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Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Catalogue of the Amphibians of Venezuela: Illustrated and Annotated Species List, Distribution, and Conservation 1,2César L
Mannophryne vulcano, Male carrying tadpoles. El Ávila (Parque Nacional Guairarepano), Distrito Federal. Photo: Jose Vieira. We want to dedicate this work to some outstanding individuals who encouraged us, directly or indirectly, and are no longer with us. They were colleagues and close friends, and their friendship will remain for years to come. César Molina Rodríguez (1960–2015) Erik Arrieta Márquez (1978–2008) Jose Ayarzagüena Sanz (1952–2011) Saúl Gutiérrez Eljuri (1960–2012) Juan Rivero (1923–2014) Luis Scott (1948–2011) Marco Natera Mumaw (1972–2010) Official journal website: Amphibian & Reptile Conservation amphibian-reptile-conservation.org 13(1) [Special Section]: 1–198 (e180). Catalogue of the amphibians of Venezuela: Illustrated and annotated species list, distribution, and conservation 1,2César L. Barrio-Amorós, 3,4Fernando J. M. Rojas-Runjaic, and 5J. Celsa Señaris 1Fundación AndígenA, Apartado Postal 210, Mérida, VENEZUELA 2Current address: Doc Frog Expeditions, Uvita de Osa, COSTA RICA 3Fundación La Salle de Ciencias Naturales, Museo de Historia Natural La Salle, Apartado Postal 1930, Caracas 1010-A, VENEZUELA 4Current address: Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Río Grande do Sul (PUCRS), Laboratório de Sistemática de Vertebrados, Av. Ipiranga 6681, Porto Alegre, RS 90619–900, BRAZIL 5Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas, Altos de Pipe, apartado 20632, Caracas 1020, VENEZUELA Abstract.—Presented is an annotated checklist of the amphibians of Venezuela, current as of December 2018. The last comprehensive list (Barrio-Amorós 2009c) included a total of 333 species, while the current catalogue lists 387 species (370 anurans, 10 caecilians, and seven salamanders), including 28 species not yet described or properly identified. Fifty species and four genera are added to the previous list, 25 species are deleted, and 47 experienced nomenclatural changes. -
The Killing Game: a Theory of Non-Democratic Succession
Research in Economics 69 (2015) 398–411 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Research in Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/rie The killing game: A theory of non-democratic succession Georgy Egorov a,n, Konstantin Sonin b,c a Northwestern University, United States b University of Chicago, United States c Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia article info abstract Article history: The winner of a battle for a throne can either execute or spare the loser; if the loser is Received 13 April 2015 spared, he contends the throne in the next period. Executing the losing contender gives Accepted 26 May 2015 the winner a chance to rule uncontested for a while, but then his life is at risk if he loses to Available online 16 July 2015 some future contender who might be, in equilibrium, too frightened to spare him. The Keywords: trade-off is analyzed within a dynamic complete information game, with, potentially, an Non-democracy infinite number of long-term players. In an equilibrium, decisions to execute predecessors Succession depend on the predecessors’ history of executions. With a dynastic rule in place, Execution incentives to kill the predecessor are much higher than in non-hereditary dictatorships. Reputation The historical illustration for our analysis contains a discussion of post-World War II Markov perfect equilibrium politics of execution of deposed leaders and detailed discussion of non-hereditary military dictatorships in Venezuela in 1830–1964, which witnessed dozens of comebacks and no single political execution. & 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd. on behalf of University of Venice. “Who disagrees with our leadership, will get a spit into his face, a blow onto his chin, and, if necessary, a bullet into his head”. -
The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion
n the fi eld of higher education research, one of the most fascinating observations is the consistent and permanent expansion of higher education systems worldwide since theI end of the Second World War. Undoubtedly, the predominant approach to address Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri these developments has been through quantitative analysis, as well as international comparisons. The following work examines the particularities of the Venezuelan context with the aim of identifying specifi c features of this worldwide phenomenon in this South The Transformational Potential American case. Through a combination of qualitative methods, the author proposes a of Higher Education Inclusion biographical approach for the study of higher education inclusion processes, which takes into account the perspectives and experiences of those who have been targeted by an ambitious higher education expansion process. The most distinctive feature of this work Biographical Trajectories of Students would be its methodological contribution to the fi eld of higher education research. One from Disadvantaged Environments could also argue that the ethnographic account of the Bolivarian Missions of education in Venezuela in Chavez’s Venezuela is both original and unprecedented. Furthermore, the writing approach bridges the interests of both academics, practitioners of the fi eld and members of the general public. Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion ISBN: 978-3-86395-310-2 Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag -
Translating Brazil: from Transnational Periodicals to Hemispheric Fictions, 1808-2010
Translating Brazil: From Transnational Periodicals to Hemispheric Fictions, 1808-2010 By Krista Marie Brune A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literatures in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Natalia Brizuela, Co-chair Professor Candace Slater, Co-chair Professor Scott Saul Spring 2016 Abstract Translating Brazil: From Transnational Periodicals to Hemispheric Fictions, 1808-2010 by Krista Marie Brune Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literatures University of California, Berkeley Professor Natalia Brizuela, Co-chair Professor Candace Slater, Co-chair This dissertation analyzes how travel and translation informed the construction of Brazil as modern in the 19th century, and how similar processes of transnational translation continue to shape the cultural visibility of the nation abroad in the contemporary moment. By reading journals, literary works, and cultural criticism, this study inserts Brazilian literature and culture into recent debates about translatability, world literature, and cosmopolitanism, while also underscoring the often-overlooked presence of Brazilians in the United States. The first half of the dissertation contends that Portuguese-language periodicals Correio Braziliense (London, 1808-1822), Revista Nitheroy (Paris, 1836), and O Novo Mundo (New York, 1870-1879) translated European and North American ideas of technology and education to a readership primarily in Brazil. The transnational circulation of these periodicals contributed to the self- fashioning of intellectuals who came to define the nation. To suggest parallels between Brazil and the United States in the late 19th century, the analysis of O Novo Mundo focuses on discourses of nation, modernity, and technological progress emerging in the hemispheric travels of scientists, intellectuals, and the Brazilian empire Dom Pedro II, and in the national displays at the 1876 Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia. -
Music Censorship and Brazilian Popular Music (MPB) Throughout Brazil’S Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964-1985)
THAIS NICODEMO Music Censorship and Brazilian Popular Music (MPB) throughout Brazil’s Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) Introduction: Popular music as an eminent threat This article presents a panoramic view on the relationship between popular music and censorship during civil-military regime in Brazil (1964-1985). The research is based on the analysis of several documents produced during the period held at the Arquivo Nacional (National Archive), in Brasília. Among the documents in the archive are orig- inal versions of lyrics, censors’ reports and letters addressing censorship, written by record label personnel and artists, advocating the approval of prohibited songs. Although there have been extensive and important studies on censorship in this period, the specific subject of music censorship has still been little explored in the academic field in Brazil and has been gaining more attention since the opening of the music censorship archives to public consultation in the early 1990s. In 2012, the Comissão Nacional da Verdade (National Truth Commission) was created, aiming to investigate human right violations by the state, especially during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, giving particular attention to several documents produced dur- ing the regime, including censorship documents. This fact represents the possibil- ity of a revision of Brazil’s history and stimulates civil society to debate about the dictator ship period, which still leaves strong traces in the recent and fragile trajectory of democracy in the country. When I consulted the material at the Arquivo Nacional, in 2013, the documents were in a poor state of conservation, without detailed cata- loguing of content. -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism. -
Russia's Intervention in Venezuela: What's at Stake?
POLICY BRIEF Russia’s Intervention in Venezuela: What’s at Stake? SEPTEMBER 2019 JOHN E. HERBST and JASON MARCZAK bsent of civil war, Venezuela is suffering the world’s worst humanitarian crisis in recent memory. Malnourished children search for their next meal. Parents lack access to even the most basic medicine for their families. Rampant inflation Amakes money instantaneously worthless, while general lawlessness provides a breeding ground for illicit trade with tentacles that reach from the Americas to Europe and beyond.1 It is an astonishing crash for a country bestowed with the world’s larg- est oil reserves and that was once a beacon of prosperity and a thriving democracy. Today, twenty years after Hugo Chávez became president and six years after his successor, Nicolás Maduro, inherited the presi- dential palace, Venezuela’s breakneck descent into one of the world’s top crises has renewed a push for democratic change. Following Maduro’s assumption of a fraudulent new term in office, much of the world’s attention and optimism turned to Juan Guaidó, president of the National Assembly, and as of January 23, 2019, the interim president of The Adrienne Arsht Latin Venezuela, as now recognized by more than fifty democracies.2 America Center broadens global understanding of regional transformations But Guaidó and other democratic forces face headwinds for reasons through high-impact work that beyond the repression and violence unleashed by the Maduro regime. shapes the conversation among External actors are using Venezuela as a battleground for their own policymakers, the business selfish national interests, bolstering the corrupt and faltering Maduro community, and civil society. -
Evaluating the Political Crisis in Venezuela
Dubai International Academy Model United Nations 2020| 12th Annual Session Forum: Fourth General Assembly (Special Political and Decolonization) Issue: Evaluating the Political Crisis in Venezuela Student Officer: Aryan Totawat Position: President Chair Introduction On January 23rd 2019, at a protest held in Caracas against President Nicolas Maduro, Juan Guaido declared himself interim President of Venezuela. Within weeks, Guaido gained the support and recognition of numerous nations opposed to the Maduro regime, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Canada, and Colombia, among many others. On the other hand, Russia and China reaffirmed their support for the Maduro regime, which labelled Guaido’s actions as “illegal” and as constituting a “coup”. While it immediately polarized the global community and propelled Venezuelan domestic affairs into the international spotlight, Guaido’s move to assume the presidency was far from a knee jerk action; it was merely another development in Venezuelan politics, an inevitable climax brought about by the actions of the Maduro regime as well as of his dissenters over the past several years. Since succeeding the infamous Hugo Chavez to the Venezuelan presidency in 2013, Maduro has frequently and repeatedly endeavoured to undermine democratic institutions in Venezuelan politics while expanding his own executive authority. These efforts became especially pronounced after the Democratic Union Roundtable (DUR), a political faction consisting of those opposed to the Maduro regime, won a majority in the National Assembly in the 2015 Venezuelan legislative elections. Additionally, the Maduro regime has been accused of human rights abuses and authoritarianism for its oftentimes violent, tyrannical crackdowns on protests and political dissent. -
Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela
Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela by Aaron Kappeler A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology University of Toronto © Copyright by Aaron Kappeler 2015 Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela Aaron Kappeler Doctor of Philosophy Degree Anthropology University of Toronto 2015 Abstract Sowing the State is an ethnographic account of the remaking of the Venezuelan nation- state at the start of the twenty-first century, which underscores the centrality of agriculture to the re-envisioning of sovereignty. The narrative explores the recent efforts of the Venezuelan government to transform the rural areas of the nation into a model of agriculture capable of feeding its mostly urban population as well as the logics and rationales for this particular reform project. The dissertation explores the subjects, livelihoods, and discourses conceived as the proper basis of sovereignty as well as the intersection of agrarian politics with statecraft. In a nation heavily dependent on the export of oil and the import of food, the politics of land and its various uses is central to statecraft and the rural becomes a contested field for a variety of social groups. Based on extended fieldwork in El Centro Técnico Productivo Socialista Florentino, a state enterprise in the western plains of Venezuela, the narrative analyses the challenges faced by would-be nation builders after decades of neoliberal policy designed to integrate the nation into the global market as well as the activities of the enterprise directed at ii transcending this legacy. -
Du Cericentre De Recherches
les études du Ceri Centre de Recherches Internationales Amérique latine L’année politique 2015 Une publication de l’Observatoire politique de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes Amérique latine - L’Année politique 2015 est une publication de l’Observatoire politique de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes (Opalc) du CERI-Sciences Po. Il prolonge la démarche du site www.sciencespo.fr/opalc en offrant des clés de compréhension d’un continent en proie à des transformations profondes. Des informations complémentaires sont disponibles sur le site. Les auteurs Maya Collombon est maître de Marilde Loiola de Menezes est conférence en science politique à professeur à l’Institut de science politique Sciences Po Lyon de l’Université de Brasilia Hélène Combes est chargée de Frédéric Louault est professeur de recherche au CNRS (CERI-Sciences Po) science politique, Université libre de Bruxelles (Cevipol), vice-président de Olivier Dabène est professeur des l’Opalc universités à Sciences Po Paris, président de l’Opalc Frédéric Massé est directeur du Centro de Investigaciones y Proyectos Especiales Gaspard Estrada est diplômé de Sciences (CIPE) de l’Université Externado de Po, analyste politique à l’Opalc Colombia Marie Laure Geoffray est maître de conférences en science politique à Mohcine Mounjid est docteur en l’IHEAL-Sorbonne Nouvelle relations internationales de l’Université Mohammed V de Rabat Ana Carolina González Espinosa, est chercheure associée de l’Université Eduardo Rios est doctorant rattaché au Externado de Colombia CERI-Sciences Po Erica Guevara est maître de conférences Darío Rodriguez est membre de l’Opalc à l’Université de Paris 8 et chercheur associé au CREDA-Paris 3 Damien Larrouqué est doctorant rattaché au CERI-Sciences Po Les Etudes du CERI - n° 217-218 - Opalc - décembre 2015 2 Table des matières Introduction Cuba et la Colombie, lueurs d’espoir d’une Amérique latine en pleine tourmente par Olivier Dabène ......................................................................................................... -
Venezuela 2018 Human Rights Report
VENEZUELA 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Venezuela is formally a multiparty, constitutional republic, but for more than a decade, political power has been concentrated in a single party with an increasingly authoritarian executive exercising significant control over the legislative, judicial, citizens’ power (which includes the prosecutor general and ombudsman), and electoral branches of government. On May 20, the government organized snap presidential elections that were neither free nor fair for the 2019-25 presidential term. Nicolas Maduro was re-elected through this deeply flawed political process, which much of the opposition boycotted and the international community condemned. His illegitimate next term was scheduled to begin on January 10, 2019. The opposition gained supermajority (two-thirds) control of the National Assembly in the 2015 legislative elections. The executive branch, however, used its control over the Supreme Court (TSJ) to weaken the National Assembly’s constitutional role to legislate, ignore the separation of powers, and enable the president to govern through a series of emergency decrees. Civilian authorities maintained effective, although politicized, control over the security forces. Human rights issues included extrajudicial killings by security forces, including colectivos (government-sponsored armed groups); torture by security forces; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; and political prisoners. The government restricted free expression and the press by routinely blocking signals, and