemporary Russian anti-glo- Illegal Emigration, known by its Russian acronym balism. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Identity & In-Group Critique in James Mason's Siege
A Paler Shade of White: Identity & In-group Critique in James Mason’s Siege J.M. Berger RESOLVE NETWORK | April 2021 Racially and Ethnically Motivated Violent Extremism Series https://doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.1 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the RESOLVE Network, the U.S. Institute of Peace, or any entity of the U.S. government. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 2 HISTORY AND CONTEXT ...................................................................................... 4 METHODOLOGY: LINKAGEBASED ANALYSIS ............................................... 6 OVERVIEW OF CONTENT ..................................................................................... 7 INGROUP CRISIS: A PALER SHADE OF WHITE .............................................13 INGROUPS IN CRISIS ........................................................................................20 THE OUTGROUP IN THE INGROUP ...............................................................23 CONCLUSION: INSIGHTS & RECOMMENDATIONS .....................................25 BIBLIOGRAPHY .....................................................................................................28 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Discussions of extremist ideologies naturally focus on how in-groups criticize and attack out-groups. But -
Understanding the Land Ethic By: James Thomas Erbaugh
Understanding the Land Ethic By: James Thomas Erbaugh Approved by: ____________________, Advisor Dr. Richard Momeyer ____________________, Reader Dr. Kimberly Medley ____________________, Reader Dr. Pascal Massie i Acknowledgements My advisor, Dr. Richard Momeyer, provided continuous support, inspired feedback, and enlightened direction throughout my research and writing. Dr. Pascal Massie and Dr. Kimberly Medley greatly strengthened my thought and writing with their careful readings and valuable critiques. Finally, the Honors Department and the Department of Philosophy at Miami University provide the opportunity to pursue an undergraduate thesis, an opportunity I have found deeply rewarding. To these people and departments: thank you. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………i Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………...ii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One: Leopold‟s Land Ethic and Callicott‟s Development………………………7 Chapter Two: Critique and Defense of the Land Ethic…………………………………..22 Chapter Three: Application and Critique………………………………………………...37 iii Introduction More than a decade before the environmental revolution of the 1960s, Aldo Leopold published A Sand County Almanac. “The Land Ethic,” one of the most compelling essays in A Sand County Almanac, provides normative direction for the human relation to and use of the land. Over half a century later, the ethical maxims and directions provided within “The Land Ethic” are still being discussed; foremost among supporters—and revisers—of Leopold‟s -
1 U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points
U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points: • Some modern white supremacist groups, such as The Base, Hammerskin Nation, and Atomwaffen Division, subscribe to a National Socialist (neo-Nazi) ideology. These groups generally make no effort to hide their overt racist belief that the white race is superior to others. • Other modern white supremacist groups, however, propagate their radical stances under the guise of white ethno-nationalism, which seeks to highlight the distinctiveness––rather than the superiority––of the white identity. Such groups, which include the League of the South and Identity Evropa, usually claim that white identity is under threat from minorities or immigrants that seek to replace its culture, and seek to promote white ethno- nationalism as a legitimate ideology that belongs in mainstream political spheres. • Most modern white supremacist groups eschew violent tactics in favor of using demonstrations and propaganda to sway public opinion and portray their ideologies as legitimate. However, their racial elitist ideologies have nonetheless spurred affiliated individuals to become involved in violent altercations. • White supremacist groups often target youth for recruitment through propaganda campaigns on university campuses and social media platforms. White supremacists have long utilized Internet forums and websites to connect, organize, and propagate their extremist messages. Executive Summary Since the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) first formed in 1865, white supremacist groups in the United States have propagated racism, hatred, and violence. Individuals belonging to these groups have been charged with a range of crimes, including civil rights violations, racketeering, solicitation to commit crimes of violence, firearms and explosives violations, and witness tampering.1 Nonetheless, white supremacist groups––and their extremist ideologies––persist in the United States today. -
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center
Testimony of Lecia Brooks Chief of Staff, Southern Poverty Law Center before the Subcommittee on National Security, International Development and Monetary Policy Committee on Financial Services United States House of Representatives Dollars against Democracy: Domestic Terrorist Financing in the Aftermath of Insurrection February 25, 2021 My name is Lecia Brooks. I am chief of staff of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). Now in our 50th year, the SPLC is a catalyst for racial justice in the South and beyond, working in partnership with communities to dismantle white supremacy, strengthen intersectional movements, and advance the human rights of all people. SPLC lawyers have worked to shut down some of the nation’s most violent white supremacist groups by winning crushing, multimillion-dollar jury verdicts on behalf of their victims. We have helped dismantle vestiges of Jim Crow, reformed juvenile justice practices, shattered barriers to equality for women, children, the LGBTQ+ community, and the disabled, and worked to protect low-wage immigrant workers from exploitation. The SPLC began tracking white supremacist activity in the 1980s, during a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan and other organized extremist hate groups. Today, the SPLC is the premier U.S. nonprofit organization monitoring the activities of domestic hate groups and other extremists. In the early 1990s, the SPLC launched its pioneering Teaching Tolerance program to provide educators with free, anti-bias classroom resources, such as classroom documentaries and lesson plans. Now renamed Learning For Justice, our program reaches millions of schoolchildren with award-winning curricula and other materials that promote understanding of our nation’s history and respect for others, helping educators create inclusive, equitable school environments. -
Fascist Ecology: the Gr" Een Wing" of the Nazi Party and Its Historical Antecedents Peter Staudenmaier Marquette University, [email protected]
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications History, Department of 1-1-2011 Fascist Ecology: The Gr" een Wing" of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents Peter Staudenmaier Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. "Fascist Ecology: The Gr" een Wing" of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents," in Ecofascism Revisited: Lessons from the German Experience. Eds. Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press, 2011: 13-42. Permalink. © 2011 New Compass Press. PETER STAUDENMAIER FASCIST ECOLOGY: THE uGREEN WING" OF THE NAZI PARTY AND ITS HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS "We recognize that separating humanity from nature, from the whole of life, leads to humankind's own destruction and to the death of nations. Only through a re-integration of humanity into the whole of nature can our people be made stronger. That is the fundamental point of the biological tasks of our age. Humankind alone is no longer the focus of thought, but rather life as a whole . This striving toward connectedness with the totality of life, with nature itself, a nature into which we are born, this is the deepest meaning and the true essence of National Socialist thought:' 1 In our zeal to condemn the status quo, radicals often carelessly toss about epithets like "fascist" and "ecofascist;' thus contributing to a sort of conceptual inflation that in no way furthers effective social critique. In such a situation, 13 ECOFASCISM REVISITED it is easy to overlook the fact that there are still virulent strains of fascism in our political culture which, however marginal, demand our attention. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Ideology Research Unit
Ideology Research Unit YEAR IN REVIEW REPORT RESEARCH UNIT HEAD: BALŠA LUBARDA MEMBERS: DR IMRAN AWAN DR VALERIO ALFONSO BRUNO MICHAEL COLE DR JAMES F. DOWNES DR MAUREEN EGER DR BERNHARD FORCHTNER JULIAN GÖPFFARTH MONIKA HUEBSCHER BRIAN HUGHES DANIEL JONES DR ARISTOTLE KALLIS MAXIMILIAN KRETER DR CHAMILA LIYANAGE ASHLEY MATTHEIS DR HALEY MCEWEN DR ANDREAS ÖNNERFORS DR JOHN E. RICHARDSON ALESSIO SCOPELITTI K. E. SHROPSHIRE DR VASILIKI TSAGKRONI SABINE VOLK DR RUTH WODAK DECEMBER 2020 CARR IDEOLOGY RESEARCH UNIT YEAR-IN-REVIEW 2020 About the Ideology Research Unit The CARR Ideology Research Unit (IRU) aims to address and explore the conceptual issues around the terminology and the relationship between the different strands of radical right ideology. How can we delineate between various strands of radical right, such as fascism, accelerationism, New Right, metapolitics, populism, but also the uneasy relationship with some of the more ‘established’ ideologies, such as that of liberalism, conservatism, or socialism and ecologism? The role of IRU is to look at how these mutually informing yet sometimes very distant notions overlap intellectually. About the CARR Year in Review Reports The CARR Year in Review reports feature the latest research from CARR Fellows reflecting back on significant developments over the course of the year, specifically on topics pertaining to the individual Research Units. CARR Year in Review reports aim to provide a useful resource within a broader network of scholars, practitioners, and policymakers focusing on key dynamics of the radical right. Managing Editor: Dr Eviane Leidig About the Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right The Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right (CARR) is a UK-based research centre and pedagogical outreach initiative focused on the study and countering of radical right extremism and intersecting phenomena (e.g. -
Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14