Exercises and Adversaries: the Risks of Military Exercises
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Tstable of Content
ZZ LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2017 North Atlantic Treaty Organization London International Model United Nations 18th Session | 2017 tsTable of Content 1 ZZ LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2017 Table of Contents Table of Contents WELCOME TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION .............................................................. 3 INTRODUCTION TO THE COMMITTEE .................................................................................................................. 4 TOPIC A: FORMING A NATO STRATEGY IN CYBERSPACE ............................................................................. 5 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................................... 5 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM ............................................................................................................................................. 6 Timeline of notable attacks ....................................................................................................................................... 7 1998 – 2001 “MOONLIGHT MAZE” ....................................................................................................................... 7 2005 – 2011 TITAN RAIN & BYZANTINE HADES .................................................................................................. 8 2007 Estonia DDoS Campaigns ............................................................................................................................... -
ENGLISH Only
The OSCE Secretariat bears no responsibility for the content of this document FSC.DEL/31/21 and circulates it without altering its content. The distribution by OSCE 29 January 2021 Conference Services of this document is without prejudice to OSCE decisions, as set out in documents agreed by OSCE participating States. ENGLISH only STATEMENT on the Joint Turkish-Azerbaijani Large-Scale Military Exercise as delivered by the Delegation of the Republic of Armenia at the 966th Plenary Meeting of the Forum for Security Co-operation 27 January 2021 Madam Chairperson, On 17 January the Ministry of Defense of Turkey announced through its official website about conducting the «Winter-2021» joint Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercise in Kars from 1 to 12 February. This was followed by information disseminated by the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan on the departure of the military personnel and equipment of the Nakhijevan Combined Army of Azerbaijan to Turkey to take part in the joint military exercise. According to the Turkish media reports, the planned exercise is expected to be one of the largest winter military drills of recent times aimed, among others, at improving cooperation and coordination during joint military operations and testing combat capabilities under extreme weather conditions. Reportedly, the military exercise will involve tank divisions, heavy artillery, sniper teams, helicopters and special forces. At the previous meeting of the FSC we drew the attention of the participating States to this exercise. In response to our inquiry Turkish delegation here in Vienna insisted that the exercise was not notified under the Vienna Document because of the small number of the military personnel and equipment to be engaged in it. -
India, Pakistan and the Kashmir Dispute Asian Studies Institute & Centre for Strategic Studies Rajat Ganguly ISSN: 11745991 ISBN: 0475110552
Asian Studies Institute Victoria University of Wellington 610 von Zedlitz Building Kelburn, Wellington 04 463 5098 [email protected] www.vuw.ac.nz/asianstudies India, Pakistan and the Kashmir Dispute Asian Studies Institute & Centre for Strategic Studies Rajat Ganguly ISSN: 11745991 ISBN: 0475110552 Abstract The root cause of instability and hostility in South Asia stems from the unresolved nature of the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. It has led to two major wars and several near misses in the past. Since the early 1990s, a 'proxy war' has developed between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. The onset of the proxy war has brought bilateral relations between the two states to its nadir and contributed directly to the overt nuclearisation of South Asia in 1998. It has further undermined the prospects for regional integration and raised fears of a deadly IndoPakistan nuclear exchange in the future. Resolving the Kashmir dispute has thus never acquired more urgency than it has today. This paper analyses the origins of the Kashmir dispute, its influence on IndoPakistan relations, and the prospects for its resolution. Introduction The root cause of instability and hostility in South Asia stems from the unresolved nature of the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. In the past fifty years, the two sides have fought three conventional wars (two directly over Kashmir) and came close to war on several occasions. For the past ten years, they have been locked in a 'proxy war' in Kashmir which shows little signs of abatement. It has already claimed over 10,000 lives and perhaps irreparably ruined the 'Paradise on Earth'. -
The Missing Puzzle Piece in Translation Pedagogy: Adaptive and Elastic Competence
Journal ofTrw The Missing Puzzle Piece in Translation Pedagogy: Adaptive and Elastic Competence Grace Qiao Zhang Curtin University, Australia Abstract The study of effective and innovative translation pedagogy has been drawing increasing attention in recent years, but the training of adaptive and elastic competence is somewhat overlooked. This study investigates the importance of strategic translation through the theoretical lens of Verschueren's (1998) Adaptation Theory. The analysis is based on a case study of the 2001 Sino-American Hainan airplane collision crisis, and in pru.ticular the pivotal role of different versions of the American "two sorries" letter in facilitating the resolution. It highlights the need to incorporate language adaptation and the interests of all parties in a translation. This study argues that translation is a negotiable and adaptable process, influenced by both overt and covert components, and that this process should be reflected in translation education by fostering the ability to get behind the text to cater to the interests of all interested patties: that is, to cultivate adaptive and elastic competence. The findings suggest that a realistic, balanced, and robust account of adaptation and elasticity is needed for effective translation education. 1. Introduction Tertiary translation and interpreting education focuses too much on academic and literary translation, and there are immediate needs for training in commercial translation (Schellekens 2004). There have_been ©Department of Translation, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. Published by The Chinese University Press, ISSN 1027-7978. Journal of Translation Studies 14 (1 & 2) (2011) Missing Puzzle Piece in Translation Pedagogy important developments that suggest a more effective and innovative person to person . -
10 Pakistan's Nuclear Program
10 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM Laying the groundwork for impunity C. Christine Fair Contemporary analysts of Pakistan’s nuclear program speciously assert that Pakistan began acquiring a nuclear weapons capability after the 1971 war with India in which Pakistan was vivisected. In this conventional account, India’s 1974 nuclear tests gave Pakistan further impetus for its program.1 In fact, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first popularly elected prime minister, ini- tiated the program in the late 1960s despite considerable opposition from Pakistan’s first military dictator General Ayub Khan (henceforth Ayub). Bhutto presciently began arguing for a nuclear weapons program as early as 1964 when China detonated its nuclear devices at Lop Nor and secured its position as a permanent nuclear weapons state under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Considering China’s test and its defeat of India in the 1962 Sino–Indian war, Bhutto reasoned that India, too, would want to develop a nuclear weapon. He also knew that Pakistan’s civilian nuclear program was far behind India’s, which predated independence in 1947. Notwithstanding these arguments, Ayub opposed acquiring a nuclear weapon both because he believed it would be an expensive misadventure and because he worried that doing so would strain Pakistan’s western alliances, formalized through the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Ayub also thought Pakistan would be able to buy a nuclear weapon “off the shelf” from one of its allies if India acquired one first.2 With the army opposition obstructing him, Bhutto was unable to make any significant nuclear headway until 1972, when Pakistan’s army lay in disgrace after losing East Pakistan in its 1971 war with India. -
H. Con. Res. 430
109TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION H. CON. RES. 430 CONCURRENT RESOLUTION Whereas citizen-to-citizen exchanges offer unique opportuni- ties for learning from one another about commonly- shared solutions to problems, as well as different perspec- tives on forms of government and the aspirations other nations have for their citizens; Whereas the American Council of Young Political Leaders (hereinafter referred to as the ‘‘ACYPL’’) was incor- 2 porated on September 1, 1966, by young leaders to open lines of communication and increase cross cultural under- standing among future generations of political leadership; Whereas ACYPL prepares in-depth study tours for young leaders, aged between 25 and 40 years old, to give them much-needed international exposure early in their polit- ical careers; Whereas ACYPL targets young politicians likely to assume future positions of responsibility and leadership as Fed- eral and State legislators, mayors, city council members and other State and local elected officials, many of whom may not have previously traveled outside the United States; Whereas ACYPL programs are strictly bipartisan: American delegates are drawn equally from both major political parties and from all 50 States; ACYPL’s overseas delega- tions are chosen to represent the political and cultural di- versity of their home countries; Whereas every dollar ACYPL receives in Federal funding be- comes about another dollar and fifty cents through cost- share, in-kind contributions and outside fundraising, making this program one of the most cost effective -
Escalation Control and the Nuclear Option in South Asia
Escalation Control and the Nuclear Option in South Asia Michael Krepon, Rodney W. Jones, and Ziad Haider, editors Copyright © 2004 The Henry L. Stimson Center All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior permission in writing from the Henry L. Stimson Center. Cover design by Design Army. ISBN 0-9747255-8-7 The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street NW Twelfth Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone 202.223.5956 fax 202.238.9604 www.stimson.org Table of Contents Preface ................................................................................................................. v Abbreviations..................................................................................................... vii Introduction......................................................................................................... ix 1. The Stability-Instability Paradox, Misperception, and Escalation Control in South Asia Michael Krepon ............................................................................................ 1 2. Nuclear Stability and Escalation Control in South Asia: Structural Factors Rodney W. Jones......................................................................................... 25 3. India’s Escalation-Resistant Nuclear Posture Rajesh M. Basrur ........................................................................................ 56 4. Nuclear Signaling, Missiles, and Escalation Control in South Asia Feroz Hassan Khan ................................................................................... -
India-Pakistan Conflicts – Brief Timeline
India-Pakistan Conflicts – Brief timeline Added to the above list, are Siachin glacier dispute (1984 beginning – 2003 ceasefire agreement), 2016- 17 Uri, Pathankot terror attacks, Balakot surginal strikes by India Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 The war, also called the First Kashmir War, started in October 1947 when Pakistan feared that the Maharaja of the princely state of Kashmir and Jammu would accede to India. Following partition, princely states were left to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain independent. Jammu and Kashmir, the largest of the princely states, had a majority Muslim population and significant fraction of Hindu population, all ruled by the Hindu Maharaja Hari Singh. Tribal Islamic forces with support from the army of Pakistan attacked and occupied parts of the princely state forcing the Maharaja Pragnya IAS Academy +91 9880487071 www.pragnyaias.com Delhi, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Tirupati & Pune +91 9880486671 www.upsccivilservices.com to sign the Instrument of Accession of the princely state to the Dominion of India to receive Indian military aid. The UN Security Council passed Resolution 47 on 22 April 1948. The fronts solidified gradually along what came to be known as the Line of Control. A formal cease-fire was declared at 23:59 on the night of 1 January 1949. India gained control of about two-thirds of the state (Kashmir valley, Jammu and Ladakh) whereas Pakistan gained roughly a third of Kashmir (Azad Kashmir, and Gilgit–Baltistan). The Pakistan controlled areas are collectively referred to as Pakistan administered Kashmir. Pragnya IAS Academy +91 9880487071 www.pragnyaias.com Delhi, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Tirupati & Pune +91 9880486671 www.upsccivilservices.com Indo-Pakistani War of 1965: This war started following Pakistan's Operation Gibraltar, which was designed to infiltrate forces into Jammu and Kashmir to precipitate an insurgency against rule by India. -
Navy RPA Comments- Through 12/18/2020
Navy RPA Comments- through 12/18/2020 I object to the Navy’s proposal to use our State Parks for training. There are serious problems with the proposal. Allowing the Navy to use our State Parks for training would further militarize our society, taking over a large number of parks (29) for military training. We use our parks for peace, solitude, getting back to nature, getting in tune with our family and ourselves. There is no need to use these spaces. Stop, just stop. This is a terrible idea. I firmly object. This is wrong. Stop.1 The Navy has and continues to destroy our state and national parks, our homes, environment, wildlife and communities with toxic jet noise and war games. Our State Parks are for us the Citizens, not military war games. Just say no to the Bullish Toxic Navy.2 I OBJECT to the Navy’s proposal to use our State Parks for training! There are serious problems with the proposal. Allowing the Navy to use our State Parks for training would further militarize our society, taking over a large number of parks (29) for military training. One of the key responsibilities for civil authorities is to tell the military when enough is enough. Just say NO to using public parks for military training!3 In these days of great division in our civil society, we don't need stealthy men in camo uniforms toting toy guns around our State and County Parks. People frequent parks to escape tension, not to encounter more. Keep the Navy commando training out of our parks!4 Please don’t let the military train in our parks.5 I am vehemently opposed to allowing military training in our 29 public parks. -
Training to Fight – Russia's Major Military Exercises 2011–2014
“Train hard, fi ght easy.” The Russian 18th century General Aleksandr Norberg Johan toFight Training Vasilievich Suvorov (see cover) is said to never have lost a battle. The main idea of his dictum is clear. Armed forces train to fi ght. The more they train, the better they get. Exercises are primarily a way to develop capabilities in units, build the fi ghting power of a force and, ultimately, the military power of the state. How did military exercises contribute to the fi ghting power of Russia’s Armed Forces in 2011 – 2014? Based on reporting in Russian open sources, the main conclusion in this report is that the Russian Armed Forces exercises enabled them to train how to launch and fi ght large-scale joint inter-service operations, i.e. launching and waging inter-state wars Training to Fight – Russia’s Major Military Exercises 2011–2014 Johan Norberg FOI-R--4128--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se December 2015 Johan Norberg Training to Fight – Russia’s Major Military Exercises 2011–2014 Press Bild/Cover: TT/The Art Collector/Heritage. Alexander Suvorov, Russian general, (1833). In a military career lasting almost 60 years, Suvorov (1729-1800) never lost a battle. In 1799-1800, during the War of the Second Coalition against France, he led a Russian army on an epic retreat across the Alps reminiscent of Hannibal. Found in the collection of The Hermitage, St Petersburg. FOI-R--4128--SE Titel Training to Fight Title Training to Fight Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4128--SE Månad/Month December Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 100 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet / Swedish Ministry of Defence Forskningsområde 8. -
Cold Start – Hot Stop? a Strategic Concern for Pakistan
79 COLD START – HOT STOP? A STRATEGIC CONCERN FOR PAKISTAN * Muhammad Ali Baig Abstract The hostile environment in South Asia is a serious concern for the international players. This volatile situation is further fuelled by escalating arms race and aggressive force postures. The Indian Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) has supplemented negatively to the South Asian strategic stability by trying to find a way in fighting a conventional limited war just below the nuclear umbrella. It was reactionary in nature to overcome the shortcomings exhibited during Operation Parakram of 2001-02, executed under the premise of Sundarji Doctrine. The Cold Start is an adapted version of German Blitzkrieg which makes it a dangerous instrument. Apart from many limitations, the doctrine remains relevant to the region, primarily due to the attestation of its presence by the then Indian Army Chief General Bipin Rawat in January 2017. This paper is an effort to probe the different aspects of Cold Start, its prerequisites in provisions of three sets; being a bluff based on deception, myth rooted in misperception, and a reality flanked by escalation; and how and why CSD is a strategic concern for Pakistan. Keywords: Cold Start Doctrine, Strategic Stability, Conventional Warfare, Pakistan, India. Introduction here is a general consensus on the single permanent aspect of international system T that has dominated the international relations ever since and its history and relevance are as old as the existence of man and the civilization itself; the entity is called war.1 This relevance was perhaps best described by Leon Trotsky who averred that “you may not be interested in war, but war may be interested in you.”2 To fight, avert and to pose credible deterrence, armed forces strive for better yet flexible doctrines to support their respective strategies in conducting defensive as well as offensive operations and to dominate in adversarial environments. -
United States Tactical Nuclear Doctrine: Developing a Capability
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1979 United States tactical nuclear doctrine: Developing a capability Christopher Michael Cooke College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Military and Veterans Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cooke, Christopher Michael, "United States tactical nuclear doctrine: Developing a capability" (1979). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625067. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-zset-zj41 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. United States Tactical Nuclear ii Doctrines Developing A Capability A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillmait Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Christopher Cooke 1979 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Christopher Cooke Approved, August 1979 ar Magaret Hamilton ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express his appreciation to Professor Alan J. Ward, under whose guidance this study was conducted, for his very helpful advice and, especially, for his considerable editorial skill. The author is also indebted to Professors Margaret Hamilton and George Grayson for their careful reading and criticism of the manuscript. LIST OF TABLES Figure Page A.